fuBRARY 

I       WN»VtKSlTY  OF 

I-  SAN 


SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA 

IN 

THE  VIKING  AGE 


'The^)<y^Q 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

MKW  YORK         DOSTON    •    CHICAGO   •    DALLAS 
ATLANTA   •    SAN    FRASCIiCO 

MACMILLAN   &   CO  ,  Linrrco 

LONDON   ■    BOMBAY   •    CALCmA 
MBLBOmXB 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO  OF  CANADA.  Lto. 

TORONTO 


SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA 

IN 

THE  VIKING  AGE 


BY 

MARY  WILHELMINE  WILLIAMS,  Ph.D. 

Associate  Professor  of  History  in 
Goucher  College 


Jl^eto  gork 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 
1920 

All  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  1920, 
BY  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

Set  up  and  clectrotyped.      Published,  August.  1920 


TO 
MY  SISTERS  AND  BROTHERS 


Chattels  die;  kinsmen  pass  away; 
One  dies  oneself; 
But  good  report  never  dies 
From  the  man  that  gained  it. 

The  Guest's  Wisdom. 


PREFACE 

It  is  hoped  that  this  book  may  be  of  service  not  only 
to  the  serious  student  of  histor\"  and  allied  subjects  but 
also  to  the  general  reader  who  desires  to  learn  more 
about  a  people  who  for  a  long  period  played  a  leading 
and  unique  part  in  European  history,  and  who,  to  an 
extent  rarely  realized,  made,  directly  and  indirectly, 
a  lasting  contribution  to  the  cultural  development  of 
Europe  and  America. 

The  literary  sources  drawn  upon  in  the  preparation 
of  the  volume  are  listed  in  the  Bibliography  at  the  end 
of  the  book.  Considerable  attention  was  also  given  to 
an  examination  of  the  relics  to  be  found  in  the  archaeo- 
logical museums  of  Scandinavia. 

So  far  as  the  confusion  caused  by  the  World  War  per- 
mitted, permission  has  been  secured  for  the  reproduction 
of  illustrations ;  and  in  all  cases  proper  acknowledgment 
has  been  given.  The  quotations  at  the  heads  of  the  chap- 
ters are,  for  the  most  part,  selections  from  English  trans- 
lations of  the  sagas  and  eddas. 

I  feel  deep  obligation  to  the  many  kind  and  courteous 
ones  who  gave  ready  aid  towards  the  preparation  of 
the  book.  This  includes  members  of  museum  and  library 
staffs,  whose  names  in  some  cases  were  never  known  but 
whose  services  are  not  forgotten.  Special  acknowledg- 
ments are  due  to  the  late  Professor  Gabriel  Gustafson 
of  the  University  of  Christiania  and  to  Mr.  Halldor 
Hermannsson,  curator  of  the  Fiske  Icelandic  Collection 
of  Cornell  University.  Through  the  kindness  of  Pro- 
fessor Gustafson,  while  in  Christiania  I  had  the  oppor- 


X  PREFACE 

tunity  to  examine  the  contents  of  the  Oseberg  ship, — 
which  throw  much  light  upon  Scandinavian  culture  dur- 
ing the  Viking  Age, — though  they  were  not  yet  ready 
for  public  exhibition;  and  during  the  periods  when  I 
worked  at  Cornell,  gathering  material  from  books  in  the 
Fiske  Icelandic  Collection,  Mr.  Ilermannsson  placed  his 
extensive  biljliographical  knowledge  at  my  service  and 
extended  aid  in  innimierable  other  ways. 

When  the  book  was  in  manuscript  large  portions  of 
it  were  read  and  helpfully  criticized  by  two  friends  at 
Goucher  College — Dr.  Mary  Emma  Armstrong,  of  the 
Latin  department,  and  Dr.  Ella  Lonn,  a  colleague  in 
the  historj^  department. 

M.  W.  W. 

Baltimore,  Maryland, 
Februar>^  26,  1920. 


CONTEXTS 

CHAPTER  pj^gg 

I     The  Land  axd  the  People 1 

II     The  Ties  op  Kixship  and  Nationality 23 

III  Classes  of  Society 34 

IV  Infancy,  Childhood,  and  Youth 57 

V  Dress  and  Ornament;  Personal  Refinement    ...  72 

VI  Marriage  and  Divorce 88 

VII  Position  op  Womkn IO9 

VIII  Homesteads  and  Houses 123 

IX  House-Furnishings  and  Food 143 

X  Agriculture  and  the  Routine  op  Farm  Life     .     ,     .  163 

XI  Hunting,  Fow^ling,  and  Fishing 179 

XII  Transportation:   Internal  Travel;  Ships  and  Nauti- 
cal Science 191 

XIII  Trade  and  Commerce 215 

XIV  Markets  and  To\vns 235 

XV  The  Career  op  the  Viking  ;  Weapons  and  Warfare    .  248 

XVI    Government 269 

XVII     System  op  Justice 292 

XVIII     Soci-VL  Gatherings;  Recreations  and  Amusements     .  317 

XIX    Language  and  Literature  :  The  Runes 331 

XX    Learning  in  General;  Scientific  Knowledge;  Art     .351 

XXI    Religion:     Objects  op  Worship 363 

XXII    Religion  :     Places  and  Methods  op  Worship     .     .     .379 

XXIII  Superstition 397 

XXIV  Death  and  Burial 411 

Bibliography 43I 

Index 445 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

riGUHE 

1  Fragments  of  Embroidered  Cloth ' ' 

2  Silk  Cuff  or  Wristband  with  Pattern  Woven  in  Gold  Thread 

facing     78 

3  Pendants  in  the  Form  of  Thor's  Hammers     .      .      .        facing     78 

4  Large  Gold  Finger  Ring  Set  with  Blue  Stone 83 

5  Brooch  of  Typical  Tortoise-Shell  Shape  ....        facing     82 

6  Gold  Brooch  with  Unusual  Style  of  Ornamentation        facing     82 

7  Comb  of  Bone ^^ 

8  Buildings  in  Modem  Iceland  Based  on  Ancient  Models     .      .   129 

9  Elaborately  Car\'ed  Door  Frame facing  132 

10  Carved  Chair,  Back  View 145 

11  Side  View  of  Same  Chair 146 

12  Plain  Wooden  Bedstead 148 

13  Bronze  Key  Ornamented  with  Animal  Design 150 

14  Iron-Bound  Oaken  Chest  Ornamented  with  Nails     .        facing  150 

15  Bucket  with  Ornamental  Ears  Decorated  with  Enamel  facing  150 

16  Iron  Kettle  with  Tripod facing  152 

17  Skillet  with  Very  Long  Handle facing  154 

18  Decorated  Pitcher  of  Heavy  Earthenware      .      .      .        facing  154 

19  Vessels  of  Chased  Silver facing  154 

20  Carved  Horn  Spoon 1^3 

21  Two  Types  of  Sickle  and  Plow  Iron 166 

22  Anvil,  Casting  Ladle,  Hammers,  and  Axes 177 

23  Blacksmith's  Tongs,  Shears,  and  Other  Tools 178 

24  Engraving  from  a  Rune  Stone  from  a  Memorial  Bridge    .      .   193 

25  Bronze  Finishing  for  Harness facing  196 

26  Richly  Decorated  Spur  of  Gold facing  196 

27  Elaborately  Carved  Sledge fac^-^O  198 

28  Elaborately  Carved  Wagon facing  200 

29  Plans  of  a  Viking  Ship 204 

30  The  Oseberg  Ship facing  208 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

riGCHE 

31  Drawing  of  a  Dragon  Ship facing  208 

32  Vindskeidar  from  a  Ship's  Tent     .      .  ...   209 

33  Bronze  Balances facimg  228 

34  Weights  for  Balances,  Silver  Banj.  and  Picroa  of  Coin  facing  228 

35  Danish  Battle  Axe  with  Design  in  Silver 258 

36  Sword  with  Decorated  Handle factng  256 

37  Decorated  Helmet  of  Bronze  and  Iron  facing  256 

38  Playing  Piece  Representing  a  Berserker  with  a  Ixiog  Shield 

facimj  256 

39  Small  Wooden  Shield  with  a  Melni  Bom  -'-o 

40  Pieces  of  Boards  for  a  Table  (iaiiie It-' 

41  A  Horse-Fight  in  Iceland.     From  zin  Anri.  »if  Dmwmg  factng  3^* 

42  Two  Types  of  Runic  t'haractent    .      .  ....   347 

43  Elalmrate  Car>ing  on  a  Sletlge  Shaft       .  factng  360 

44  Pictorial  Stone  from  the  Island  of  (iotlnnd   .  '  i^m,'  360 

45  Ground  Plan  of  an  Icelandic  Temple  .  -181 

46  Grave  Chamber  of  Quwn  Thyra  of  I^nmark  116 

47  Modem  View  of  Circular  Burial  Mound  ....  far%n<j  422 

48  Burial   Place  with   Monuinmtnl   Stoni-n  in  Outline  of  a  Ship 

factng  422 

49  R<)\iirh-IIewn  Monumental  Stone  with  Thorn  Hammoni  .   423 

50  Pictorial  Monumental  Rune  Stone factng  424 

Map  Showing  Towns  and  Areas  of  Scandinavian  Influmc*  at  Front  of 

Book. 


iMARKLAND 


so^ 


TOWNS   AND   AREAS 

OF 

SCANDINAVIAN    INFLUENCE 


SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN 
THE   VIKING  AGE 

CHAPTER  I 

THE    LAND   AND   THE   PEOPLE 

The  Dani  and  Sueones  and  the  other  peoples  beyond  Dania  are  called 
by  the  Frankish  historians  Normans,  whilst  however  the  Romans  sim- 
ilarly call  them  Hyperboreans,  of  whom  Martianus  Capella  speaks  with 
much  praise.  .  .  .  When  one  has  passed  beyond  the  islands  of  the 
Danes  a  new  world  opens  in  Sueonia  and  Nordmannia,  wliieh  are  two 
kingdoms  of  wide  extent  in  the  north,  and  hitherto  almost  unknown  to 
our  world.  Of  them  the  learned  king  of  the  Danes  told  me  that  Nord- 
mannia can  scarcely  be  traversed  in  a  month,  and  Sueonia  not  easily  in 
two.  .  .  .  On  the  borderland  of  the  Sueones  or  Nordmanni  on  the  north 
live  the  Scritefini,  who  are  said  to  outrun  the  wild  beasts  in  their  run- 
ning. 

Adam  of  Bremen. 

The  people  of  Scandinavian  stock,  during  the  surpris- 
ing activity  characterizing  them  from  the  close  of  the 
eighth  century  to  tlie  middle  of  the  eleventh,  _ 
spread  far  beyond  the  limits  of  their  early  Scandinavia 
base  in  northwestern  Europe.  In  the  New- 
World  they  established  themselves  on  the  west  coast  of 
Greenland,  and  for  a  brief  period  they  abode  upon  the 
mainland  of  North  America,  in  Vinland  the  Good;  east- 
ward, they  extended  their  sway  to  the  heart  of  the  present 
Russia,  and  were  not  without  influence  even  as  far  as 
Constantinople,  where  they  formed  the  bodyguard  of  the 
Byzantine  emperor;  their  movements  towards  the  North 
Pole  were  arrested  only  by  the  barriers  of  the  Arctic 
climate;  in  the  balmier  regions  to  the  south  they  made 
many  conquests,  setting  up  victorious  standards  in  Nor- 
mandy on  the  French  coast,  in  scores  of  places  in  the 

British  Isles,  in  Sicily  and  Southern  Italy,  and  they  even 

1 


2  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

threatened  to  gain  a  foothold  in  the  Iberian  Peninsula 
and  Northern  Africa,  in  \yhicli  places  for  a  short  time 
they  occupied  territory.^  Such,  broadly  speaking,  were 
the  remotest  frontiers  of  the  ethnic  empire  of  Greater 
Scandinavia,  but  with  the  geographic  character  of  the 
whole  of  tlie  territory  witliin  the  boundaries  indicated  this 
chapter  is  not  concerned,  for  non-Scandinavian  peoples 
influenced  to  a  considerable  extent  the  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Northmen  in  the  border  population,  though 
the  latter  often  formed  the  ruling  element.  Hence,  con- 
ditions here  were  less  representative  of  Scandinavian  cul- 
ture than  they  were  in  the  original  swarming  ground — 
Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden — and  in  Iceland,  the  first 
Scandinavian  colony  of  the  Viking  Age.  The  population 
of  these  ancient  lands  was  cliiefly  and  fundamentally  of 
Scandinavian  blood,  and  the  culture  was  primarily  of 
Northern  origin.  Since  these  countries  form  the  theatre 
in  which  took  jilaco  the  events  producing  and  reflecting 
the  social  characteristics,  a  glance  at  their  geography 
should  make  more  comprehensible  not  only  the  Northern 
culture,  but  also  the  actors  of  the  drama,  the  ancient 
Scandinavians  themselves. 

The  ])hysical  feature.'^  of  tlu'  units  making  up  inner 
Scandinavia  van-  greatly.  Denmark,  composed  of  the 
Topo  ra  h  attenuated  peninsula  of  .Tutland  and  a  group 
of  scattered  islands  to  the  eastward,  is, — ex- 
cept for  the  higli,  rocky  island  of  Bornholm.  forming 
the  extreme  eastern  limit  of  the  Danish  archipelago, — 
rather  flat  and  low-lying,  and  is  marked  liere  and  there 

1  The  followinp  works  (rent  of  the  spread  of  the  Northmen  diirinjf  the 
Vikinp  period:  (Jjers.-t.  Uitttory  of  Ihr  Sorirrfjian  PcnjAr ;  Haitkinii.  The 
Normana  in  European  Hiatory;  Hovpanrd,  Vot/agra  of  the  Soraemm  to 
America:  Johnson,  yormana  in  Europe:  Kliuhcvaky,  .4  Hiatory  of  Ruaaia ; 
Larson.  Canute  the  Great;  Mawrer,  The  Vikinga;  Nansen,  In  \ortherm 
Miata. 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE  3 

by  white  chalky  cliffs  suggestive  of  the  coasts  of  France 
and  England.  The  great  rocky  peninsula  lying  north- 
ward shows  a  broad,  gradual  incline  from  the  sea  and 
gulf  limiting  it  on  the  east  to  the  crest  of  the  Scandi- 
navian Alps,  at  the  west  of  which  there  is  a  short,  rapid 
drop  to  the  North  Sea.  In  the  rugged  mountains  on  the 
broadest  side  of  the  water-shed,  rise  the  long,  crooked 
rivers  which  expand  into  the  thousands  of  lakes  char- 
acterizing the  Swedish  landscape.  Here  and  there  along 
the  coast  of  Sweden  are  occasional  good  harbors,  and 
beyond  them  are  a  few  isolated  islands,  closely  bound 
with  the  early  history  of  the  peninsular  mainland.  In 
Nonvay,  on  the  steeper  side  of  the  mountain  crest, 
scarcely  a  river  worthy  of  the  name  exists.  Instead, 
there  are  short,  rapid,  vestigial  streams,  often  originat- 
ing in  the  snow-fields  and  glaciers  high  up  among  the 
mountains  and  tenninating  in  the  countless  cataracts 
and  waterfalls  which  tumble  madly  over  the  lofty  cliffs, 
contributing  greatly  to  the  majestic  beauty  of  Norway's 
fiord-indented  coast.  These  fiords,  the  sheer-walled 
** drowned  valleys,"  which  give  the  Norwegian  coastline 
its  peculiar  character,  are  very  deep,  and  range  from 
one  half  mile  to  two  miles  in  width.  Many  of  the  larg- 
est penetrate  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  miles  into  the  heart 
of  the  peninsula.  Near  the  moutlis  of  the  fiords,  like 
sentinels  guarding  the  mainland,  stand  groups  of  high, 
rocky  islands.  These  are  in  long,  narrow  archipelagoes, 
and  are  especially  numerous  towards  the  north.  With 
the  arms  of  the  sea  thus  beckoning  to  every  part  of  the 
land  and  offering  safe  harbors  for  the  mariner,  and  with 
the  islands  just  beyond,  to  serve  as  stepping  stones  out- 
ward, it  was  inevitable  that  the  Norwegians,  in  partic- 
ular, should  become  a  great  sea-faring  people.  Iceland,' 
on  the  other  side  of  the  North  Sea,  has,  like  Norway,  a 


4  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

generally  imeven  shoreline,  deeply  scored  by  fiords.  The 
coast  of  the\sland  is,  as  a  whole,  fertile,  and  some  pro- 
ductive vallej\  are  found  in  the  interior,  but  much  of  the 
surface  is  occupied  l)y  sand-  and  lava-deserts,  snow-fields, 
and  glacier-mantDsd  mountains.  Some  of  the  mountain 
peaks  are  active  volfeanoes,,  from  which,  now  and  then  in 
times  past,  have  poured  forth  srroat  rivers  of  lava,  bury- 
ing farms  and  homes,  and  permanently  devastating  large 
parts  of  the  island.  Hekla  is  the  most  famous  of  these, 
because  of  the  violence  of  its  eruptions,  but  Mount  Askja 
is  the  largest.  The  volcanic  character  of  Iceland  ex- 
plains the  presence  there  of  the  numerous  mud  lakes,  hot 
springs,  and  geysers,  which  have  increased  its  attractive- 
ness to  modern  tourists. 

Though  much  of  inner  Scandinavia  lies  close  beneath 

the  Arctic  Circle,  and  all  of  it  is  well  to  the  north  of  the 

parallel  marking  the  southern  limits  of  Lab- 

Climate  *  i         ,•  .     , 

rador,  the  climate  ot  the  region  as  a  whole, 
thanks  to  the  warm  ocean-  and  air-currents  from  the 
equatorial  belt,  is  mucli  kindlier  than  that  of  the  same 
latitude  elsewhere  in  the  world.  This  important  advan- 
tage made  ])ossible  the  comjiaratively  high  degree  of 
culture  found  in  these  far-northeni  lands  a  thousand 
years  ago.  The  Scandinavia  of  the  past  and  present 
is  just  as  truly  the  result  of  these  benevolent  natural 
influences  as  Egypt  is  **the  gift  of  the  Nile."  But  dis- 
tance from  the  Pole  and  elevation  above  sea-level,  as 
well  as  other  lesser  agencies,  have  made  the  climate  in 
some  parts  milder  than  in  others.  Southern  Sweden 
and  Denmark  are  cooler  in  summer  and  warmer  in  win- 
ter than  the  northern  tier  of  American  states  in  the 
Mississippi  Valley.  In  fact,  they  have  a  climate  very 
similar  to  the  state  of  Washington  and  the  Canadian 
province   of   British   Columbia.     Iceland,   on   the   other 


c 


THE  LAND  AXD  THE  PEOPLE 

hand,  and  the  northern  parts  of  Sweden  and  Norway  have 
very  severe  w^inters,  and  here  for  many  months  there^ 
reigns  almost  continuous  night,  brightened  only  by  the 
wan,  slant  rays  of  the  low-circling  sun — when  it  ap^ars 
at  all — and  by  the  weird  splendor  of  the  iridesceilfaMrora 
horealis.  But  there  are  compensations  in  the  brief  sum- 
mers. Continuous  daylight  then  reigns  in  the  Far  North 
for  several  successive  weeks ;  the  sun  dominates  the  earth 
during  most  of  the  hours  in  the  twenty-four,  scarcely  in- 
terrupted by  the  brief,  silvery  nights  formed  by  the  union 
of  twilight  and  dawm  in  an  ethereal  and  mystical  beauty — 
nights  likely  to  inspire  the  visitor,  at  least  for  a  brief 
space,  with  a  feeling  akin  to  reverence  and  awe.  At  this 
season  the  whole  vegetable  kingdom  awakens  and  re- 
sponds marvelously  to  the  sun's  enchantment.  Plants 
grow  with  a  speed  scarcely  exceeded  in  the  tropics,  and 
bloom  and  put  forth  mature  fruit  and  seed  before  the 
deadening  w^inter  again  closes  down.  Yet  even  the  cli- 
mate of  Iceland  has  occasionally  in  modem  times  shown 
striking  mildness;  and  the  same  variation  was  not  un- 
known in  the  olden  days,  as  is  evident  from  the  testimony 
of  contemporary-  accounts,  that  one  winter  of  the  eleventh 
century  was  so  moderate  that  it  was  possible  to  build 
houses  and  fences  in  January  and  February.^  On  the 
other  hand,  these  same  ancient  records  state  that  in  the 
middle  of  June  of  a  certain  year  the  snow  was  so  deep 
and  frozen  so  hard  that  the  men  of  Iceland  went  a-f oot  to 
attend  the  summer  session  of  parliament.^ 

A  thousand  years  ago  bogs  and  swamps  were  more  nu- 
merous in  Scandinavia  than  now,  and  the  forests  were 
thicker  and  more  extensive.  Most  of  the  original  fen- 
and  swamp-tracts,  particularly  those  in  Denmark  and 

2  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  270. 
s  Ibid. 


6  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Sweden,  have  long  since  been  transformed  into  fertile 

fields ;  while  some  of  the  early  lakes  are  now 

^°"!.*^  marshes.     In  the  ancient  davs  the  woods  were 

and  Fens  i  i      i 

in  many  cases  impenetrable  because  of  the 
heavy  undergrowth  of  shrubbery.  Groat  stretches  were 
overgrown  with  heather,  especially  upon  the  sand-blown 
peninsula  of  Jutland;  but  a  larger  area  of  Denmark, 
southern  Sweden,  and  NorAvay  was  also  mantled  with  no- 
ble forests  of  ash  and  alder,  birch,  oak,  and  beech,  as  well 
as  with  representatives  of  the  coniferous  evergreens. 
With  tlie  advance  towards  the  north,  most  of  the  decidu- 
ous trees  gradually  gave  way,  in  the  Norwegian-Swedish 
peninsula,  to  the  conifers — fir,  pine,  spnice,  and  hemlock 
— such  as  funiish  the  abundant  lumber  supply  for  Nor- 
wegian and  Swedish  commerce  at  the  present  time. 
Within  the  borders  of  the  Lapland  of  to-day,  the  ever- 
greens disappeared,  and  almost  the  only  representatives 
of  tree  life  were  the  rowan,  or  mountain  ash,  with  its  gay 
red  berries,  the  birch,  little  more  than  a  slender  switch, 
and  the  willow,  transformed  by  the  rigorous  Arctic 
climate  into  a  mere  trailing  vine.  In  the  present  Iceland 
there  is  scarcely  more  of  forest  than  in  Lapland,  and  the 
kinds  of  growth  are  the  same  in  the  two  lands;  but  at  the 
time  when  the  island  was  settled  by  the  Norsemen  the 
trees  were  larger  as  well  as  more  numerous.  The  state- 
ment in  the  account  of  early  colonization  that  the  first 
comers  found  the  land  forested  ''from  the  mountains  to 
the  sea"^  may  be  something  of  an  exaggeration,  but  it 
is  quite  clear  that  the  forests  of  Iceland  once  covered  a 
much  larger  area  than  now.  As  regards  the  size  of  the 
trees,  we  have  not  only  the  record  of  the  early  historians 
that  the  forests  supplied  timber  large  enough  for  the 

*  Schonfeld,  E.  Dagobert,  Der  Isldndische  Bauemhof  und  aein  Betreib  zur 
Sagazeit,  3. 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE  7 

building  of  ships  as  well  as  houses;  ^  but  there  is  also  the 
testimony  of  the  swamps  and  bogs  of  the  land.  Here 
have  often  been  found  trunks  of  trees  of  much  greater 
thickness  than  those  growing  in  Iceland  to-day.  ^ 

Wild  animal  life,  too,  was  more  abundant  in  the  an- 
cient North.  The  rivers,  lakes,  and  seas  abounded  in 
fish,  particularly  trout  and  salmon  in  the  »  •  i  -r 
fresh  water,  and  herring  and  cod  in  the  sur- 
rounding ocean.  Seals,  whales,  and  walruses,  as  well  as 
other  water  mammals,  were  plentiful,  particularly  close 
to  the  Polar  Circle.  Foxes  and  wolves  were  common 
throughout  Scandinavia ;  and  in  the  forests  of  the  conti- 
nental part  ranged  wild  cats,  brown  bears,  common  deer, 
red  deer,  reindeer,  and  elks.  Small  quadrupeds,  such  as 
the  beaver  and  the  marten,  the  hare  and  the  squirrel,  were 
also  numerous.  Polar  bears  from  Greenland  occasion- 
ally visited  Iceland,  brought  there  upon  the  ice-floes. 
Hawks  and  falcons  were  especially  prized  among  the  land 
birds.  Sea-fowl  of  many  species  and  in  great  numbers 
swarmed  about  the  coasts  and  islands,  especially  in  the 
north;  and  of  these  the  eider  duck,  found  about  Iceland 
and  on  the  north  and  west  coasts  of  Norway,  was  prob- 
ably then,  as  now,  the  most  highly  prized. 

At  the  close  of  the  eighth  century  the  population  of 
Scandinavia  was  very  much  less  than  now.     It  is  idle  to 
attempt  definiteness  as  to  the  numbers,  but  it 
does  not  seem  probable  that  the  inhabitants   inhabitant^ 
of  that  day  were  more  than  a  small  fraction 
of  the  present  total  of  nearly  ten  millions."^     It  was  com- 

5  Origines  TsJandicae,  I,  31,  47. 

6  Maurer,  Konrad,  Island  von  seiner  ersten  Entdeckung  his  zum  Unter- 
gange  des  Freistaats,  15. 

7  Professor  Alexander  Bugge  believes  that  the  population  of  Norway  in 


8  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

posed  of  various  pre-historic  elements  as  well  as  of  the 
dominant  Norse  type,  generally  referred  to  by  scholars 
as  the  real  Scandinavians.  The  questions  of  the  affinities 
and  characteristics  of  the  pre-historic  peoples,  of  the 
order  of  their  migration  into  the  Northern  lands,  and  of 
their  relations  to  one  another,  have  long  puzzled  scholars, 
and  upon  the  answers  they  are  by  no  means  all  agreed. 
The  first  inhabitants  of  the  land  must  have  entered  it  in 
the  hoary  past,  shortly  after  the  glaciers  retreated,*  and  it 
was  perhaps  they  who  left  the  primitive  kitchen-middens, 
or  refuse  heaps,  upon  the  coasts  of  Denmark  and  southern 
Sweden.  Whether  these  aboriginal  peoples  moved  away, 
were  extirpated  by  later  comers,  or  merged  with  them,  or 
whether  their  descendants  are  still  to  be  found  in  the 
Scandinavian  North,  a  fairly  distinguishable  type,  it 
seems  impossible  to  determine  with  certainty. 

There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  when  the  Teutonic 
settlers,  who  were  the  ancestors  of  the  present-day  blond 
Scandinavians,  arrived  they  found  already 
The  Bru-  established  in  the  land  a  brunette  people  less 
nette  Strain  advanced  than  themselves.  These  older  in- 
JT*^^.  habitants  were   still  in  the   Old,  or  Rough, 

Scandina-  . 

vian  Popu-  Stone  stage  of  culture,'-'  while  the  invading 
lation  Teutons   used   implements   and   weapons   of 

skillfully  chipped  and  polished  stone;  and 
they  brought  with  them  various  kinds  of  domestic  ani- 
mals, some  of  which  they  probably  used  in  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  soil ;  ^^  for  before  entering  the  Scandinavian 
lands  they  had  progressed  beyond  the  status  of  mere 
herdsmen.     It  is  not  impossible  that  several  invasions 

this  period  was  only  about  a  ninth  or  a  tenth  as  large  as  it  is  at  present. 
Xorqes  Historie,  vol.  I.  pt.  II.  p.  221. 

8  Hansen,  Andr.  M.,  Oldtidens  Xordmaend,  2-3. 

9  Keane,  A.  H..  Man:  Past  and  Present,  515. 

10  Hansen,  Oldtidens  Xordmaend,  14,  and  passim. 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE  9 

of  dark  peoples  of  inferior  culture  took  place  between 
the  coming  of  the  first  dwellers  in  the  land  and  the 
arrival  of  the  immigrants  of  Teutonic  blood.  It  is  the 
question  of  the  origin  and  character  of  these  brunette 
people  or  peoples  which  has  presented  the  greatest  prob- 
lem to  students  of  pre-historic  man  in  Scandinavia.  Cer- 
tain scientists  hold  that  they  belonged  to  the  somewhat 
hypothetical  Iberian  wave  of  population  which  swept  over 
Europe  in  the  van  of  the  Celts;  ^^  others  believe  that  they 
were  representatives  of  the  "Alpine  race"  of  Eipley's 
classification.^^ 

The  type  which  is  the  subject  of  discussion  was  dark 
of  hair  and  eyes,  generally  broad-skulled,  and  of  medium, 
or  short,  stature.  These  people  were  not  wiped  out  by  the 
invading  Teutons,  but  many  of  them  in  the  southern 
part, — especially  in  Denmark  where  there  was  little 
chance  for  migration, — were  conquered  and  enslaved. 
Farther  north,  they  were  crowded  into  narrow  strips  of 
land  along  the  coast,  or  were  driven  into  the  more  heavily 
forested  parts  of  the  interior.  The  blond  new-comers 
meanwhile  helped  themselves  to  the  best  land  in  the  river 
valleys  and  the  grass-clad  open  spaces  on  the  hill  slopes, 
choosing  territorj'  which  was  desirable  either  for  cultiva- 
tion or  for  grazing.  ^^  Throughout  Scandinavia,  the  dark 
people  came  in  the  course  of  time  under  the  dominion  of 
the  Teutonic  invaders  and  adopted  their  language  and 
their  culture.  The  result  was  to  modify  both  classes  of 
the  population  to  a  considerable  extent  physically;  but, 
since  Nature  is  fond  of  reverting  to  old  forms,  we  may  be 

11  Ripley,  William  Z.,  The  Races  of  Europe:  a  Sociological  Study,  207- 
208;  Olrik,  Axel,  yordisk  AandsUv  i  Tikingetid  og  tidlig  Middelalder, 
13-14. 

12  Hansen,  Oldtidens  Xordmaend,  127;  Ripley.  Races  of  Europe,  207-211. 

13  Hansen,  Oldtiden-s  yordmaend,  14;  Xansen,  In  Northern  Mists,  I, 
209. 


10  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

sure  that  the  appearance  of  the  pre-historic  people  con- 
quered by  the  Scandina^dan  Teutons  is  pretty  faithfully 
reflected  in  the  distinctly  un-Teutonic  looking  element  in 
the  present  population — people  of  medium  height  or  less, 
rather  stocky  of  build,  broad-skulled,  and  possessed  of 
dark  hair  and  eyes  and  regular  features.  This  type  is 
jjarticularly  well  represented  in  Denmark,  but  here  and 
there  in  the  Scandinavian  peninsula  may  also  be  seen 
patches  of  such  a  population,  especially  along  the  south- 
western coast  of  Norway ;  while  on  much  of  the  remaining 
coast  and  in  the  river  valleys  are  found  the  purest  repre- 
sentatives of  the  blond  Norse  race.^^ 

That  the  brunette  strain  was  not  contributed  to  the 
Scandinavian  continental  population  by  the  so-called 
Iberian  race  seems  quite  evident  from  the  fact  that  the 
latter  was  characterized  by  long  skulls.  Neither  were 
these  early  people  Celtic  in  origin,  as  Nansen  suggests,  ^'' 
— at  least,  not  fundamentally  so — for  the  true  Celts  were 
a  tall,  blonde  people.  It  is  more  probable  that  they  be- 
longed to  Ripley's  short,  dark,  broad- skulled  Alpine  race. 
The  people  of  Iceland,  on  the  other  hand,  do  display 
a  distinct  Iberian  strain,^^  presumably  the  result  of  im- 
migration from  the  British  Isles.  Settlers 
Race  Mix-  from  these  islands  antedated  the  Northern 
in  Iceland  immigrants  into  Iceland,  and  some  of  the 
earlier  population  probably  remained  after 
the  coming  of  the  Scandinavians  and  intermarried  with 
the  latter.^ ^  But  what  was  doubtless  a  more  important 
dilution  of  the  Northern  blood  in  Iceland  came  through 
the  subsequent  arrival  of  Ibero-Celtic  peoples  from  the 

14  Hansen,    Oldtidens    Nordmaend,    118-126;    Riplev,    Races    of    Europe 
210-211. 

15  In  Northern  Mists,  I,  210. 

16  Annandale,  Nelson,  The  Faroes  and  Iceland,  12,  219. 

17  Nansen,  In,  Northern  Mists,  I,  165-167. 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE  11 

islands  to  the  south.  Some  of  these  entered  the  land 
individually,  as  free  settlers ;  others  immigrated  because 
of  marriage  into  Scandinavian  families,  settled  tempo- 
rarily in  northern  Britain  or  Ireland;  while  a  consider- 
able portion  was  brought  in — particularly  from  Ireland 
— as  slaves. 

A  further  ethnical  question  connected  with  the  early 
North  is  the  identity  of  the  ' '  Finns ' '  of  the  Scandinavian 
peninsula,  so  frequently  mentioned  in  the  ^^^  upinns" 
sagas.  This  question  does  not  offer  much  ^j  ^j^^  g^^^^ 
promise  of  a  definite  and  conclusive  answer, 
but  different  scholars  have  advanced  suggestive  theories, 
among  which  that  of  Fridtjof  Nansen  seems  the  most  ac- 
ceptable. He  believes  that  the  Finns  and  the  short,  dark, 
brachycephalic  people  mentioned  above  as  preceding  the 
Teutons  into  the  North  were  one  and  the  same.  To  this 
sparse,  primitive  population  which  they  found  upon  their 
arrival  the  blond  new-comers  attached  the  name 
"Finns."  ^^  These  old  residents  differed  from  the  later 
arrivals  culturally  not  only  in  that  they  were  semi-no- 
madic fishers  and  hunters  but  also  in  the  fact  that  they 
extensively  practiced  magic  and  shamanism — accomplish- 
ments probably  borrowed  from  the  Mongoloid  Ural- 
Altaic  peoples  farther  to  the  north. 

The  western  extremity  of  the  Ural-Altaic  population 
bordering  Eurasia  close  under  the  Arctic  Circle  is  made 
up  of  people  known  to  the  English-speaking  ^he  "Skrid- 
world  of  to-day  as  ''  Lapps."     These  under-  finns," 
sized  nomads  probably  came  into  the  Scandi-  °^  Lapps 
navian  peninsula  from  a  northeastern  direction  after  the 
opening  of  the  viking  period.    And  when  the  blond  Scan- 
dinavians in  their  northward  advance  met  these  second 
dark,  nomadic  people,  they  called  them  ''Finns"  also,  but 

18  Ibid.,  209-210. 


12  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

to  distinguish  the  far-northeni  tribes  from  the  other 
Finns  they  sometimes  referred  to  the  former  as  ''Skrid- 
finns, ' '  from  their  habit  of  rapid  travel  upon  snowshoes. 
With  the  passage  of  time,  the  southern  Finns,  who  were 
doubtless  of  Aryan  stock,  amalgamated  with  the  Teutonic 
Scandinavian  population  and  disappeared  as  a  separate 
people ;  but  the  name  Finn  continued  to  be  applied  to  the 
Ural-Altaic  population  to  the  north,  and  is  still  so  used 
in  Norway,  though  in  Sweden  in  the  early  modern  time 
the  term  ''Lapp"  began  to  be  employed  instead.^^ 

The  term  ''Finn"  was  applied  even  more  extensively 
and  inconsistently  by  the  Northmen,  for  the  inhabitants 

of  the  present  Finland  were  also  kno\\ni  by 
of  Finland       ^^^^  name  at  an  early  date.     This  application 

may  be  partially  accounted  for  by  the  fact 
that  these  people  spoke  a  language  related  to  that  of  tlie 
Lapps,  and  shared  various  cultural  characteristics  with 
them.  The  similarity  of  culture  even  misled  modern 
scientists  into  thinking  that  the  inhabitants  of  Finland 
were,  like  the  Lapps,  fundamentally  Mongolian;  but  it 
now  appears  established  beyond  question  that  they  are 
instead  basically  a  blonde,  medium-  or  long-skulled  peo- 
ple, probably  aldn  to  the  Teutons  themselves;  and  that 
their  language  and  the  other  characteristics  which  led 
to  their  being  classed  with  the  Mongolian  groups  of 
Northern  Europe  were  acquired  by  borrowing,  largely 
as  the  result  of  marriage  with  their  Ural-Altaic  neigh- 
bors.^*' 

The  arrival  of  the  Teutons  in  Scandinavia  marks  the 

i»  Ibid.,  226-227. 

It  was  the  Lapps,  or  Skridfinns.  to  whom  Othere  referred  in  mentioning 
the  tribute  paid  by  the  Finns  of  Halosaland  in  the  form  of  furs  and  other 
animal  products.     See  Alfred's  Orosius,  in  Pauli,  Life  of  Alfred  the  Great, 

251. 

20  Abercromby,  John,  The  Pre-  and  Proto-Historic  Finns,  I,  passim;  Rip- 
ley,  Races  of  Europe,  365. 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE  13 

first  important  geographic  separation  of  the  Germanic 
family  and  the  last  racial  migration  into  the 
Scandinavian  North.  These  last  invaders,  sc^^^„^/.°"*^^ 
in  all  probability,  came  in  more  than  one  navians 
installment,  and  as  people  to  some  extent 
separated  by  group  interests.  The  Goths  of  Sweden,  for 
instance,  seem  to  have  arrived  at  a  different  time  from 
the  Swedes,  or  Suiones,  of  Tacitus,  for  whom  the  coun- 
try was  later  named  ;2^  and  for  a  long  period  they  re- 
mained apart,  but  finally  the  former  were  conquered  by 
the  latter.  The  advance  guard  of  the  Teutonic  invaders 
seems  to  have  entered  first  the  Danish  peninsula  and  the 
adjoining  islands  and  settled  them,  after  which  they,  or 
subsequent  arrivals,  occupied  southern  Sweden;  later 
still,  the  blonde  conquerors  moved  farther  north  in 
Sweden,  making  their  advance  against  the  earlier  in- 
habitants. Norw^ay,  the  last  of  the  Scandinavian  lands 
to  be  settled  in  prehistoric  times,  was  perhaps  largely 
peopled  from  Sweden;  but  it  is  likely  that  some  contri- 
bution was  also  made  by  sea,  from  Jutland  and  the  Dan- 
ish islands.  Though  the  first  entrance  into  the  North 
by  the  Scandinavian  conquerors  was  seemingly  made  by 
land,  by  way  of  Holstein,  very  likely  later  invasions  by 
water  took  place,  across  the  Baltic- 
There  is  great  divergence  of  opinion  as  to  when  the 
Teutons  entered  Scandinavia ;  some  scholars  believe  that 
they  came  thousands  of  years  before  the  Christian  era,^^ 
and  others,  that  the  invasion  took  place  only  a  few  cen- 
turies before  Christ.  Bremer,  an  adherent  of  the  latter 
view,  thinks  that  the  separation  from  the  mother  Ger- 

21  Hildebrand,  Hans,  Svenska  Folket  under  Hedna  Tiden,  98,  and  passim. 

22  Ibid.,  98-125. 

23  Keane,  A.  H.,  "The  Lapps:  their  Origin,  Ethnical  Affinities,  etc.."  in 
Jr.  Anthrop.  Inst.,  XV,  221;  Hansen,  Oldtidens  Nordmaend,  19;  Montelius, 
Oscar,  Om  vara  Forfuders  Invandring  till  Xorden,  15. 


14  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

manic  group  could  hardly  have  occurred  earlier  than 
300  B.  c,  but  he  admits  that  it  might  have  come  cen- 
turies before  this  time.-*  The  opinions  of  even  the  most 
profound  scholars  are,  however,  little  more  than  intelli- 
gent guesses;  and  all  that  we  can  at  present  be  sure  of 
is  that  the  Teutonic  conquerors  entered  the  land  far  back 
in  the  prehistoric  age  of  Scandinavia,  centuries — per- 
haps thousands  of  years — before  the  birth  of  Christ. 
Indeed,  it  seems  proper  to  say  that  the  Scandinavians 
are,  in  a  sense,  indigenous  to  the  soil  on  which  they  now 
live ;  for  when  their  ancestors  arrived  in  the  North,  they 
were  not  possessed  of  the  physical  and  mental  character- 
istics which  distinguish  them  from  other  Teutons.  These 
they  acquired  in  their  new  home,  as  a  result  of  difference 
in  climate  and  environment,  and  of  mixture  of  blood 
with  the  earlier  inhabitants.  Consequently,  Scandinavia 
may  properly  be  called  the  cradle-land  of  the  blonde 
Scandinavian  type,  which  greatly  outnumbered  the  more 
primitive  earlier  comers  and  dominated  the  population 
as  a  whole,  culturally  as  well  as  politically. 

It  may  be  well  to  remember  that  the  Caucasian  popu- 
lation of  Scandinavia  still  discloses  two  distinguishable 
race    types,   and   without   doubt   they  were 
Mental  mucli  more  marked  one  thousand  years  ago. 

Character-       -^^^  ^^-^j    ^^  physical  differences  persist,  but, 

IStlCS  .  c-     ^  ^  i  7  > 

of  the  Al-  according  to  Axel  Olrik,-^  mental  and  tem- 
pine  Type  peramental  distinctions  are  also  quite  no- 
ticeable. In  Olrik's  opinion,  the  dark  ele- 
ment of  the  population  is  more  impulsive,  envious,  brood- 
ing, melancholy  and  religious  than  the  Scandinavian 
type,  and  displays  more  talent  for  poetry  and  music; 
it   also    shows   greater   endurance   in   drudgery;   but, — 

24  "  Ethnographie,"  in  Pauli,  Grundriss,  III,  789. 

26  Nordisk  Aandsliv  i  Vikingetid  og   tidlig  Middelalder,   14. 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE  15 

more  conservative  and  less  adaptable  than  the  blonde 
population, — it  is  more  difficult  to  organize  for  the  exe- 
cution of  extensive  new  projects. 

The  blonde,  or  Scandinavian,  type  was  looked  upon 
by  the  Northmen  of  the  viking  time — who  were  repre- 
sentatives of  it — as  the  physical  ideal ;  there- 
fore,   its    physical    characteristics    demand   Physical 
particular  attention.     Though  now  among  the  ^^^^g^*^*^*^' 
tallest  people   of  the  world,  the  Northmen  of  the 
were  probably  still  taller  a  thousand  years  Scandina- 
ago,  for  then  they  had  mixed  to  a  lesser  de-  ^^^^^ 
gree  with  their  short  neighbors.     The  heroes 
of  most  of  the  sagas  are  described  as  very  tall  men ;  and 
Ibn-Fadlan,    the   Arabian,   described  the    Scandinavian 
merchants  whom  he  saw  in  Russia  in  the  ninth  century 
as  'Hall  as  palm  trees,"  and  stated  that  he  had  never 
seen  larger-bodied  people.^^     Large-boned  and  muscular 
were  they  also,  and  long-limbed  and  deep-chested.     The 
head  was  long  and  the  face  oval,  with  strongly  chiselled 
features;  the  skin  was  very  fair,  and  generally  ruddy, 
sometimes  marked  with  freckles;   invariably,  the  eyes 
were  light,  generally  blue,  but  occasionally  gray ;  and  the 
hair,  which  was  usually  soft  and  sometimes  curly,  was 
also  fair — flaxen,  yellow,  red,  or  light  brown. 

The   isolation   of  the   Scandinavian  lands,   combine^^ 
with  the  influence  of  climate  and  environment,  gave  a 
distinct  individualism  to  the  Northmen;  the 
fight  against  the  dark  and  the  cold,  and  the     ^"l^^^j" 
struggle  for  existence  were  deeply  wrought  character 
into    their   mental    and   moral   fiber.     They 
were,  in  consequence,  strong-willed  and  capable  of  great 
patience  when  necessity  demanded  it;   self-reliant,  de- 
cisive, and  inclined  to   express   themselves  in   actions 

26  Ibn-Fadlan,  5. 


<?, 


16  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

rather  than  in  words;  reserved,  especially  as  regarded 
their  deepest  feelings,  and  little  given  to  wearing  their 
hearts  upon  their  sleeves;  serious — almost  severe — in 
their  mental  outlook,  but  not  melancholy ;  proud  and  sen- 
sitive, to  an  unusual  degree. 

Another  and  more  striking  characteristic — also  prob- 
ably the  result  of  environment — was  the  belief  in  a  severe, 
relentless  Fate.  They  were  fatalists  in  a 
very  real  and  practical  sense.  ''There  is  no 
good  striving  against  it,  for  what  must  be  is  sure  to 
happen,"  was  the  attitude  taken  towards  that  which 
seemed  inevitable.  But  that  fatalistic  viewpoint  by  no 
means  dominated  the  Northmen  or  made  them  ambition- 
less  pessimists  or  cowardly  weaklings.  On  the  contrary, 
it  seemed  a  distinct  asset,  and  offered  an  incentive  to 
make  the  most  of  life,  in  defiance  of  all  of  the  super- 
natural forces  leagued  against  them.  In  fact,  their  be- 
lief in  fatalism  caused  them  to  look  upon  life  as  a  sort 
of  game,  into  which  they  plunged  with  zest.  On  the 
eld  of  battle  they  fought  fearlessly;  and  at  sea  they 
faced  uncowed  the  fiercest  storms.  But  in  their  pursuit 
of  adventure  no  risk  of  life,  in  the  usual  sense  of  the 
term,  w^as  recognized  by  them  as  involved;  however 
reckless  a  man  might  be,  he  would  not  be  killed  unless 
his  death  had  been  decreed  by  the  inscrutable  Fates; 
on  the  other  hand,  if  he  was  destined  to  go,  no  amount 
of  caution  could  save  him. 

Their  fatalistic  philosophy  was  perhaps  instrumental 
also  in  developing  the  qualities  of  versatility  and  adapta- 
bility which  the  Scandinavians  possessed  to  an  unusual 
degree,  and  which  still  characterize  them.  The  ability 
to  adjust  themselves  to  new  conditions  and  make  the 
most  out  of  a  strange  environment  modified  the  effect 
of   their  individualism  in   an  interesting-  manner   and 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE  17 

made  tliem  unusually  successful  colonists;  for  though 
they  relinquished  much  of  their  individuality,  they  re- 
tained their  influence,  and  as  leaders  and  organizers  and 
intelligent  and  cooperative  followers  they  made  a  last- 
ing impression  upon  the  history  of  Europe.  The  same 
qualities  make  them  desirable  naturalized  citizens  at  the 
present  time. 

Part  of  the  fatalistic  game  of  life,  and  a  very  impor- 
tant part  from  the  sporting  Northman's  point  of  view, 
was  to  trj^  to  acquire  honor  and  fame  before  the  Fates 
called  him  hence;  and  the  uncertainty  as  to  when  the 
call  would  come  added  excitement  to  the  pursuit.  This 
adventurous  attitude  towards  life  also  increased  the  de- 
sire for  fame  and  praise,  and  the  wish — which  existed 
to  a  marked  degree  among  the  pagan  Scandinavji 
to  be  thought  well  of  by  their  fellow  men.  ^''VVe  have 
gotten  a  good  report  though  we  die  to-day  or  to-mor- 
row, ' '  2'  was  the  gratifying  thought  of  the  triumphant 
seeker  after  popular  commendation.  The  ' '  good  report ' ' 
desired  was  one  which  conformed  closely  with  the  stand= — ■ 
ards  of  the  period;  hence  fearlessness^and-viclory  in 
warlike  feats  vrere  especially  exalteCAnd  though  the 
Northmen  were,  on  the  whole,  a  modest  people,  who 
frowned  upon  braggarts,  this  ambition  for  reputation 
occasionally  caused  some  to  resort  to  vain  and  foolish 
methods  for  the  purpose  of  securing  attention  and  excit- 
ing remark,  such  as  boasting,  rich  and  extravagant  dress, 
and  a  foolish  display  of  wealth iiL-CO»nection  with  enter- 
tainments. 

Among  themselves,  the  Scandinavians  were  unusually 
honest  and  straightforward;  they  showed  ^  tt  „g  . 
special  contempt  for  the  backbiter,  the  thief, 
and  the  liar,  for  the  traitor  and  the  breaker  of  oaths. 

27  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  I,  59. 


IS  SOCIAL  SCAXDIXAVIA  IN  THE  TIKIXG  AGE 

But  the  reports  of  foreign  chroniclers  of  the  careers  of 
the  vikings  indicate  that  the  latter  by  no  means  always 
kept  their  treaties  and  their  oaths  of  peace,  that  they 
repeatedly  broke  faith-  It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  how- 
ever, that  we  have  not  the  Scandinavians'  side  of  the 
story,  and  that  the  chroniclers  were  as  a  rule  Christian 
monks  who  had  special  reason  for  hating  the  Northmen, 
since  the  latter^tgok- partioulop  j^  in  plundering  the 
churchi^  and  monasteries  because  of  the  wealth  to  be 
found  therein.  That  these  men  from  the  North  drove 
hard  bargains  in  foreign  lands  and  that  they  were  quick 
to  see  and  take  advantage  of  flaws  in  contracts  is  quite 
evident,  but  it  is  well  to  reflect  that  ''breach  of  faith" 
is  the  time-honored  accusation  of  those  worsted  in  a 
sharp  deal.  Furthermore,  the  violation  of  treaty  terms 
and  peace  pacts  with  which  they  are  repeatedly  charged 
by  their  enemies  may  usually  be  explained  by  the  fact 
that  sometimes  the  money  due  them  was  not  paid  on  time, 
or  in  full,  and  sometimes  new  vikings  arrived  who  were 
not  bound  by  the  terms  made  by  the  earlier  warriors.^ 
Yet,  it  is  after  all  true  that  the  Northman,  like  most 
other  human  beings,  had  one  standard  of  conduct  for 
his  dealings  with  those  of  his  own  group — his  family 
and  people  of  his  own  nation — and  quite  another  for 
those  whom  he  regarded  as  outsiders, — foreigners,  or 
absolute  enemies.  Though  it  was  looked  upon  as  das- 
tardly to  sneak  into  a  neighbor 's  house  and  rob  him  of  his 
possessions,  plunder  and  piracy  in  a  wholesale  manner 
in  the  land  of  the  foreigner,  whom  he  regarded  as  his 
legitimate  prey,  might  bring  to  the  Northern  warrior 
the  highest  honor  and  praise  from  his  fellow  men;  to 
creep  upon  and  take  advantage  of  a  sleeping  foe,  or  to 

23  Stef4ns3on,  Jon,  ''"WesterQ  Influence  on  the  Earliest  Viking  Settlers/* 
in  Saga  Book  of  the  Viking  Club,  V,  238. 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE-"^  19 

strike  a  man  when  he  was  down  was  contemptible  in  the 
home  land;  but  when  on  their  viking  raids  the  Scandi- 
na\'ians  followed  another  code,  and  were  often  ferociously 
cruel,  not  only  to  the  men,  but  to  the  women  and  children 
as  well,  though  women  and  children  received  special  con- 
sideration when  feudB  were  raging  among  those  of  North- 
em  blood. 

Among  themselves,  however,  the  Northmen  displayed 
a  very  different  attitude  from  the  present  towards  the 
killing  of  another  in  a  private  quarrel.     Just 
as  earnestly  as  the  Christian  code  of  to-day  The  Taking 
teaches   the  forgiveness   of  personal  injury  of  ^"^1^" 
and  wrong-doing,  the  pagan  standard  under 


which  the  ancient  Northmen  lived  inculcated-tileduty  of 
avenging  the  wrong,  particularly  if  it-wSs  murder;  and  it 
was  considered  a  deep  dis^^aoe'to  the  victim  and  to  his 
family  if  the  crime  was  not  visited  witfe  retribution.  The.-'-'^ 
good  son's  first  duty  was  to^~avenge  his  father'*  death. 
Generally  speaking,  there  was  no  stigma  nttnrhod  frrtnr 
ancient  North  to  the  person  who  killed  another — for  even 
in  the  Christian ^iart  trf  Europe  at  this  time  life  was  held 
very  cheap — unless  the  act  was  of  a  particularly  inex- 
cusable and  dastardly  nature.  Quarrels  were  ex( 
ingly  common,  for  the  Northmen  were  hot-leffl]5ered,  and 
their  extreme  pride  and  sensitivenes^made  them  quick 
to  resent  an  insult  or  a  jeer.-  "The  community  as  a  whole 
felt  no  special  aversion  towards  the  one  who  struck  t] 
fatal  blow ;  and  the  family  of  the  slayer  looke^jjp6ii  the 
matter  merely  as  an  unfortunate  occurrence,  which,  un- 
less settlement  were  made  by  the  payment  of  damages, 
would  be  almost  certain  to  end  in  a  bloody  feud.  This 
attitude  is  identical  with  that  now  taken  by  the  mountain- 
eers of  Kentucky  under  similar  circumstances. 
"Revellings  and  ale  have  often  brought  men  grief  of 


20  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

heart,  death  to  some,  to  some,jCttFses,-^^  is  a  bit  of  tem- 
perance wisdom  from  ancient  Scandinavia; 
Drunken-        ^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^.        ^^^  ^^  individual  to 

ticss 

philosophize  over  the  evils  of  alcoholic  bev- 
erages, and  quite  another  for  a  nation  to  profit  by  a 
knowledge    of    the    evil.     The    Northmen    were    hard 
drinkers  and  given^-^to-ifftemperance.     Perhaps  most  of 
their  feasts   terminated   in  drunlvcn   carousals.     In   all 
probability,  however,  the  fault  was  largely  restricted  to 
the  wealthier  classes,  for  the  most  intoxicating  beverages 
were  usually  the  most  expensive;  and  in  Iceland  where 
m<>st  of  these  drinks,  or  the  ingredients  for  their  manu- 
^cture,  had  to  be  imported,  there  was  comparatively 
little  intoxication.     The  same  was  true  of  Norway,  but 
to  a  lesser  extent.     Perhaps  more  drunkenness  among 
tb^e  population  as  a  whole  was  to  be  found  in  Denmark 
arid  southern   Sweden,  but  it  seems  probable  that  the 
merchant  and  viking  classes  in  all  parts  of  Scandinavia 
were  the  hardest  drinkers,  for^b  them  were  intoxicants 
most  accessible.     Ibn-Fadlan,  in  describing  the  drunken 
revels  of  the  Noriliem  merchants  on  the  Volga,  stated 
that  frequently  the  drinkers  died  of  intoxication,  still 
holding  the  drinking  horns  in  their  hands.  ^"^     But  in  spite 
of  what  has  been  said,  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that 
the  Scandinavians  were  worse,  as  regards  intemperance, 
than  the  people  of  the  remainder  of  Europe  at  the  time; 
and  it  is  possible  that  in  some  parts,  as  Iceland,  they  were 
better. 

Z ambling  was  another  fault,  but  it  does  not  appear  to 
,  .  have  been  verv  general ;  neither  was  it,  so  far 

as  evidence  shows,  carried  to  the  excess  at- 
tributed to  the  ancient  Germans  by  Tacitus.    Betting  took 

29  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  I,  43. 

30  Ibn^adlan,  11. 


THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE  21 

place  in  connection  with  contests  of  various  sorts,  but 
most  of  the  gambling  was  perhaps  carried  on  by  means 
of  dice-throwing,  a  practice  which  came  under  the  con- 
demnation of  the  laws  in  some  sections  in  the  early  Chris-. 
tian  period.^ ^  It  is  not  probable,  however,  tl^at  the  actual 
amount  of  gambling  with  dice  was  greatly \^duced  in 
consequence  of  this  legislation,  though  it  was  undoubtedly 
carried  on  less  openly  than  before. 

Though  sex  immorality  was  common,  particularly 
among  the  men,  it  was  probably  but  little  more  so  than 

in  most  Christian  lands  at  the  present  time 

Sex 
— only  more  open  and  above  board.     And  it  jn^moralit 

was  the  immorality  of  a  people  just  emerging 
from  the  upper  stages  of  barbarism,  not  that  of  a  de- 
generate, besotted  civilization.  Not  till  they  met  it  in 
the  South  after  the  opening  of  the  viking  period  was 
legalized  prostitution  kno^^^l  among  them;^^  ^^d  even 
in  spite  of  the  foreign  influence  the  people  as  a  whole 
were  untouched  by  the  disgusting  vice  and  foul  corrup- 
tion found  in  the  Roman  Empire. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  Scandinavians  developed 
during  the  \^king  period  a  comical  philosophy  and  a  hard 
spirit  of  commercialism;  and  in  support  of  this,  certain 
passages  from  the  literature  of  the  period  have  been 
presented.^3  Such  faults  were,  however,  by  no  means 
general;  and  that  the  population  was  sound  and  whole- 
some at  the  core  this  same  ancjent  literature  attests. 
The  sagas,  in  particular,  describe  i^any  beautiful  friend- 
ships, and  give  numerous  instances  of  unselfish  loyalty, 
utterly  free  from  thought  of  personal  gain.  It  is  quite 
tnie  that  at  the  time  there  was  little  of  humanitarianism 

31  Guta-Lagh,  85. 

32  Bugge,  Alexander,  Die  Wikinger,  86. 

33  Bugge,  Norges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  218-219. 


\ 


22  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

in  the  present-day  sense ;  that  the  sick  received  but  slight 
pity  or  care,  unless  they  had  relatives  or  friends  to  whom 
they  were  dear ;  ^*  and  that  the  lives  of  infants  and  the 
aged,  in  particular,  were  held  lightly.  But  this  neglect- 
ful attitude  was  no  recent  acquisition;  there  is  every 
!ason  to  believe  that  further  back  in  time,  not  a  greater, 
but  a  lesser,  degree  of  human  kindness  would  have  been 
found,  in  Scandinavia.  And  though  in  the  contemporary 
Christian  countries  conditions  were  without  doubt  better 
in  this  regard,  it  should,  nevertheless,  be  borne  in  mind 
that  not  till  the  last  century  did  the  existing  standards 
of  humanitarianism  develop. 

84  Ibn-Fadlan,  11. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE   TIES   OF    KINSHIP   AND    NATIONALITY 

Bare  is  the  back  of  the  brotherless. 

Saga  of  Burnt  Njal. 

Though  paternal  superiority  was  shown  in  many  ways 
in  the  ancient  North,  there  existed  no  strong  patriarchal 
organization  headed  by  the  father  who  held 
the  members  of  the  blood-unit  together  and  J^^^^'"" 
kept  them  subordinate  to  him.     On  the  con- 
trary, the  patriarchal  system  was  weak  and  vague,  and 
the  power  of  the  man  at  the  head  of  the  family  was  by 
no  means  unquestioned.     And  it  is  not  at  all  certain  that 
the  system  in  its  full  strength  ever  really  held  sway  in 
the  Scandinavian  lands.^     But  the  fact  that  the  father's 
power  was  limited  appears  not  to  have  influenced  the 
ties  of  kinship,  for  these  were  very  strong  throughout 
the  North.     The  significance  attached  to  blood-relation-  .,. 
ship  is  well  indicated  by  the  word  "fraendi/'  signifying 
*' kinsman"  in  the  common  Northern  tongue  of  the  Viking 
Age.     This  usage  is  peculiar  to  the  Scandinavians;  in 
no  other  language  has  the  word  "friend"  assumed  this 
interesting  change   of  meaning.     To   the   Scandinavian 
of  ancient  times,  his  best  friend  was  one  bound  to  him 
by  ties  of  blood. 

In  the  olden  days  Scandinavian  households  were  larger 
than  at  present ;  many  numbered  twenty,  thirty,  or  more 
members,  including  parents,  married  sons,  and  their  chil- 

1  Veblen,  Thorstein,  B.,  "The  Blond  Race  and  the  Aryan  Culture,"  in 
University  of  Missouri  Bulletin,  Science  Series,  vol.  II,  no.  Ill,  p.  51,  flf. 

23 


24  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

dren.  Xot  far  away  from  the  ancient  ancestral  home- 
stead was  the  family  burial  mound  with  its  dead,  who  in 
many  ways  still  belonged  to  the  family  group.  The 
names  of  these  dead  were  remembered  and  the  new-born 
children  were  "called  up"  after  them.  This  family, 
united  by  blood-ties  among  the  living  and  by  memories 
of  the  dead,  formed,  in  some  respects,  a  world  by  itself 
— a  sort  of  league  or  confederacy  bound  together  by  cer- 
tain rights  and  duties.  And  the  fact  that  pre-historic 
Scandinavia  was  little  more  thai*  a  geographical  expres- 
sion, without  the  protecting  arm  of  a  strong  government, 
prolonged  the  influence  of  the  family  tie,  in  some  parts, 
until  far  into  the  Middle  Ages. 

In  those  early  days  of  individualism  and  violence,  un- 
happy was  the  man  without  kindred,  the  man  wlio  must 

stand  alone  in  the  world,  or  must  go  down 
Sworn-  alone,  defeated  by  outrageous  fortune.     The 

Brother-  umn  witliout  brothers  was  particularly  hap- 
Blood-  ^^^^'  ^^^^  ^^^^  bonds  of  brotherhood  were  veiy 

Brother-  close  and  dear.  ''^ardTl^^the  back  of  the 
hood  brotherless,"  snys  a  proverb  of  the  period. 

It  was  undoubtedl}^  thts  recognition  of  the 
need  for  brothers  on  the  part  of  the  brotherless  man 
which  led  to  the  origiii^  the  system  of  sworn-  or  blood- 
brotherhood,  by  which  men,  unrelated  by  birth,  fonned 
an  artificial  fraternal  tie  by  literally  mingling  their  blood 
in  solemn  ceremony.  During  the  Viking  Ag/6  the  formal 
rites  marking  the  new  tie  were  as  follows :  ^piece  of  turf 
several  feet  long  was  cut  on  the  sides  while  tlie  ends  re- 
mained fast  to  the  ground.  The  strip  thus  made  was 
raised  from  the  ground, — the  ends  bein^  still  fastened, — 
and  braced  up  in  such  a  manner  as  t6  form  an  arch,  by 
means  of  a  spear  used  as  a  support.  This  done,  the  two 
or  more  men  who-~j,^ishedJ.a  unite  in  voluntary  brother- 


THE  TIES  OF  KINSHIP  AND  NATIONALITY  25 

hood  gashed  themselves  and  let  their  blood  mingle  to- 
gether on  the  fresh  earth  under  the  arch.  Then,  upon 
their  knees,  after  beseeching  all  of  the  gods  to-beal*  wit 
ness,  each  swore  to  avenge  any  wrong  done  the  other  as 
if  they  were  o\vn  br-others.  A  hand-clasp  sealed  the 
ceremony,  after  whijch  those  who  had  entered  the  pact 
passed  under  the  atrch  of  sod.-  The  ties  thus  formed 
were  as  sacred  and,/binding  as  those  of  blood-relationship. 
In  the  viking  period  even  men  having  kindred,  brothers 
included,  united  themselves  thus  to  other  families  of 
brothers.  Naturally,  the  selection  of  one's  sworn- 
brother  was  in  such  case  determined- b?^  the  fighting 
strength  of  the  family^rtti^-which"  the  union  was  made, 
as  well  as  by  affection  and  congeniality  of  temperament. 
Such  an  artificial  formation  of  the  ties  of  brotherhood 
was  not  peculiar  to  ancient  Scandinavia,  but  has  existed 
among  many  other  peoples  at  the  stage  where  the 
strength  of  kindred  means  much,  particularly  among  the 
Arabs. 

Family  solidarity  varied  in  different  parts  of  the  North 
during  the  early  Middle  Ages,  but  it  was  strongest  in 
Denmark    and    Sweden,    the    lands    earliest 
settled.     Here,  it  manifested  itself  in  many  Family 
ways.     The  most  distinct  traces  of  ancestor  poli^arity 
worship    to   be   found    in   the    Scandinavian  mark^and 
North  are  connected  with  the  religion  of  these  Sweden 
two  countries;  and  the  persistence  of  the  wor-  '"^'^Jj-  -  ■  "^ 
ship  was  due  to  the  prolonged  emphasis  of  the  bond  of 
kindred.    As  the  family  lost  its  earlier  solidarity  in  the 
late  heathen  age,  ancestor  worship  degenerated  into  a 
common  ''cult  of  the  dead."^     But  other  instances  of 

2  Gisla  Haga  Surssonar,  13-14. 

3  Phillpotts,  Bertha  S.,  Kindred  and  CIom  in  the  Middle  Ages  and  After 
272-273.  ' 


26  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  strength  of  common  blood  survived  in  Denmark  and 
Sweden  well  down  into  the  Christian  time,  such  as  the 
use  of  the  kinsmen's  oath  in  freeing  a  man  from  a  charge 
of  crime.  In  Denmark,  this  method  was  used  as  proof 
in  all  laws;  and  in  both  countries  the  oath  of  twelve 
kinsmen  played  an  especially  important  part.  If  a  Dane, 
for  instance,  was  accused  of  manslaughter,  he  could  clear 
himself  by  taking  an  oath  of  innocence,  supported  by  the 
oaths  of  eleven  of  his  relatives,  selected  by  the  accusing 
side.^  In  Denmark  also,  where  family  solidarity  last 
disappeared,  the  community  of  interests  was  recognized 
by  laws  forbidding  that  quarrels  between  brothers  and 
sisters  over  landed  property  be  settled  in  the  courts. 
Such  disputes  must  be  adjusted  privately  in  a  sort  of 
family  conference,  in  which  ''twelve  of  their  best  kins- 
men" had  a  part.^  In  some  parts  of  Sweden,  relatives 
of  slaves  had  a  right  to  buy  the  freedom  of  the  latter, 
even  against  the  wishes  of  the  owners.*' 

Throughout  continental  Scandinavia,  the  kindred  had 
certain  claims  upon  ancestral  land,  called  " odal  land" 

in  Norway,  which  must  be  recognized  by  the 
Land^  member  of  the  family  possessing  the  soil.     If 

the  owner  wished  to  sell  the  property,  he 
must  make  the  fact  known  in  order  that  heirs  or  other 
relatives  might  have  an  opportunity  to  purchase  it,  and 
the  land  thus  be  kept  in  the  family.  In  some  parts,  even 
if  the  land  had  been  sold  out  of  the  kindred,  the  law  gave 
any  member  the  standing  right  for  many  years  of  re- 
purchasing it.  No  such  regulations  were  found  in  Ice- 
land because  the  settlements  there  were  new,  and  land 
was  comparatively  abundant.''^     But  in  Iceland  as  well 

4  lUd.,  76,  99.  6  lUd.,  75-76. 

B  lUd.,  99.  7  ihid.,  43. 


THE  TIES  OF  KINSHIP  AND  NATIONALITY  27 

as  in  Norway, — though  seemingly  not  in  the  two  older 
countries  of  Scandinavia, — we  find  the  claims  of  family 
recognized  by  the  law  requiring  that  people  be  respon 
sible  for  their  pauper  relatives.  A  man  was  bound  to 
support  his  parents,  children,  and  brothers  and  siste 
if  they  were  in  want  and  unable  to  work,  even  if  such 
an  obligation  resulted  in  his  going  into  debt-thralldom ; 
and  if  his  income  exceeded,  a  certain  minimum,  he  was 
required  to  maintain  still  roo^  distant  kindre^d^ 

The  strength  of  blood-ties  was  also  displayed  through- 
out Scandinavia  in  a  very  marked  manner  by  the  place 
occupied  by  the  feud.  In  early  pre-historic 
times,  private  settlement  for  injury  was  the 
only  settlement  possible.  And  among  the  m^ud  North- 
men the  code  of  honor  declared  that  tlj^'^wrong  could  be 
wiped  out  only  by  blood-revenge^'M^onsequently,  the 
natural  kindred,  augmented  by  relatives -in-law,  foster- 
relatives,  and  blood-brothers,  hunted  down  all  male  mem-1 
bers  of  families  one  member  of  which  had  done  the 
wrong.  Here  was  showai  the  responsibility  of  the  whole 
kindred.  A  killing  op'  one  side,  according  to  the  existing 
code,  called  for  a  counter-killing;  and  it  mattered  not 
who  lost  his  life,  so  long  as  it  was  a  member  of  the  enemy 
family.  Thus,  in  following  up  the  feud,  whole  kindreds 
were  at  times  wiped  out,  and  frequently  the  enmities 
were  handed  down  for  several  generations.  After  a 
fairly  adequate  system  for  the  public  administration  of 
justice  through \aw  courts  had  developed,  the  feud  still 
played  an  importan4:.j)art  throughout  Scandinavia — just 
as   it  does  to-day  in  file  mountains   of  Kentucky  and 

» Ibid.,  43-45.  The  customary  right,  existing  during  the  heathen  age> 
to  expose  infants,  and  to  put  to  death,  during  periods  of  famine,  old  people 
who  were  dependents  seems  to  have  been  a  survival  from  very  primitive 
times  when  kindred  responsibility  played  little  part. 


28  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Tennessee  and  in  Sicily — because  it  was  by  this  time 
strongly  entrenched  in  the  traditions  of  the  social  or- 
ganization. And  the  revenge  which  kindred  tradition 
looked  upon  as  a  sacred  duty,  the  laws  of  the  land,  molded 
by  the  force  of  public  opinion,  recognized  as  a  right. 
Even  after  Christianity  had  become  well  established  in 
the  North,  laws  acknowledging  and  regulating  the  right 
of  blood-revenge  Avere  in  force. 

[n  Iceland,  the  feud  v/as  especially  strong  and  per- 
sistent, presumably  because — in  consequence  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  island  was  settled — the  inhabitants  were 
particularly  sensitive  regarding  matters  of  personal  dig- 
nity and  honor.  But,  though  the  feud  here  displayed 
such  strength,  it  is  of  interest  to  note  that  even  near 
relatives  at  times  refrained  from  joining  the  members 
of  the  family  in  their  pursuit  of  blood-revenge — a  result 
of  the  early  disintegration  of  family  solidarity  in  Ice- 
land. 

Throughout   Scandinavia  the   strength   of  blood  ties 

was  shown  also  by  the  laws  for  the  payment  of  wergeld 

to  a  family  in  compensation  for  one  of  its 

Wergeld  \ 

members  wi^o  had  been  killed, — a  mode  of 
settlement  which  tended  ^q  supplant  the  feud.  Such  laws 
were  based  upon  the  assiimption  that  each  man  repre- 
sented a  certain  economic  value,  was  worth  a  certain 
amount  to  his  family,  the  ariipunt  varying  according  to 
the  social  class  of  which  he  "^as  a  member;  and  if  he 
was  killed,  in  order  to  preserve  'peace,  satisfactory^  dam- 
ages must  be  paid  by  the  famiw  responsible  for  the 
economic  loss.  But  in  the  mattenof  the  wergeld  Den- 
mark and  Sweden  again  show  theVreater  family  soli- 
darity; for  in  these  lands  the  anciem  laws  for  its  pay- 
ment were  still  in  force  in  the  Middle  Ages.  These  laws 
provided  that  the  sum  total  to  be  pa\d  must  be  made 

/ 

/ 


THE  TIES  OF  KINSHIP  AND  NATIONALITY  29 

up  by  the  wJiole  kindred  of  the  slayer,  and  it  must  be 
divided  among  the  kindred  of  the  slain,  whether  all  were 
his  regular  heirs  or  nbi.  The  amount  of  money  paid  and 
received  by  each  person\yaried  with  the  degree  of  rela- 
tionship. In  general,  eaclly  degree  of  kinship  paid  one 
half  less  than  the  one  nearer;  and,  similarly,  each  degree 
on  the  injured  side  received  pne  Ijalf  less  than  the  degree 
nearer.  A  relative  on  oiije'  side  paid  to  the  corresponding 
relative  on  the  other;  g'randfather,  for  example,  paid  to 
grandfather.  Sirice  the  value  of  the  dead  man  to  his 
family  was  represented  by  a  fixed  sum,  if  the  relatives 
of  the  murderer  were  few,  each  one  must  pay  so  much 
the  more;  if  many,  so  much  the  less.  In  Sweden,  as  a 
rule,  the  mother's  kindred  received  only  half  as  much 
of  the  damages  as  the  father's  kindred,  a  recognition  of 
paternal  superiority.^ 

In  Norway  and  Iceland,  on  the  other  hand,  the  manner' 
of  apportioning  the  wergeld  in  the  viking  period  indi- 
cates a  distinct  break  \yrth  the  traditions  of  family  unity. 
It  was  no  longer  a  matter  which  concerned  the  distant 
kindred,  but  only  the  heirs — as  a  rule,  parents  and  chil- 
dren on  both  sides/  Theoretically,  under  the  old  system 
of  responsibility, /the  laws  for  which  were  obsolete  in 
Western  Scandinavia;  the  murderer  paid  nothing  towards 
the  damages,  for  Jie  was  supposed  to  be  outlawed  and  his 
property  confiscated.  As  a  matter  of  actual  fact,  in  the 
Iceland  of  the  saga-time,  the  slayer  was  the  one  who  most 
frequently  paid  thA  wergeld,  and  paid  it  all;  for  promi- 
nent men  as  a  rule Xsettled  their  troubles  out  of  court. 
If,  for  any  reason,  the^^slayer  did  not  pay,  his>€irs  did, 
or  the  chieftain  or  priest  of  his  district^-'^n  Norway, 

9/6id.,  68-99.  ""~~         

10  See  below,  pp.  298-209.     Bertha  Phillpotts  has  shown  clearly  that  the 
parts  of  the  old  laws  of  Norway  and  Iceland,  called  baugatal  in  the  latter 


30  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  breaking  up  of  the  kindred  unit  had  progressed  al- 
most as  far.  The  payment  and  receipt  of  wergeld  were 
usually  matters  concerning  only  the  slayer  himself,  his 
chieftain,  and  the  immediate  heirs  on  both  sides.^^ 

Probably  the  main  reason  for  the  weakening  of  ties 
binding  the  larger  kindred  in  Iceland  and  Norway  was 
migration,  especially  migration  by  sea.^^  As  was  stated 
in  the  preceding  chapter,  some  of  the  early  settlers  of 
Norway  perhaps  came  from  Denmark;  and  the  spread 
of  population  over  the  Norwegian  land,  because  of  the 
fiord-indented  coast,  must  have  been  largely  by  water. 
This  broken-up  character  of  the  land,  geographically, 
also  made  for  personal  independence  among  the  immi- 
grants, and  worked  against  kinship  solidarity.  The 
same  forces  were  influential  to  a  much  greater  degree 
in  Iceland,  because  of  its  isolation  in  the  Atlantic,  far 
from  tlie.  motherland.  To  move  to  Iceland  was  to  cut 
loose  from  kt»da:ed ;  for  the  early  settlers,  as  the  records 
clearly  show,  rarely  brought  more  than  wife  and  children 
along,  and  many  single  individuals  also  immigrated.  So, 
in  the  broad  sense  of  the  term,  most  settlers  of  Iceland 
were  kinless.^^ 

Far  back  in  the  pre-historic  times, — perhaps  before 
coming  into  the  North, — the  Scandinavians  developed  a 
group  consciousness  more  comprehensive  than  that  of 
kindred,  but  existing  with  it.     This  was  due  to  the  estab- 

country,  had  become  dead  letters  by  the  saga-time.     Kindred  and  Clan, 
11   and  passim. 

11  Phillpotts,  Kindred  and  Clan,  20-67. 

12  Ibid.,  35-37,  264-265. 

13  Bertha  Phillpotts  has  shown  that  migration  had  the  same  effect  upon 
family  solidarity  among  the  first  Teutons  who  settled  in  England.  Here, 
as  early  as  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  when  the  first  light  of  his- 
tory was  thrown  upon  their  institutions,  the  influence  of  kindred  ties  had 
been  reduced  to  a  minimum.  The  slight  subsequent  revival  may  be  at- 
tributed to  the  influence  of  settlers  from  Denmark,  where  kindred  soli- 
darity was  exceedingly  strong.     Kindred  and  Clan,  205-245. 


THE  TIES  OF  KINSHIP  AND  NATIONALITY  31 

lishment  of  political  and  military  ties  binding  together 
a  number  of  kindreds,  living  generally  i^  ^  p  ,•  •  , 
single  geographical  unit.  These  politico-mil-  u^jty 
itary  units  were  at  first  very  small,  but  with 
the  passage  of  time  they  grew  by  uniting.  Such  political 
development  resulted  from  various  influences :  desire  for 
community  harmony;  need  for  protection  against  adja- 
cent enemy  groups;  the  ambition  of  strong  men,  who, 
from  military  leaders,  became  chieftains  or  petty  kings. 
At  the  first  dawn  of  the  historical  period  in  the  Scandina- 
vian North,  the  largest  political  units  were  provinces, 
which,  particularly  in  Sweden,  stood  out  in  a  very  definite 
manner,  each  possessing  a  distinct  group  solidarity,  as 
is  seen  from  the  provincial  laws  of  the  period.  To  the 
Westmanlander  and  Gothlander,  for  example,  other 
Scandinavians  were  "foreigners."  ^^  The  various  pro- 
vincial laws  for  the  protection  of  life  and  property  and 
defense  of  honor  showed  distinct  partiality  to  natives  of 
the  province  for  which  they  were  made.^^ 

When,  at  the  opening  of  the  Viking  Age,  the  personal 
ambition  of  some  of  the  stronger  of  the  petty  kings  of 
the  provinces  resulted  in  the  unification  of  Denmark, 
Sweden,  and  Norway,  and  the  rise  of  the  Scandinavian 
nations  of  to-day,  a  larger  group  consciousness  of  a  po- 
litical sort  began  to  grow — though  in  a  shifting  manner, 
because  of  the  long  period  of  national  instability — and 
the  Danish  Jutlander  and  Seelander  came  to  feel  them- 
selves a  little  closer  to  each  other,  because  they  lived 
under  the  same  sovereign  and  same  national  laws,  than 
they  did  to  the  Swede  or  the  Norwegian  or  Icelander. 

While,  during  the  viking  period,  the  people   of  the 

1*  Phillpotts,  Kindred  and  Clan,  70;   Outa-Lagh,  21. 
15  Guta-Lagh,  21  ff.     See  below,  p.  33. 


32  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

North  were  growing  conscious  of  the  artificial  national 
boundaries  recently  established  about  them, 
Conscious-'     ^^^  ^^^  increasing  differences  in  the  char- 
ness  acter  of  government  and  laws  within  the  na- 

tions, they  also  came  to  recognize,  seemingly 
as  never  before,  the  unity  of  race;  they  developed  a 
group  consciousness  which  included  all  of  Scandinavian 
blood  who  spoke  the  common  tongue  of  the  North.  The 
stimulation  to  the  recognition  of  this  larger  grouping 
came  largely  from  travel  in  foreign  lands,  on  military  or 
viking  enterprises.  When  thrown  into  contact  with 
people  of  different  ethnical  stock,  they  saw  how  much,  as 
Northmen,  they  had  in  common.  Not  only  were  they 
bound  together  by  linguistic  unity  and  the  consciousness 
of  membership  in  the  same  ethnical  group,  but  also  by 
similarity  or  identity  of  manners  and  customs,  and — most 
important  of  all — of  religion ;  for  the  fact  that  they  alone 
of  all  the  Teutonic  peoples  still  clung  to  the  ancestral 
heathen  gods,  while  virtually  all  the  Europeans  with 
whom  they  associated  when  beyond  their  own  borders 
were  adherents  of  the  vastly  different  Christian  faith, 
was  a  powerful  inducement  toward  the  development  of  a 
Scandinavian  nationality,  social  and  racial  in  character. 
This  Scandinavian  group  consciousness  was  also  indi- 
cated in  the  laws  of  the  various  political  units  of  the 
North,  but  rather  in  a  comparative  than  a  positive  man- 
ner. In  Iceland,  where  the  feeling  for  kindred  was  least 
strong,  and  the  recent  historical  connection  with  continen- 
tal Scandinavia  easily  remembered,  the  feeling  for  race 
grouping  was,  as  would  be  expected,  unusually  marked. 
It  is  noticeable  in  the  laws  of  the  republic  concerning  the 
payment  of  wergeld  and  the  right  of  prosecution  in  the 
case  of  the  killing  of  one  not  an  Icelander.  If  a  ''foreign 
man"  from  the  three  kingdoms  where  ''our  tongue"  is 


THE  TIES  OF  KINSHIP  AND  NATIONALITY  33 

spoken  (Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden)  is  killed  in  Ice- 
land, runs  the  law,  the  relatives  are  to  have  the  same 
right  of  prosecution  as  the  Icelanders  themselves;  but 
foreigners  not  from  lands  where  our  tongue  is  spoken, 
cannot  prosecute  except  in  the  case  of  father,  son,  or 
brother,  and  then  only  if  the  murdered  man  was  known 
in  Iceland.^*'  This  provision  might  be  explained  in  Ice- 
land as  merely  a  recognition  of  herself  as  a  Scandinavian 
colony;  but  in  Sweden  whose  geography  would  be  ex- 
pected to  incline  her  to  look  to  the  east,  and  away  from 
the  other  Scandinavian  lands,  and  thus  separate  her  from 
them,  we  find  another  set  of  laws  showing  by  an  interest- 
ing gradation  an  acknowledgment  of  racial  consciousness 
extending  even  to  the  British  Isles.  These  are  in  the 
provincial  code  of  West  Gothland,  which,  ever  partial  to 
her  own,  placed  the  wergeld  for  a  native  West  Goth  at 
twenty-one  marks;  for  a  Swede,  at  a  little  more  than 
thirteen;  for  a  Noi'wegian  or  Dane,  at  nine;  and  for  an 
Englishman,  at  six  marks. ^'^ 

i^Grdgds,   III,   171. 

17  Enander,  Joh.  A.,  Vara  Fdders  sinnelag  Forrmordiska  Karaktersdrag , 
15. 


CHAPTER  III 

CLASSES    OF    SOCIETY 

Edda  a  child  brought  forth :  MoSir  then  brought  forth  a  boy : 

they  with  water  sprinkled  in  silk  they  wrapped  hun, 

its  swarthy  skm  with  water  sprinkled  him, 

and  named  it  Thrall.  and  named  him  Jarl. 

Light  was  his  hair, 

Amma  a  child  brought  forth:  bright  his  cheeks, 

they  with  water  sprinkled  it,  his  eyes  piercmg  as  a 

and   called   it    Karl.  young  serpent's. 
The  mother  in  linen  swathed  ^^^V  ^f  ^^9- 

the  ruddy  red  head; 
its  eyes  twinkled. 

While  the  Northmen  loved  freedom  and  were  in  some 
respects  democratic,  no  such  thing  as  social  equality  was 
to  be  found  among  them ;  an  aristocratic  sys- 
Anstocratic  ^^^  ^^^  ^^  force,  as  has  been  true  of  all  peo- 
of  Society  P^es  in  the  earlier  stage  of  their  development. 
Birth  and  wealth,  as  a  rule,  determined  the 
social  stratification;  but  leadership  within  a  class  was 
accorded  to  only  those  really  qualified  and  personally 
worthy.  A  leader  was  chosen  on  the  basis  of  what  he 
himself  could  do,  not  upon  the  record  of  his  ancestors, 
Iceland,  in  particular,  emphasized  family  connections, 
and  even  at  the  present  day  that  nation  perhaps  pays 
more  attention  to  genealogical  records,  and  takes  more 
pride  in  long  ancestral  lines  than  any  other  people  in  the 
world.  In  determining  social  position,  land  was  the 
most  influential  kind  of  wealth  throughout  the  North, 
though  to  a  lesser  degree  in  Iceland,  where  it  was  more 

34 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  35 

plentiful,  than  elsewhere.  On  the  continent,  much  em- 
phasis was  placed  on  the  possession  of  ancestral  land, 
which,  consequently,  was  highly  prized. 

In  general,  each  subdivision  of  society  had  its  place, 
which  it  was  expected  to  keep.  In  the  great  banqueting 
halls  there  were  high  seats  and  low,  suited  to  the  rank 
of  all  comers,  those  for  the  most  humble  being  nearest 
the  door;  and  in  the  public  burying-grounds,  introduced 
after  the  adoption  of  Christianity,  the  nobles  were  en- 
tombed in  the  most  sacred  ground,  beside  the  church,  and 
beyond  them,  outward,  were  buried  the  other  classes  in 
descending  order,  the  slaves  being  nearest  the  wall  of 
the  church-yard.^  The  divisions  existing  in  life  were 
thus  preserved  even  after  death.  Class  discrimination 
was,  however,  felt  most  in  connection  with  legal  and  gov- 
ernmental matters :  in  determining  the  amount  of  wergeld 
which  must  be  paid  if  a  member  of  the  population  was 
wronged  or  killed ;  in  the  composition  of  the  juries ;  and 
in  the  exercise  of  legislative  and  judicial  power  at  the 
political  assemblies.  Yet,  the  social  division  w^as  one  of 
class,  not  of  caste.  People  of  unequal  social  grade  were 
occasionally  united  in  legal  marriage ;  and  it  was  possible 
— and  in  some  cases,  quite  easy — to  rise  by  other  means 
from  a  lower  social  rank  to  a  higher  one.  In  Iceland, 
where  society  was  more  fluid  because  of  the  newness  of 
the  country,  and  where  w^ealth  was  more  easily  obtained, 
such  class  shiftings  were  less  uncommon  than  upon  the 
continent. 

To  classify  the  whole  Scandinavian  people  of  the  early 
Middle  Ages  in  one  set  of  social  pigeon-holes 
is  impossible,  because  conditions  varied  in  Qasses 
different    parts    of    the    land.     Iceland,    in 
particular,  showed  certain  important  modifications  and 

1  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  391-392. 


36  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

omissions.  Broadly  speaking,  the  continental  population 
may  be  said  to  have  come  under  the  following  headings, 
some  of  these  in  turn  being  marked  by  divisions  of  minor 
importance:  (1)  slaves  of  all  sorts;  (2)  freedmen,  com- 
posed of  ex-slaves  and  a  ^umber  of  generations  of  their 
descendants;  (3)  b6endr/\the  great  landed  middle  class, 
ranging  from  the  petty  freeholder  to  the  holdr,  or  proud 
possessor  of  ancestral  soil;  (4)  nobles,  made  up  in  the 
early  times  of  her  sir,  or  patriarchal  chieftains,  but  re- 
placed, after  the  political  Vmification  of  the  lands,  by 
lendirmenn,  who  were  the  kings'  liegemen;  (5)  "high- 
bom  men,"  including  jarls,\who  were  also  the  kings' 
liegemen  and  superintendents;  and  the  kings  themselves 
and  their  families. 

In  Iceland,  the  first  two  classes  existed  mth  practically 
the  same  composition.  But  apaong  the  boendr  there  was 
very  little  of  sub-stratification,  since  here  less  impor- 
tance was  attached  to  the  possession  of  allodial  soil; 
while  in  the  Orkneys  and  Shetlands  this  seems  to  have 
been  emphasized  as  much  as  in  Norway.-  Iceland  also 
lacked  the  noble  and  ''high-born"  classes — in  the  con- 
tinental sense — since  it  was  a  republic  during  the  period 
considered.  The  only  men  in  the  country  who  corre- 
sponded in  any  degree  to  the  continental  nobles  were  the 
district  chieftains,  or  priests,  who  rather  belonged  to 
the  upper  ranks  of  the  boendr.       — -.^ 

Slavery,  or  thralldom,  was  very  common  throughout 
the  North  during  the  period  in  question,  and  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  svstem  was  at  this  time  thou- 

Slavery  *      ^  ^        _, 

sands  ot  years  old.  But  it  does  not  geem 
likely  that  the  slaves  ever  formed  a  very  large  fraction 
of  the  population.     They  were  held  by  only  the  wfell-to- 


2  Johnston,  A.  W.,  "Orkney  and  Shetland  Historical  Jfetes,"  in  Saga 
Book,  vol.  VIII,  211-264. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  37 

do,  or  rich,  and  perhaps  not  more  than  twenty  or  thirty- 
were  found,  as  a  rule,  even  on  the  largest  Scandinavian 
farms.  The  ranks  of  slavery  were  recruited  in  several 
ways :  many  were  bom  into  native  thralldom ;  great  num- 
bers were  purchased  from  foreign  slave  merchants ;  still 
others  were  introduced  to  compulsory  servitude  through 
capture  in  foreign  wars  or  viking  raids,  Celts,  especially 
those  from  Ireland,  being  the  most  common  bondmen 
of  this  class  from  the  west,  and  Finns  and  Slavs,  from- 
the  east;  and  even  free  Scandinavians  themselves  were 
occasionally  enslaved  as  punishment  for  debt  or  for  more 
serious  offenses  and  crimes;  or  they  sold  their  children 
for  the  purpose  of  wiping  out  debt;  sometimes  also  a  man 
who  found  it  impossible  to  support  and  protect  himself 
voluntarily  surrendered  his  freedom.  In  Sweden  su^li-& 
voluntary  bondmaa-was  known  as  a  **gift  thrall.-^*^ 

The  thralls  found  in  Scandinavia  at  the  opening  of  the 
Viking  Age  were  perhaps  largely  descendants  of  the  part 
of  the  population  subjugated  by  the  blonde  Norse.  Most 
important  among  these  were  the  short,  brunette  people 
already  mentioned  as  having  preceded  the  Teutons  into 
the  land.  These  probably  formed  the  lowest  class  of 
bondmen.  The  subjugated  native  slaves  were  later  aug- 
mented from  the  northern  Finns  or  Lapps;  and  there 
seems  good  reason  to  believe  that  when  the  Swedes  con- 
quered their  neighbors,  the  Goths,  they  in  some  cases 
made  slaves  of  them.^  But  it  is  not  likely  that  at  any 
time  the  thralls  of  Scandinavian  blood  were  numerous, 
for  slavery  was  not  a  common  punishment  for  crime,  and 
debt  bondage  was  only  temporar}^,  unless  the  amount 
owed  was  equivalent  to  the  value  of  a  slave;  moreover, 

3  Eriksen,  A.  E.,  "Om  Traeldom  hos  Skandinaverne,"  in  Nordisk  Uni- 
versitets-Tidskrift  for   1861,  no.  Ill,  pp.   10-12;   no.  IV,  pp.   84-95. 
*Ibid.,  no.  IV,  p.  84;  Bugge,  Norges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  227. 


38  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

a  wife  could  not  be  committed  to  slavery  for  debt  without 
the  consent  of  the  family  to  which  she  belonged.  With 
the  increased  activities  beyond  the  seas  which  charac- 
terized the  last  period  of  heathendom,  however,  slavery 
became  more  important  in  the  North,  because  of  the  more 
common  use  of  foreign  thralls.  The  bondmen  of  foreign 
blood  were,  not  infrequently,  people  of  high  birth  w^ho 
held  positions  of  honor  in  their  own  lands.  In  some 
cases,  they  were  carried  off  in  warring  raids  merely  for 
the  purpose  of  demanding  a  heavy  ransom;  if  this  was 
not  paid,  they  became  the  slaves  of  their  conquerors. 
The  daughters  and  wives  of  foreign  chieftains  or  kings, 
particularly  if  they  were  beautiful,  were  occasionally  also 
taken,  to  become  the  slave-mistresses  of  their  captors, 
or  to  be  sold  to  others.^ 

Bondmen  in  ancient  Scandinavia  appear  to  have  been 
treated  very  much  as  were  the  Negro  slaves  in  the  United 
States.  The  high-spirited  Northern  people 
of  Slaves  ^^  loved  freedom  as  to  have,  as  a  rule,  a  lively 
contempt  for  those  who  were  not  in  enjoy- 
ment of  it,  even  though  these  latter  were  in  servitude 
because  of  no  fault  of  their  own.  Before  the  law,  slaves 
were  not  persons,  but  property,  like  livestock ;  and  when 
they  were  hopelessly  sick  or  too  old  to  work,  they  might 
be  turned  out  to  die,  like  the  other  domestic  animals.  In 
Norway,  even  after  Christianity  had  been  introduced, 
the  thrall  who  had  become  too  feeble  to  work  might  be 
taken  to  the  church-yard  and  placed  in  a  grave  prepared 
for  him,  where  he  was  left  to  perish.  Slaves  were  per- 
haps also  frequently  required  to  follow  their  masters 
and  mistresses  to  their  graves,  through  being  put  to 
death  on  the  funeral  pyre.''     The  life  of  the  slave  was 

sEriksen,    "Om   Traeldom,"    in    Nordisk    Vnivs.-Tidskr.,    for    1861     no 
III,  pp.  4,   10. 

8  Bugge,  Norges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  238-239.     See  below,  pp.  419-420. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  39 

always  held  lightly,  and  his  master  might  maim  or  kill 
him  with  impunity — miless  the  act  took  place  at  certain 
holy  periods — but  the  law  required  that  the  killing  be 
publicly  announced  upon  the  day  on  which  it  took  placeJ 
If  a  man  killed  the  bondman  of  another,  he  must  pay 
damages,  as  for  other  property,  and  if.  such  payment 
were  made  within  thirty  days,  the  owner  might  not  seek 
revenge,  unless  the  slave  were  put  to  death  to  secure 
revenge  on  the  master.  Except  in  rare  cases,  no  slave 
might  be  a  witness  or  take  an  oath ;  hence,  like  the  African 
slave  of  antebellum  days  in  the  United  States,  he  had 
no  rights  which  the  master  was  bound  to  respect.  A 
person  who  was  in  temporary  thralldom  for  debt  was 
treated  like  other  bondmen,  except  that  he  might  not  be 
sold  or  driven  to  work  with  blows,  unless  he  were  stub- 
bom.^ 

But  if  the  slave  was  not  permitted  to  enjoy  the  rights 
of  society,  he  also  escaped  most  of  its  duties.  His  mas- 
ter was  entirely  responsible  for  his  actions.  All  bond- 
men were  exempt  from  military  service,  except  in  the  case 
of  a  great  crisis,  in  which  case  free  and  slave  alike  must 
go.  If  a  master  violated  this  law  and  took  his  slave  to 
foreign  parts  for  military  service,  he  forfeited  his  owner- 
ship and  the  man  became  free,  or  was  confiscated  by  the 
king.  It  was  also  illegal  to  sell  a  slave  out  of  the  coun- 
try, except  for  crime ;  but  there  w^as  nothing  to  prevent 
a  master  from  taking  his  slave  abroad  as  a  personal  ser- 
vant or  as  a  cook.^ 

The  working  hours  of  the  slave  were  long  and  hard, 
and  his  food,  clothing,  and  housing  provisions  were  of 
the  simplest.     But  glimpses  are  given  in  the  sagas  of 

7  Grdgds,  III,  189-190. 

8  Eriksen,  "Om  Traeldom,"  in  Nordisk  Univs.-Tidskr.  for  1861,  no.  Ill, 
10;  IV,  86. 

9  Ihid.,  no.  Ill,  32-33 ;  no.  IV,  87-89,  96. 


40  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

cheering  exceptions  to  this.  The  household  slaves,  as  in 
the  case  in  Negro  slavery  in  the  United  States,  were  often 
well  treated  and  became  attached  to  the  family.  This 
was  especially  true  of  the  men  and  women  who  assumed 
virtually  the  w^hole  care  and  training  of  the  children  in 
the  homes  of  the  wealthy.  These,  like  the  ''mammies" 
in  the  South,  were  frequently  regarded  by  the  children 
as  second  parents.  Occasionally,  also,  thralls  were  per- 
mitted to  accumulate  property  and  were  given  positions 
of  trust.  One  thrall  is  mentioned  who  became  adviser  of 
the  king,  and  later  rebelled  agamst  him.^*^ 

No  prohibition  existed  against  the  sale,  ^^^thin  the  coun- 
try, of  one  who  was  a  life-slave;  but  the  sale  must  take 
place  in  a  legal  manner,  and  in  the  presence  of  witnesses. 
The  price  of  slaves  varied,  but  it  generally  ranged  from 
one  to  three  marks  of  silver  (eight  to  twenty-four 
ounces).  The  customarj^  price  for  a  woman  was  one 
mark,  but  three  times  this  amount  was  not  unheard  of. 
In  some  places,  the  purchaser  was  permitted  by  law  to 
take  the  slave  on  trial,  vnth.  the  right  of  returning  him 
within  a  certain  time,  if  not  satisfied.  In  the  Swedish 
island  of  Gotland  the  time  limit  for  trial  was  six  days. 
On  the  seventh  day  the  thrall  must  be  returned  or  the 
money  for  him  paid  down.^^  In  some  parts  of  the  North 
there  were  fugitive  slave  laws,  which  encouraged  the  ap- 
prehension of  runaways  by  offering  rewards.  In  Nor- 
way if  the  slave  was  captured  in  the  district  in  which  he 
belonged,  the  reward  was  one  eyrir  (one  ounce  of  silver) ; 
but  if  he  had  fled  farther,  it  was  two.  A\nien  a  bondman 
was  hired  out  by  his  owner,  the  temporary  master  was 
responsible  if  the  slave  lost  his  life  through  any  evident 

io/6tU,  no.  Ill,  45;  Du  Chaillu,  Paul  B.,  The  Viking  Age,  I,  512-513. 
11  Eriksen,  "Om  Traeldom."  in  Nordisk  Vnivs.-Tidskr.  for  1861,  no.  Ill, 
60;  no.  IV,  92;  Outa-Lagh,  67-68. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  41 

carelessness  on  the  part  of  the  former.  Likewise,  if  the 
slave  was  sent  home  alone  and  ran  away,  the  one  who  had 
hired  him  was  responsible.^^ 

Slaves  were  permitted  to  marry,  but,  as  in  the  United 
States,  marriage  ties  between  them  were  often  ignored 
by  the  master  for  the  sake  of  financial  gain, 

1      .  1  ,  .,  Children  of 

and,  m  general,  sex  morals  among  them  slaves 
were  loose.  Children  of  slave  parentage  on 
one  side  had  a  status  which  varied  with  the  section  and 
also  w4th  circumstances ;  but  generally  the  law  gave  them 
the  rank  of  the  mother.  In  some  parts  of  Sweden,  how- 
ever, children  of  a  marriage  between  slave  and  free  par- 
ents were  free ;  and  under  the  East  Gotland  laAv,  a  master 
was  required  to  provide  for  his  children  begotten  by  a 
slave.  The  Danish  laws,  on  the  other  hand,  declared  the 
child  of  a  slave  mother  to  be  a  slave,  but  the  father  could 
free  it  by  paying  the  mother's  owner  three  marks.  In 
Iceland,  at  least,  children  of  a  debtor  slave  must  be  reared 
in  slavery.^^ 

Even  in  heathen  times  masters  often  voluntarily  freed 
their  slaves;  and  the  emancipation  movement  was  ac- 
celerated by  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
into  the  North.     Many  received  their  free-  ti^^"*^^^^' 
dom   in   recognition   of   special    service,    or 
deeds  of  marked  heroism ;  but  more  escaped  from  thrall- 
dom  through  their  masters  giving  them  part  of  their 
time  in  which  to  work  for  themselves,  and  thus  to  accumu- 
late money  for  the  purchase  of  their  liberty.     The  ranks 
of  the   freedmen  were  also  considerably  augmented, — 
especially  in  Sweden, — as  a  result  of  the  relatives   of 
bondmen  supplying  the  price  of  liberty.     Emancipation 

12  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  35. 

13  Eriksen,  "Om  Traeldom,"  in  'Sordisk  Univ8.-Tidskr.  for  1861    no.  Ill 
12,  40,  90;  no.  IV,  99. 


42  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

was  celebrated  and  sealed  in  a  formal  manner  through- 
out the  North.  In  Norway,  a  ceremonial  banquet,  called 
a  ''freedom  ale,"  was  held  by  the  thrall  about  to  receive 
his  liberty.  The  details  of  this  were  prescribed  by  law. 
Throughout  the  land  a  certain  amount  of  malt  must  be 
used  in  brewing  the  ale,  and  in  the  north  of  Norway, 
slave  and  master  must  slaughter  a  wether  for  the  feast 
in  a  ceremonial  manner.  The  master  and  mistress  were 
guests  of  honor  at  the  banquet,  at  which  the  price  of 
liberty — if  this  was  secured  by  purchase — was  paid  dowa 
in  the  presence  of  witnesses.  As  the  result  of  custom 
and  law,  the  price  demanded  of  a  slave  who  gained  free- 
dom through  his  own  labor  was  often  very  low,  in  Nor- 
way being  only  a  fourth  of  market  value. ^* 

If  slaves  were  to  be  freed  by  relatives,  some  laws  re- 
quired that  the  relatives  appear  at  a  specified  meeting 
of  the  popular  assembly,  and  pay  over  the  purchase 
money  to  the  master,  stating  on  oath  at  this  time  that  by 
so  doing  they  freed  the  bondman.  Such  freedmen  were, 
consequently,  said  to  be  ''freed  by  money  and  the  oath 
of  relatives." 

After  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  emancipation 
w;as  solemnized  in  some  parts  by  means  of  a  religious 
ceremony.  In  Iceland,  for  instance,  the  man  who  was  to 
receive  his  freedom  was  required  to  appear  at  the  popu- 
lar assembly  and  to  swear  with  his  hand  upon  the  cross 
in  the  presence  of  witnesses  to  keep  the  laws  of  the  land 
as  did  "the  man  who  kept  them  well."  To  the  chieftain- 
priest  who  administered  the  oath  and  "led  him  in  the 
law"  he  must  pay  a  small  fee.  But  manumission  under 
the  auspices  of  the  church  appears  to  have  especially 
characterized    Norway,    where,    through    the    influence 

i*/6td.,  no.  Ill,  54-57;  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  33-212;  Wergeland,  Agnes 
Mathilde,  Slavery  in  Germcmic  Society  during  the  Middle  Ages,  94 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  43 

of  the  new  religion,  as  early  as  the  eleventh  century  the 
laws  decreed  that  a  slave  must  be  emancipated  at  Christ- 
mastide  in  every  province,  each  district  in  the  province 
contributing  towards  the  purchase  money.  The  cere- 
monies connected  with  such  cases  of  manumission — and 
perhaps  other  cases  also — were  held  in  the  church.  In 
some  instances  the  priest  uttered  the  formula  of  manu- 
mission after  placing  a  copy  of  the  Gospels  upon  the 
head  of  the  thrall;  but  the  proclamation  of  freedom 
might  be  made  with  the  slave  seated  upon  the  chest  of 
arms  which  occupied  a  place  below  the  master's  seat; 
or  the  slave  might  even  be  permitted  to  sit  in  the  seat 
of  honor  itself.^^ 

Though  the  ex-slave  was  in  one  manner  or  another 
initiated  into  the  non-servile  part  of  society,  the  complete 
emancipation  of  himself  and  his  descendants 
was  a  slow  and  gradual  process.     The  delay     "^  *"^" 
was  intended,  on  the  one  hand,  to  prevent  Leysings 
him  and  his  from  becoming  a  burden  upon 
society  or  a  menace  to  it;  and,  on  the  other,  to  protect 
them  from  designing  persons  until  they  were   capable 
of  protecting  themselves.     During  the  transition  stage 
between  the  status  of  the  slave  and  that  of  the  freeman, 
the  ex-thrall  was  called  a  ley  sing,  or  f  reedman.     At  times 
the  two  words  were  used  interchangeably,  but,  in  general, 
*'freedman"  m^eant  one   to  whom  freedom  was  given, 
while  a  leysing  was  an  ex-thrall  who  had  redeemed  him- 
self.    Broadly  speaking,  the  latter  was  freer  than  the 
former. ^^     The  differences  were,  however,  not  sufficiently 
emphasized  to  make  it  possible  to  regard  them  in  a  dis- 

isEriksen,  "Om  Traeldom,"  in  Nordislc  Vnit^s.-Tidskr.  for  1861,  no.  Ill, 
53;  no.  IV,  90,  92,  100;  Grdgds,  III,  190-191;  Wergeland,  Slavery  in 
Germanic  Society,  118,  132-133. 

16  Wergeland,  Slavery  in  Germanic  Society,   133,   143. 


44  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

cussion  of  the  transition  state;  consequently,  tlie  word 
*'freedman"  is  here  employed  to  include  all  ex-bondmen 
— regardless  of  how  they  escaped  their  bonds — who  had 
not  yet  entered  into  the  full  rights  and  privileges  of 
freemen. 

In  some  cases,  the  ex-thrall  was  required  to  work  for 
his  former  owner  for  a  year  after  being  emancipated; 
if  he  violated  his  duty  during  this  time,  his  master  might 
re-enslave  him.  At  the  end  of  the  probation  period,  if 
the  f reedman  had  found  favor  in  the  eyes  of  his  master, 
he  might  rise  rapidly.  But  such  cases  were  rare.  More 
frequently,  after  the  initial  act  of  emancipation  had 
taken  place,  a  new  relationship  lasting  for  several  genera- 
tions was  begun  between  the  f reedman 's  family  and  the 
master's  family.  The  tie  binding  the  two  was  of  the 
nature  of  wardship,  and  carried  with  it  various  rights 
and  obligations  on  both  sides,  which  gradually  decreased 
as  time  passed.  The  f reedman 's  son,  for  instance,  had 
more  of  absolute  independence  than  his  father,  and  took 
a  higher  rank  in  society,  as  is  sho"svn  by  the  higher  wer- 
geld  which  might  be  demanded  for  his  death.  But  while 
the  ties  between  the  two  were  still  close,  the  freedman 
was,  in  a  sense,  a  member  of  the  master's  family.  For 
this  reason  many  of  the  prominent  settlers  of  Iceland 
brought  their  freedmen  out  with  them;  and  the  same 
was  true  of  the  settlers  of  the  Danelaw  in  England.^^ 
For  a  period,  the  master's  family  must  supply  the  freed- 
men with  the  necessaries  of  life,  if  they  could  not  supply 
themselves.  In  view  of  this  obligation,  the  laws  in  some 
parts  forbade  freedmen  or  their  descendants  from  marry- 
ing without  the  consent  of  the  head  of  the  family  to 
which  they  had  once  been  attached  as  slaves.  During 
the  heathen  period,  if  a  pair  of  freed  people  married 

17  Seebohm,   Frederic,    Tribal   Custom   in   Anglo-Saxon   Law,   353. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  45 

without  securing  proper  consent  and  had  children  who 
were  paupers,  the  master  had  a  legal  right  to  put  the 
children — if  there  were  two — into  an  open  grave  and 
leave  them  there  until  one  died, — after  which  he  must 
take  out  the  other  and  care  for  it.^^ 

By  way  of  compensation  for  his  responsibilities,  the 
master  was  the  heir  of  his  ex-slave  if  the  latter  died 
without  children,  and  was  the  next  heir  after  any  children 
that  might  be  born.  But  as  time  passed  and  a  more 
extensive  free  kindred  was  formed,  any  relative  could 
inherit  before  the  master's  family.  However,  the  right 
of  inheritance  could  be  long  claimed  by  the  master's 
descendants;  in  Norway,  the  right  descended  'Ho  the 
ninth  knee."  Not  till  nine  generations  had  passed  did 
the  master's  descendants  lose  the  right  to  property  left 
by  heirless  descendants  of  the  ex-slave. ^'^ 

As  has  been  already  stated,  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity   hastened    the    complete    abolition    of    slavery 
throughout    Scandinavia.     In    Norway    and 
Iceland  the  institution  probably  disappeared  Disappear- 
some  time  in  the  twelfth  century ;  for  slaves  slavery  in 
are  not  mentioned  in  writings  of  later  date.  Scandinavia 
In  Denmark,  it  persisted  until  much  later, 
probably  not  dying  out  until  the  fourteenth  century; 
while  in  Sweden,  which  longest  resisted  christianization, 
thralldom  survived  a  little  longer  still.^'^ 

The  cause  for  the  persistence  of  slavery  in  Denmark, 
where   Christianity  was  first  introduced  in  „    ^, 

1       -K.T       -1  m  1  •  ^  1  1  J.    Serfdom  in 

the  North,  was  serfdom,  which  was  brought   Denmark 
into  the  country  quite  early  through  feudal- 
ism.   Hence,  slavery  and  serfdom  existed  side  by  side, 

18  Norges  Oamle  Love,  I,  33. 

19  Seebohm,  Tribal  Custom,  265-267. 

20  Eriksen,  "Om  Traeldom,"  in  Nordisk  Univs.-Tidskr.  for  1861,  IV, 
108-109. 


46  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

and  the  former  was  accordingly  prolonged.  A  second 
bad  effect  of  feudal  influence  was  that  it  added  to  the 
hardships  of  the  freedman,  and  made  it  more  difficult  for 
him  to  rise  in  the  social  scale.  However,  serfdom  did  not 
extend  north  of  Denmark,  and  did  not  even  affect  the 
whole  of  that  country,  but  was  restricted  to  the  islands 
of  Seeland,  Laaland,  Falster,  and  Moen.^^ 

Economically,  the  freedmen  were  generally  identified 
with  the  free  laborers  or  cottiers,  w^ho  formed  the  hum- 

blest  part  of  the  non-servile  population. 
Laborers         '^^^  former  were  very  limited  in  number, 

because  of  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the 
North;  and,  as  it  was  very  easy  for  them  to  become 
cottiers, — which  perhaps  many  of  them  were  in  later  life, 
— they  were  not  named  separately  in  classifying  the 
Scandinavian  population.  Though  perhaps  most  of  the 
free  laborers  came  from  the  slave  class,  some  were  people 
who  had,  for  one  reason  or  another,  failed  to  succeed 
economically  among  the  higher  ranks  of  the  freemen. 
Sometimes  poor  folk  of  this  sort  became  the  servants 
of  well-to-do  relatives.  A  few  of  the  laborers  were  im- 
migrant foreigners.  As  this  laboring  class  was  entirely 
free,  those  who  were  out  of  work  might  travel  about 
from  place  to  place  looking  for  employment.  When  they 
did  so,  like  the  rest  of  the  free  population,  for  the  sake  of 
protection  they  went  armed.  Once  employed,  the  la- 
borer was  less  free  to  leave  an  undesirable  situation  than 
at  the  present  time,  for  he  was  generally  hired  for  a 
certain  period,  and  in  most  parts  there  were  laws  for  the 
protection  of  the  employer.  Such  laws  allowed  the  mas- 
ter to  whip  disobedient  or  defiant  servants.  Wages  were 
fairly  definitely  fixed  also,  by  law  or  custom,  except  per- 
haps in  Iceland,  where  influences  already  referred  to, 

21  Ibid.,  92. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  47 

made  conditions  better  in  many  ways  for  the  serving 
classes.  But,  on  the  whole,  the  free  laborers  were  treated 
kindly;  they  had  protection  under  the  law  against  unjust 
or  dishonest  masters,  and  enjoyed,  as  well,  the  legal 
rights  of  all  free  people.  However,  certain  political 
privileges  were  closed  to  the  free  laborer  and  the  cottier 
in  Iceland — most  probably  elsewhere  also — and  neither 
could  serve  on  a  jury  of  neighbors.^^ 

The  humblest  member  of  society  having  a  dwelling  of 
his  own  was  the  cottier,  or  cottager,  called  kotkarl  in  Ice- 
land, and  liusmadr  in  Norway.  He  was  per- 
haps most  frequently  a  freedman,  and  corre- 
sponded closely  to  the  Norwegian  husmand,  or  houseman, 
of  the  present  day.  The  cottiers  formed  a  fairly  large 
fraction  of  the  population  and  were  tenants  of  the  proud 
boendr.  Their  homes  were  small  cots  or  huts,  structures 
of  one  room  and  a  loft,  furnished  in  a  simple  manner. 
They  paid  their  rent  for  the  small  piece  of  land  which 
they  cultivated,  either  in  labor  or  in  kind,  and  at  times 
also  worked  for  their  landlords  for  wages.  During  the 
early  Middle  Ages  this  class  w^as  in  a  happier  position 
than  it  was  later,  after  the  humbler  part  of  the  popula- 
tion had  been  ground  down  by  the  kings  and  the  nobility ; 
for  the  Viking  Age  brought  a  prosperity  to  the  whole 
North  in  which  the  cottiers  had  a  small  share  indirectly ; 
and,  furthermore,  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  them 
from  trying  their  fortunes  over  seas  as  well  as  the  richer 
men,  for  they  could  go  as  sailors. 

Above  the  freedmen  and  the  freemen  who  Boendr  or 
were  mere  laborers  or  cottagers,  were  the  ^'■"^ 
hoefidr,  who  formed  the  great  middle  class,  or 
backbone,    of    Scandinavian    society.     Though    some    of 

22Weinhold,    Altnordisches   Leben,    429-431;    "B6ndi,"    in    Cleasby   and 
Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 


48  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  large  tenants  of  farms  were  classed  as  boendr,  this 
was  an  exceptional  use  of  the  term,  which  was  almost 
exclusively  bound  up  with  full  ownership  of  land,  and 
was  virtually  synonymous  with  freeholder.  Since  the 
population  of  the  Scandinavian  North  during  the  early 
Middle  Ages  was  completely  rural,  this  great  body  of 
agriculturalists  held  a  position  of  dignity  and  impor- 
tance. The  boendr  had  full  political  and  judicial  rights, 
and  in  the  early  viking  period  were  proud,  liberty-loving 
people,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  defy  kings  as  well  as 
nobles  when  their  rights  were  jeopardized.  But  towards 
the  close  of  the  era,  because  of  the  encroachment  of  the 
wealthier  freeholders,  and  the  oppression  of  the  nobles 
and  the  kings,  the  smaller  boendr  were  thrust  into  a  less 
honorable  position.  Some  of  them  seem  to  have  lost  their 
freeholds  entirely;  for  evidence  indicates  that  during 
this  time  many  of  the  smaller,  independently-owned 
lands  were  merged  with  the  larger  estates  of  the  wealthy, 
made  wealthier  through  trading  and  vil^ing  expeditions.-^ 
In  time,  the  boendr  also  lost  some  of  their  liberty.  As 
early  as  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century,  they  were,  in 
Denmark,  forced  to  work  on  the  king's  estates  and  to 
build  castles  for  him ;  ^^  but  farther  north  they  retained 
a  greater  degree  of  their  former  independence,  for  Nor- 
w^ay,  and,  to  a  still  lesser  degree,  Sweden,  were  scarcely 
touched  by  feudal  ideas.^^  In  consequence  of  these 
changes,  in  Denmark  and  Nor^vay  "hondV'  (the  singular 
form  of  the  word)  soon  became  a  term  of  contempt, 
used  with  reference  to  the  common,  low  people,  as  op- 
posed to  the  nobles  and  king;  very  much  as  ''boor,"  in 

23  Bugge,  'Norges  Historic,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  227-228. 

24  Bugge,  Alexander,  Yesterlandenes  Indflydelse  paa  Xordboernes  og 
saerlig  ~X ordmaendenes  ydre  Kultur,  Livesaet,  og  Samfundforhold  i  Vikinge- 
iid^tv,  138. 

25  Lie,  Mikael  H.,  Lensprincipet  %  Norden,  55. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  49 

England,  derived  from  Anglo-Saxon  gebur,  took  on  an 
uncomplimentary  meaning.  In  Sweden,  the  word  seems 
to  have  retained  its  higher  meaning  much  longer,  for 
here  the  king  had  less  power ;  and  certain  provinces  long 
remained  practically  autonomous.  Dalecarlia  was  the 
best  example  of  these,  and  here  the  peasants  even  now 
display  a  proverbial  degree  of  self-esteem  and  independ- 
ence of  mind.  In  Iceland,  a  republic  founded  as  a  pro- 
test against  royal  oppression,  there  was  no  lowering  pf,, 
the  status  of  the  agricultursCl  freeholders;  in  the  f(^- 
landic  sagas  the  word  "bondi"  is  frequently  used  of  the 
most  prominent  men — poets,  priests,  law-speakers,  and 
warriors;  and  the  same  honorable  sense  is  retained  in 
the  island  to-day,  for  the  Icelandic  bondi  corresponds 
more  closely  to  the  American  farmer  than  to  the  Euro- 
pean peasant. 

The  Scandinavians  of  the  continent  distinguished  be- 
tween different   kinds   of   freehold,   and,   consequently, 
between    the    freeholders    themselves.     The 
owTier  of  othal,  or  allodial,  soil  was  most  ?}^^^' 
honorable  of  all  boendr,  and  longest  retained  or  Hauldar 
his  position.     The  othalmen,  to  distinguish 
them   from   the   humbler   freeholders,    were   kno^\^l   as 
hauldar  (singular,  lioldr);  and  corresponded  closely  to 
the  higher  yeomen  of  Northern  England.     In  the  vik- 
ing time   and  later,   othal  land  might  be   acquired   in 
various  ways :  in  payment  of  wergeld ;  in  return  for  fos- 
tering the  child  of  another;  through  a  sort  of  feudal 
inheritance,  called  hranderfd ;  ^^  as  a  grant  from  the  king, 
— generally  in  return  for  special  services;  by  means  of 

26  The  word  literally  means  "burnt  inheritance,"  and  dates  back  to  the 
heathen  time  when  the  bodies  of  the  dead  were  still  burned.  It  was  a 
kind  of  clientela,  by  which  a  strong  and  wealthy  man  gave  protection  and 
support  to  a  weaker  one  while  he  lived,  in  return  for  which  he  secured 
full  right  to  inherit  the  latter's  property. 


50  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

unbroken  possession  of  the  land  for  thirty  or  more  years ; 
or  as  a  result  of  inheritance  from  one's  forefathers.^^ 
Most  othal  soil  of  the  earliest  historical  period  was  prob- 
ably of  ancestral  origin.  The  importance  of  ancestral 
territory  is  emphasized  by  all  of  the  ancient  laws  of 
continental  Scandinavia,^^  but  the  term  ''othal"  is  pe- 
culiar to  Norway  and  to  the  Shetlands  and  Orkneys, 
— which  were  closely  connected  with  Norway  politically 
— and  in  these  parts  of  the  North  genuine  othal  land 
was  carefully  distinguished  from  soil  that  was  merely 
ancestral.  The  former  must  have  been  handed  down 
in  unbroken  succession  from  father  to  son  for  a  definite 
number  of  generations;  Gulathing's  Law,  the  oldest  code 
for  Norway,  says  that  it  must  have  belonged  to  the 
grandfather's  grandfather — or  have  been  handed  do^vn 
in  regular  order  for  five  generations. -'*  The  same  re- 
quirement applied  to  the  Orkneys  and  Shetlands ;  ^^  but 
the  Frostathing's  code,  of  later  date,  prescribed  only 
three  generations,^^  which  appears  to  indicate  that  as 
time  passed  less  importance  was  attached  to  ancestral 
tenure. 

Perhaps  largely  in  consequence  of  the  honor  attached 
to  the  possession  of  it,  family  land — particularly  othal 
soil — was  the  most  highly  prized  possession  of  the  North- 
man. It  was  partially  inalienable  through  the  laws  gov- 
erning its  sale,  and  was  further  guarded  by  the  regula- 
tions governing  inheritance.  As  a  rule  women  could 
not  inherit  it;  but  in  the  absence  of  near  male  relatives, 
such  territory  might  "come  under  the  rule  of  the  spindle" 

^■!Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  91,  249-250;  Johnston,  "Orkney  and  Shetland," 
in  Saga  Book,  vol.  VIII,  pt.  II,  211-264. 

28  See  pp.  26-27,  426-427. 

29  "Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  91,  237. 

30  Johnston,   "Orkney  and  Shetland,"   in  Saga  Book,  vol.  VIII,   pt.  II, 
211-264. 

31  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  237. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  51 

— that  is,  fall  to  a  woman,^^  But,  apparently  in  the  hope 
of  keeping  it  in  the  original  kindred  group,  if  possible, 
there  were  additional  laws  forbidding  a  man  from  sell- 
ing his  wife 's  land  unless  he  had  children  by  her.^^  The 
birth  of  a  child  definitely  cut  oft"  all  claim  to  the  soil  on 
the  part  of  the  wife's  relatives,  for  the  child  inherited 
it  from  the  mother,  and  the  father  was,  in  turn,  the 
child's  heir. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  proportion  of  the  boendr 
of  Norway  were  hauldar  or  othalsmen  on  the  eve  of 
Iceland's  settlement;  but  they  probably  formed  a  strong 
minority,  and  perhaps  held  the  larger  part  of  the  free- 
hold soil.  It  was  the  attempt  of  King  Harold  Hairfair 
to  impose  taxes  upon  their  othal  land, — which  had  always 
been  held  tax-free,  in  absolute  right, — that  caused  great 
numbers  from  the  upper  classes  of  Norwegian  society 
to  flee  from  what  they  looked  upon  as  tyranny  and  op- 
pression and  to  settle  in  Iceland.  Contemporary^  records 
of  Iceland,  however,  make  no  mention  of  othal,  presum- 
ably because  it  was  fairly  easy  for  all  comers  to  secure 
land,  and  such  soil  was  held  in  full  title.  Partly  in  con- 
sequence of  this  fact,  there  was  less  definite  stratification 
in  the  bondi  class  of  Iceland  than  upon  the  continent; 
but  among  the  wealthier  and  more  influential  freeholders 
of  the  island  much  the  same  pride  of  position  and  love 
of  display  was  found  as  existed  in  the  older  parts  of 
Scandinavia.  This  was  true  not  only  of  the  men  who 
held  their  land  by  inheritance  but  also  of  the  wealthier 
of  those  who  had  secured  theirs  by  purchase.  These 
o^\mers  of  real  estate  rarely  traveled  about  the  country 
alone,  for  their  importance  was  largely  estimated  by  the 
size  of  their  train  of  followers,  made  up  of  freemen, 

32  iforges  Gamle  Love,  I,  92. 

^^Valdemar  den  Anclens  Jydske  Lov,  54,  56;  Biarkoa  Ratten,  2;  Erics 
Sjellandske  Lov,  30;   Guta-Lagh,  59-62. 


52  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

called  huskarlar,  and  thralls ;  hence,  such  a  retinue  was 
a  regular  establishment  with  many.  Some  of  the  Ice- 
landers had  a  hundred  or  more  such  men  about  them 
when  they  rode  through  .the  country.^^  This  Avas  more 
generally  true,  however,  of  the  godar,  or  priest-judges 
of  Iceland,  than  of  the  other  boendr. 

In  the  prehistoric  early  part  of  the  viking  period, 
there  was  in  continental  Scandinavia  a  class  of  men 
corresponding  somewhat  closely  to  the  Ice- 
Lendirmenn  l^ndic  goSar  of  later  date.  Since  they  be- 
longed to  the  unrecorded  past,  it  is  rather 
difficult  to  say  just  what  their  positions  were;  but  in 
view  of  the  political  character  of  the  time,  it  seems  un- 
likely that  they  were  vassals  of  the  petty  kings.  More 
probably,  they  were  virtually  independent  local  chief- 
tains, holding  office  by  hereditary  right  or  by  election. 
Like  the  godi  of  Iceland,  they  administered  justice,  cared 
for  the  temples,  and  superintended  the  religious  sacri- 
fices :  ^^  but  they  were  also  the  local  military  leaders, 
and  headed  the  her,  or  host,  when  it  went  into  battle. 
There  seems  to  be  some  connection  between  these  men, 
called  hersar,  and  the  lierads,  the  small  territorial  divi- 
sions early  existing  in  Sweden  and  Norway ;  and  it  is  pre- 
sumable that  the  chieftains  had  general  administrative 
authority  over  these  local  units. 

In  the  ancient  times  the  hersar  evidently  came  from 
the  higher  ranks  of  the  boendr.  However,  at  the  time  of 
Harold  Hairfair  in  Norway  a  change  took  place;  as  the 
king  extended  his  dominion,  the  hersar  lost  much  of 
their  independence  and  became  royal  liegemen,  receiving 
their  land  and  whatever  authority  they  exercised  di- 

34  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  90;  II,  396;  Gluma,  74,  76,  83. 

35  Phillpotts,   Bertha  S.,  "Temple  Administration  and   Chieftainship   in 
pre-Christian  Norway  and  Iceland,"  in  Saga  Book,  VIII,  264-285. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  53 

rectly  from  the  king,  as  opposed  to  the  boendr  whose 
land  was  freehold  and  remained  so  in  spite  of  Harold's 
attempt  to  transform  it  into  some  sort  of  tributary  hold- 
ing. For  a  short  time  the  old  name  was  still  used,  but 
soon  lendirmenn,  or  landed  men,  was  substituted,  as 
an  indication  of  the  change  in  the  chieftains'  rank  and 
office.  The  'landed  men"  were  nobles  and  were  dis- 
tinctly above  the  hauldar,  but,  at  first,  at  least,  their 
dignity  was  not  hereditary.  Since  they  received  their 
len,  or  fief,  and  their  authority  from  the  king,  they  were 
his  right-hand  men. 

Long  before  the  provinces  of  continental  Scandinavia 
were  centralized  into  nations,  a  class  of  men  called  jarlar 
exercised    influence.     In    some    cases    they 

Jarls 

were  identical  with  the  higher  hersar,  but, 
on  the  whole,  they  were  more  powerful.  From  their 
ranks  Ruric,  the  founder  of  the  Russian  nation,  and 
Hrolf,  the  first  ''duke"  of  Normandy  seem  to  have  come. 
At  home,  in  many  instances,  they  were  sovereign  chiefs, 
having  the  same  power  as  the  petty  kings  of  the  time 
who  were  their  neighbors,  and  differing  from  the  kings 
only  in  name.  In  the  old  poetry  we  find  that  the  kings 
and  jarls  were  addressed  in  the  same  manner;  and  even 
as  late  as  the  national  period,  as  the  sagas  prove,  the 
kings  treated  some  of  the  jarls  as  their  peers. 

With  the  political  centralization  of  the  North,  the  jarls 
as  well  as  the  hersar  were  transformed  into  liegemen 
by  the  kings,  and  held  lens,  or  fiefs,  from  them.  But 
because  of  their  greater  original  power  they  were  classed, 
socially,  above  the  lendirmenn,  and,  with  the  kings,  were 
''high-born"  men.  Greater  authority  was  theirs  also, 
for  they  acted  as  special  powerful  agents  or  represen- 
tatives of  the  kings. 

That  the  Scandinavian  system  of  "landed  men"  was 


54  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

copied  from  the  feudal  practices  in  force  farther  south 
is     patent.     Charlemagne's     administrative 
^^^^'.  system  appears  to  have  furnished  the  model 

F^^uJaiism  ^0^'  ^^'^^  Northern  rulers,  particularly  for 
Harold  Hairfair  of  Norway.^^  But  nowhere 
during  the  early  Middle  Ages  did  real  feudalism  exist 
in  the  North ;  at  most,  it  was  a  mild  adaptation.  Instead 
of  being  given  new  and  greater  authority,  in  consequence 
of  becoming  the  king's  ''men,"  the  landirmenn  and  jarls 
simply  had  the  power  which  they  already  enjoyed  ad- 
justed to  changed  conditions.  Harold's  jarls  had  more 
of  a  general  political,  than  a  military,  character;  and 
their  positions  were  not  hereditary.  The  Northern 
chieftains,  through  receiving  a  "fief"  from  the  kings, 
merely  became  their  officers,  or  superintendents.  In 
Denmark,  it  is  true,  because  of  German  influence,  the 
nobles  were  more  independent;  but  in  no  part  of  the 
North  at  this  period  did  a  highly  developed  system  of 
personal  service  and  protection  have  place,  as  in  the 
remainder  of  Europe.  The  nobles  had  virtually  no 
claims  upon  the  boendr,  at  least  in  the  Scandinavian 
peninsula,  and  were  not  a  privileged  class  in  the  feudal 
sense  of  the  term.^^ 

Since  the  kings  of  the  saga  period  had  but  recently 
emerged  from  the  class  of  sovereign  chieftains,  they 
Kin  were,  even  in  the  early  national  era,  in  some 

respects,  merely  high-born  men,  like  the 
jarls;  but  in  the  exercise  of  political  power  they  were 
in  a  class  by  themselves.  Yet,  the  facts  that  in  the  pre- 
national  time  thej^  were  permitted  to  rule  only  during 
good  behavior,  and  that  for  some  time  after  political 

38  Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  Indflydelse,   122-127. 
37  Jhid.,  Lie,  Lensprinscipet,  22-55. 


CLASSES  OF  SOCIETY  55 

centralization,  the  royal  office  was  elective,  prevented  the 
early  Scandinavian  kings  from  acquiring  very  erroneous 
ideas  as  to  their  own  personal  superiority  over  the  upper 
classes  within  their  realms. 

They  were  easilj^  accessible  to  their  own  subjects,  and 
also  to  visitors  from  neighboring  lands.  The  humble 
man  who  felt  himself  wronged  might  present  his  griev- 
ance in  person;  the  adventurous  warrior  from  Iceland 
or  from  his  own  dominions  could  offer  his  military  serv- 
ices in  the  same  manner ;  had  a  wandering  skald  or  saga- 
man  a  poem  to  recite  or  a  story  to  tell  for  the  enter- 
tainment of  a  Northern  sovereign,  he  himself  broached 
the  matter  to  the  royal  personage ;  and  even  the  Scandi- 
navian fellow  with  a  polar  bear  from  Greenland,  to  be 
offered  as  a  ''commercial  gift"  to  the  king,  was  permitted 
to  enter  the  hall  and  personally  tender  his  unique  bid 
for  royal  favor.  Partly  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  in 
close  touch  with  their  subjects,  but  also  in  order  to  over- 
see the  administration  of  their  dominions,  the  Northern 
kings  went  on  regular  circuits  through  their  kingdoms, 
taking  each  district  in  turn.  While  on  such  progresses, 
they  were  accompanied  by  a  large  number  of  retainers, 
and  it  was  the  duty  of  their  subjects  to  provide  hospi- 
tality for  the  company.  The  kings'  ''landed  men"  had 
similar  rights  while  upon  circuits  within  the  smaller  po- 
litical units  which  they  helped  administer.  The  places 
of  entertainment,  the  length  of  stay  at  each,  as  well  as 
other  matters  in  this  connection,  were,  however,  care- 
fully regulated  by  law.^s  As  a  considerable  part  of  the 
sovereigns'  time  was  taken  up  in  these  progresses,  much 
of  the  financial  support  of  the  royal  establishment  came 
directly  from  the  subjects.     The  remainder  was  made  up 

38  See  "Veizla"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 


56  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

from  the  income  from  the  kings'  private  estates,  tribute 
paid  by  conquered  chieftains,  other  direct  taxes,  monopo- 
lies, court  fines,  and  tolls  levied  upon  foreign  traders.^"* 

39  See  below,  pp.  196,  223,  310-312. 


CHAPTER  IV 

INFANCY,    CHILDHOOD,   AND   YOUTH 

A  son,  though  late  bom  after  his  father's  death,  is  better  than  none. 
Few  road-stones  stand  by  the  wayside  that  were  not  raised  by  son 
for  father. 

The  Guest's  Wisdom. 

Scandinavian  parents  of  ancient  times  generally  de- 
sired and  welcomed  children;  to  be  without  offspring 
was  looked  upon  as  a  real  calamity,  and  child- 
less couples  prayed  to  the  goddess  Freyia.   Ej^P°sure 
But   in    the    early    North, — like    in    ancient 
Greece  and  Rome  and  present-day  China, — parents  occa- 
sionally voluntarily  rid  themselves  of  their  children  im- 
mediately after  birth.     The  baby  was  placed  in  an  open 
grave  in  the  woods,  or  by  the  roadside,  to  be  devoured 
by  wild  beasts,  to  die  from  starvation  or  the  effects  of 
the  weather,  or  to  be  rescued  and  adopted  by  a  merciful 
passer-by. 

Various  considerations  moved  fathers  and  mothers  to 
such  conduct,  but  poverty  or  unwillingness  to  trouble 
with  the  rearing  of  the  infant  were  perhaps  the  most 
usual.  Sometimes  ill  feeling  between  the  husband  and 
the  wife  was  thus  visited  upon  their  offspring.  Ille- 
gitimate children,  because  of  the  stigma  attached  to  the 
mother,  were  more  frequently  cast  out  than  those  born 
in  wedlock.  Occasionally  a  bad  dream  or  some  other 
superstitious  influence  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the 
child.  In  those  uncertain  times  when  there  was  such 
great  need  for  a  strong  physique,  weakly  or  deformed 

57 


58  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

babies  were  also  seldom  reared ;  likewise,  girls,  since  they 
could  not  perform  military  service  as  well  as  their 
brothers,  were  more  frequently  exposed  than  boys.  The 
fact  that  among  many  barbarian  peoples  new-born  in- 
fants are  not  thought  of  as  possessing  a  personality,  also 
helps  explain  this  practice  among  a  people  so  advanced 
as  the  Scandinavians  of  the  viking  period.^  But  that 
the  custom  had  fallen  into  disrepute  by  the  earliest  his- 
toric period  in  the  North  is  evident  from  the  saga  state- 
ment that  though  the  law  permitted  parents  to  cast  their 
children  away,  ''it  was  thought  an  evil  deed."^  The 
attitude  of  disapproval  may  have  been  caused  to  some 
extent  by  pre-historic  Christian  influence. 

But  a  tenderness  of  heart  and  an  unwillingness  wan- 
tonly to  destroy  life  was  sometimes  indicated  in  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  child  was  exposed.  If  poverty  was  the 
motive  forcing  parents  to  cast  out  their  child,  they  often 
supplied  it  with  salt  pork  or  other  food  to  suck,  wrapped 
it  warmly,  and  placed  it  beside  the  highway  in  the  hope 
that  life  might  be  preserved  until  it  should  be  found  by 
some  one  willing  to  rear  it.  Similarly,  the  mother  at 
times  saved  the  life  of  her  child  after  the  father  had 
given  instructions  for  its  exposure,  by  bribing  the  ser- 
vant or  slave  ordered  to  dispose  of  it  to  take  the  infant  to 
people  who  would  rear  it. 

The  fate  of  the  new-born  baby  generally  rested  with 

the  father,  or,  in  his  absence,  with  the  male  relative  who 

acted  as  head  of  the  family ;  but  in  some  cases 

The  Nam-      ^j^^  decision  was  left  with  the  mother.     The 

ing  Cere- 

i„ony  matter  was  considered  promptly  after  birth ; 

and  if  it  was  decided  to  rear  the  child,  the 

latter  was  washed,  wrapped  in  swaddling  clothes,  and 

1  Todd,  Arthur  James,  The  Primitive  Family  as  an  Educational  Agency, 
127. 

2  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  583. 


INFANCY,  CHILDHOOD,  AND  YOUTH  59 

given  a  name.  The  naming  of  an  infant  was  looked 
upon  as  giving  it  a  spiritual  existence  and  membership 
in  the  family,  and  to  expose  it  after  this  was  counted 
as  murder.^  The  father,  or  some  other  male  relative  of 
rank,  generally  officiated  at  the  naming  ceremony.  He 
sprinkled  the  child  with  water,  signed  it  with  "Thor's 
holy  hammer,"  and  pronounced  the  name  by  which  it 
should  be  known. ^  The  resemblance  of  this  heathen  cere- 
mony to  the  ordinance  of  child-christening  in  the  Chris- 
tian church  is  obvious,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
some  of  the  points  possessed  in  common  were  due  to 
conscious  imitation  on  the  part  of  the  Scandinavians, 
resulting  from  early  contact  with  the  Christian  ceremony 
in  Southern  Europe.  It  seems  that  originally  the  plac- 
ing of  the  child  at  its  mother's  breast  was  the  token 
that  it  was  to  be  reared;  that  after  it  had  taken  nourish- 
ment it  had  full  right  of  inheritance,  and  to  kill  it  was 
murder.  After  the  intention  to  rear  the  child  had  thus 
been  signified,  it  was  named,  and  the  naming  was  accom- 
panied with  a  religious  ceremony,  not  connected  with  the 
use  of  water.  Later,  in  imitation  of  the  Christian  prac- 
tice— but  long  before  the  adoption  of  Christianity — the 
naming  ceremony,  in  which  water  was  used,  was  given 
additional  significance,  and  only  shado^\y  remnants  of 
the  importance  attached  to  the  child's  taking  its  first 
nourishment  were  surviving  in  the  earliest  historical 
time.^ 

According  to  this  view,  the  heathen  child-naming  cere- 

3  Ibid.,  II,  52. 

4Maurer,  Konrad,  Ueber  die  Wasseriveihe  des  germanischen  Heiden- 
thumes,  1-11. 

6  Ibid.,  80,  and  passim.  In  his  monograph  Dr.  Maurer  presented  these 
ideas  as  part  of  a  fairly  well  supported  theory  rather  than  as  established 
facts;  before  the  hypothesis  could  be  proved,  he  said,  further  investigation 
would  have  to  be  made  of  early  child  christening  in  various  parts  of 
Europe. 


60  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

mony,  which  included  sprinkling  with  water,  marked  the 
transition  between  the  pre-historic,  purely  heathen,  rite 
and  the  Christian.  Be  that  as  it  may,  this  form  was  in 
general  use  in  the  pagan  North  in  the  viking  time.  And 
it  is  probable  that  the  elements  which  it  had  in  common 
with  Christian  baptism  made  it  much  easier  to  substi- 
tute the  latter,  with  the  formal  adoption  of  the  new  re- 
ligion. Yet,  some  of  the  ideas  peculiar  to  the  heathen 
form  were  carried  over  into  Christianity  and  long  sur- 
vived. According  to  some  laws,  only  a  christened  child 
could  inherit  or  receive  the  protection  of  the  laws;  but, 
for  religious  reasons,  a  person  was  more  severely  pun- 
ished for  killing  an  unchristened  child  than  a  christened 
one.®  There  was  an  exception  made,  however,  in  the 
early  Christian  period,  in  Norway — perhaps  in  the  other 
Scandinavian  countries — in  the  case  of  children  born  so 
malformed  as  to  be  monstrosities.  Such  infants  were 
not  to  be  baptized  but  to  be  taken  to  the  churchyard  at 
once  after  birth,  and  left  there  to  die.  All  other  chil- 
dren must  be  baptized  promptly;  and  if  a  child  was  ill 
and  likely  not  to  live,  in  the  absence  of  a  priest,  any  man 
might  perform  the  ceremony.  If  no  man  was  present,  a 
woman  was  permitted  to  christen  the  baby,  in  continental 
Scandinavia ;  but  the  law  of  Iceland  provided  that  a  boy 
as  young  as  seven  years  might  officiate,  in  the  absence  of 
a  grown  man ;  and  even  one  who  was  younger,  if  he  knew 
his  Pater  Noster  and  Credo.  Only  in  the  complete  ab- 
sence of  any  such  ''man  person"  could  a  woman  perform 
the  ceremony  for  her  dying  child,  or  for  the  child  of  an- 
other.'^ 

Relatives  gave  great  attention  to  the  selection  of  the 

eMaurer,  Wasserweihe,  37,  71,  75-76. 

7  'Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  12,  131-132;  Valdemar  den  Andens  Jydske  Lov, 
10-12;   Grdgds,  IV,  213. 


INFANCY,  CHILDHOOD,  AND  YOUTH  61 

name  for  a  child ;  and  under  heathenism  more  importance 
was  attached  to  the  name  than  later,  though  ^^^  choice 
many  beliefs  connected  with  it  were  carried  of  ^  Name 
over  bodily  into  the  Christian  time ;  and  some 
of  them  still  exist.  Only  one  name  was  given,  but  this 
was  very  frequently  compound,  for  the  Northmen  be- 
lieved that  such  names  would  bring  good  luck  and  long 
life,  especially  if  compounded  with  the  name  of  a  god. 
They  also  liked  similarity  of  sound  in  names,  and  parents 
occasionally  gave  two  or  more  of  their  children  names 
with  the  same  initial,  or  terminal,  syllables,  as  Einar  and 
Eyjolf,  larngerd  and  Valgerd;  sometimes  real  rhyming 
names,  as  Vit  and  Lit,  were  chosen;  and  even  identical 
names  were  borne  by  children  in  the  same  family,  dis- 
tinction being  made  by  means  of  some  special  character- 
izing term.  It  was  very  common  to  give  children  the 
names  of  honored  relatives,  for  the  Northmen  believed 
that  children  would  partake  of  the  virtues  of  the  ones 
whose  names  they  bore.  Relatives  recently  dead,  in  par- 
ticular, were  thus  remembered  by  their  kindred,  a  cus- 
tom resulting  from  a  half  belief  that  the  spirit  of  the 
beloved  dead  lived  again  in  the  little  child.  Present- 
day  Scandinavians  still  "call  up"  deceased  members  of 
their  families  in  this  manner. 

The  names  of  the  gods  or  words  of  religious  signi- 
ficance were  always  favorites ;  dozens  of  compound  names 
combined  with  the  word  ''Thor"  were  in  use;  and  to  a 
lesser  degree  the  other  heathen  deities  were  honored. 
In  some  instances  devout  parents  gave  four  or  five  of 
their  children  '^Thor"  names.  As,  meaning  '*god,"  as 
well  as  collective  words,  like  Regin,  standing  for  the  gods 
in  general,  Vere  frequently  employed,  particularly  in 
names  for  girls,  such  as  Asgerda  and  Astrid,  Reginleif 
and  Ragnhild.     Similarly,  words  having  other  religious 


62  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

significance  in  the  heathen  cult  found  place  in  compound 
names,  as  Ve,  meaning  'Mioly,''  in  Vebeorn  and  Vemund 
— names  of  boys — and  Alf  and  Dis — words  meaning 
guardian  spirits,  and  generally  found  only  in  girls' 
names,  such  as  Alfdfs  and  Aldis.  After  the  introduction 
of  Christianity  the  words  "gucV  (god)  and  ''Christ" 
were  found  in  name  combinations,  and  durmg  the  Roman 
Catholic  period  saints'  names  were  numerous;  but  even 
this  devotion  to  the  new  religion  failed  to  obliterate  en- 
tirely the  favorites  originating  with  the  old  pagan  faith ; 
and  ''Thor"  names  are  still  veiy  popular. 

Like  all  peoples  living  close  to  nature,  the  Northmen 
also  liked  combinations  including  the  names  of  natural 
objects  and  wild  animals;  but  such  names — as  Thorstein, 
Asbeorn,  Ulfstan — were  much  more  frequently  given  to 
boys  than  to  girls. 

Slave  children,  as  well  as  free,  were  sprinkled  with 
water  and  named ;  but  their  names  do  not  appear  to  have 
ditfered  from  those  of  the  free-born,  except  that  Svart, 
black, — evidently  an  allusion  to  the  generally  darker  com- 
plexion of  the  slave  class — was  common.^ 

Upon  the  occasion  of  its  naming,  the  child  received 
gifts  from  friends  and  relatives,  as  was  the  case  also 
ivT     •      i-T.   when  it  cut  its  first  tooth.     The  former  cus- 

Naming-Gifts   .  _.. 

tom  still  survives  throughout  the  North  in 
the  gifts  presented  by  god-parents ;  and,  in  Iceland,  chil- 
dren are  still  given  teething  tokens.  The  presents  of- 
fered the  children  of  the  wealthy  at  such  times  were 
frequently  very  valuable,  occasionally  being  in  the  form 
of  landed  property;  but  jewels  and  playthings  of  the 
precious  metals  were  perhaps  more  common.  A  fa- 
vorite teething  gift  was  a  slave  infant  of  the  same  age 

sEriksen,  "Om  Traeldom,"  in  Nordisk  Univers.-Tidskr.  for  1861,  III, 
22,  50. 


INFANCY,  CHILDHOOD,  AND  YOUTH  63 

as  the  wealthy  child,  whom  it  was  intended  to  serve  as  a 
playmate  and  attendant.^ 

Surnames  were  a  less  important  matter  than  first 
names  and  Avere  more  subject  to  change.  In  general, 
until  a  child  was  grown  and  had  developed  „ 

.  .  ,  ::  Surnames 

characteristics  of  its  own,  it  was  simply  des- 
ignated as  the  son  or  daughter  of  a  certain  man,  as  Soti 
Olaf  's  son  and  Unna  Mord  's  daughter ;  ^"  but  if  the 
mother  outlived  the  father,  the  child — especially  if  quite 
young — was  identified  by  the  name  of  its  mother;  and 
surnames  at  times  indicated  other  relationships.  Such 
surnames  Avere  employed  merely  as  a  means  of  identifica- 
tion, and — especially  in  the  case  of  men — were  often 
later  supplanted  by  nicknames,  which  were  unusually 
common  among  the  ancient  Northmen,  and  w^ere  as  a 
rule  quite  apt  and  significant.  They  were  often  derived 
from  occupation  or  place  of  residence,  but  at  times  also 
denoted  accomplishments  and  physical  and  mental  char- 
acteristics, as  the  following  samples  show:  Thorfiim 
Skull-splitter,  Mord  the  Fiddler,  Einar  Oily-tongue, 
Thorkel  Foul-mouth,  Ulf  the  Squinter,  Thore  Long-chin, 
Leif  the  Lucky,  Aud  the  Haughty,  Helga  the  Fair.  The 
last  two  are  the  names  of  women.  Sometimes  the  old 
surname  and  the  new  were  employed  impartially,  as  in 
the  case  of  Leif  the  Lucky,  kno^vn  also  as  Eric's  son. 

If  the  surname  or  nickname  was  conferred  in  a  formal 
manner,  as  sometimes  happened  if  it  came  as  the  result 
of  some  special  feat  bringing  honors  with  it,  friends  and 
relatives  bestowed  gifts  upon  the  person  thus  newly 
dubbed,  in  imitation  of  the  naming  offerings  of  infancy. 

Adoption  of  children  appears  to  have  been  practiced 
to  a  unique  degree  among  the  Scandinavians  in  olden 

9  La^doela  Saga,  52;   Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,,  284. 
xo  In  Iceland  the  surnames  of  women  are  still  formed  thus. 


64  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

times;  and  it  seems  still  to  take  place  with  unusual  fre- 
quency in  the  north  of  Europe.     Frequently 
frfd^pi^ster      ^^^  children  adopted  were  the  offspring  of 
age  PO^^  kindred,  and  their  rearing  by  better- 

to  do  relatives  was  merely  the  recognition  of 
blood  ties,  which,  as  has  been  shown,  were  unusually 
strong  in  the  North ;  but  the  children  of  those  not  related 
by  blood  were  also  adopted,  the  most  frequent  of  such 
cases  being  the  infants  rescued  from  the  death  by  ex- 
posure to  which  they  had  been  abandoned  by  their  par- 
ents. But  fosterage  was  even  more  common  in  Scandi- 
navia, and  was  more  peculiar  to  the  region,  though  by 
no  means  limited  to  it,  for  it  was  very  general  among 
the  ancient  Celts,  particularly  the  Irish,^^  and  is  to-day 
practiced  in  northern  Japan,  where  the  Japanese  place 
their  children  in  the  care  of  the  primitive  Ainu.  In  the 
Scandinavian  lands  fosterage  meant  the  rearing  of  chil- 
dren by  people  not  their  parents,  without  the  relinquish- 
ment of  parental  rights  of  o^vnership  and  control.  Chil- 
dren of  the  better-to-do  were  more  generally  fostered 
than  the  offspring  of  the  poor;  in  fact,  poor  people  could 
hardly  afford  to  have  their  children  fostered.  By  fos- 
tering the  child  of  another,  a  man  acknowledged  his  own 
inferiority  to  the  child's  father,  but  bound  his  family 
very  closely  to  the  kindred  of  his  foster-child.  And  be- 
cause of  the  value  of  this  artificial  tie,  sometimes  men 
of  wealth  who  lacked  influence,  in  order  to  secure  pro- 
tection for  themselves  and  their  property,  offered  child- 
fosterage  to  fathers  having  position  and  power.  In  this 
case,  no  money  compensation  was  received.  Since 
foster-fatherhood  was  a  sort  of  homage,  people  some- 
times desired  it  to  wipe  out  the  resentment  of  powerful 
men.     But  occasionally  it  was  offered  by  an  equal,  purely 

11  Maine,  Henry  Sumner,  Early  History  of  Institutions,  241. 


INFANCY,  CHILDHOOD,  AND  YOUTH  65 

for  friendship's  sake.  Fosterage  was,  however,  primar- 
ily a  matter  of  business  between  parents  who  could  pay 
to  have  their  children  reared  by  others,  and  those  who 
were  willing  to  undertake  the  task  and  needed  the  money. 
In  Iceland,  where  the  law  definitely  provided  for  the 
compensation  for  such  services,  the  payment  was  often 
made  in  advance,  in  a  lump  sum;  but  if  the  child  failed 
to  have  proper  care,  the  money  must  be  returned.^^ 

Though  at  times  put  in  fosterage  promptly  after  birth, 
children  were  perhaps  more  usually  kept  at  home  until 
weaned;  and  in  some  instances  they  were  four  or  five 
years  old  before  being  sent  away.  In  Iceland,  they  re- 
mained in  the  care  of  their  foster  parents  until  sixteen 
years  of  age,  unless  they  became  ill,  in  which  case,  the 
law  required  that  they  be  taken  home  at  once.^^ 

Two  objects  seem  to  have  influenced  parents  to  place 
the  rearing  of  their  children  in  the  hands  of  others ;  one 
was  undoubtedly  the  desire  to  escape  the  bother  of  rear- 
ing them  themselves;  but  the  primary  object,  originally, 
at  least,  was  a  more  worthy  one — to  secure  the  most 
desirable  environment  for  the  child.  People  among 
whom  the  institution  of  fosterage  is  found  are  moved 
by  the  belief  that  discipline,  obedience,  and  respect  for 
elders,  as  well  as  knowledge  of  handicraft  and  intellect- 
ual lore,  can  best  be  taught  away  from  home,  the  reason 
evidently  being  that  parents  are  likely  to  spoil  their  own 
children  by  over-indulging  them.^^  In  Scandinavia  fos- 
terage seems  to  have  been,  on  the  whole,  successful ;  fos- 
ter parents  took  careful  interest  in  their  charges,  and, 
at  times,  after  they  were  grown,  did  more  for  them  than 
did  their  own  parents. 

12  Grdgds,  IV,  21-22. 

^3  Ibid.;  Wis4n,  Theodor,  Om  Qvinnan  i  Nordens  Fomtid,  10. 

1*  Todd,  The  Primitive  Family,  222-223. 


66  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

If  the  children  of  the  prosperous  were  to  be  reared 

at  home,  they  were  generally  placed  in  vir- 
Care  of  tually  full  charge  of  a  trusted  servant  or 

Homr"  ^      slave,  wlho  also  was  called  a  foster-mother 

(fostra)  or  foster  father  (fostri).  During 
their  earlier  years,  children  of  both  sexes  were  under 
the  care  of  a  woman,  but  when  the  boys  became  older  they 
were  given  into  the  charge  of  a  man.  Between  the  child 
and  his  early  nurse  close  and  atfectionate  ties  generally 
existed,  which  call  to  mind  the  position  of  the  colored 
''mammy"  in  the  southern  United  States  before  the  Civil 
War.^^ 

Law  and  custom  varied  as  to  the  illegitimate  child. 
If  the  mother  was  poor,  humble,  and  helpless,  the  burden 

of  supporting  and  rearing  it  generally  rested 
Children         with  her  and  her  parents;  but  at  times  the 

fathers  of  illegitimate  children  voluntarily 
provided  for  their  offspring.  This  was  quite  regularly 
the  case  if  the  mother  was  a  mistress,  or  was  bound  to 
the  man  by  some  form  of  irregular  marriage.  In  some 
parts,  as  in  the  island  of  Gotland,  the  father,  if  his  father- 
hood was  proven,  could  be  forced  by  law  to  support  the 
illegitimate  child. ^^ 

The  laws  in  Scandinavia  made  it  possible  for  a  father 
to  legitimate  natural  children,  whether  slave  born  or 
free,  but  in  some  parts  the  consent  of  his  legitimate  chil- 
dren must  first  be  obtained,  because  of  the  matter  of  in- 
heritance. The  process  of  legitimatizing  suggests  the 
formalities  connected  with  the  freeing  of  a  slave.  In 
Norway  in  heathen  times — and  very  probably  through- 
out the  Scandinavian  North — there  was  held  a  ceremonial 
banquet,  for  which,  ale  from  a  certain  amount  of  malt 

15  Laxdoela,  60 ;  Gluma,  36. 

16  Guta-Lagh,  42-44. 


INTANCY,  CHILDHOOD,  AND  YOUTH  67 

must  be  made,  and  a  three-year-old  ox  be  slaughtered. 
A  shoe  made  from  the  skin  of  the  right  foreleg  of  the 
animal,  was  placed  beside  the  ale  vat.  At  the  banquet, 
the  father,  or  other  person  who  wished  to  legitimate  the 
child,  must  place  the  ox-skin  shoe  upon  his  foot,  after 
which,  the  natural  child,  the  joint  heirs,  the  joint  owners 
of  othal  land,  and  other  relatives  concerned  did  the  same. 
The  guests  at  the  banquet  were  witnesses,  making  the 
ceremony  legal  and  binding.^"  After  the  banquet  had 
taken  place,  the  new  status  of  the  child  was  probably  an- 
nounced at  the  next  meeting  of  the  local  assembly,  or 
ying.  In  any  case,  after  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity, a  man  in  Denmark  who  wished  an  illegitimate 
child  to  inherit  could  take  the  child  before  the  thing 
meeting  and  there  acknowledge  his  fatherhood.  This 
recognition  might  be  made  without  the  consent  of  the 
legitimate  heirs ;  but  in  the  island  of  Seeland  the  natural 
son  could  inherit  only  half  as  much  land  as  the  legitimate 
one,  and  the  illegitimate  daughter,  only  one  fourth  as 
much  land  and  movable  property  as  the  legitimate  son 
and  one  half  as  much  as  the  daughter  born  in  wedlock. ^^ 
Whether  spent  at  home,  in  charge  of  parents  or  nurse, 
or  at  a  distance,  in  regular  fosterage,  childhood  was 
generallv  a  comfortable,  happy  time — as  com-  ^ 

"  7        J.  J.  ./       ^  ^   ^  Care  of 

fortable  and  happy  as  the  financial  condition  ^^^  cj^^^j 
and  the  intelligence  of  the  parents  would  per- 
mit; for,  in  the  heathen  time,  it  should  be  remembered, 
only  children  who  were  desired  were  reared;  and,  as  a 
result  of  secret  evasion  of  the  laws,  this  was  still  the 
case  for  a  considerable  period  after  the  christianization 
of  the  North.  The  cradle  occupied  a  place  in  the  early 
Scandinavian  home,  and  in  it  the  baby,  after  being  duly 

17  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  29-31. 

18  Valdemar  den  Andens  Jydske  Lov,  44 ;  Kong  Eriks  Sjellandshe  Lov,  20. 


68  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

named  and  washed  and  wound  up  snugly  like  a  mummy 
in  a  swaddling  cloth,  was  tucked  away.  When  the  child 
was  a  few  months  old,  and  able  to  move  about  to  some 
extent,  the  primitive  swaddling  garments  Avere  discarded 
and  it  was  clothed  in  garments  somewhat  closely  re- 
sembling those  of  its  parents. 

Toys  have  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  naming 
and  teething  gifts.  The  finest  of  the  playthings  were 
made  by  the  skilled  workers  in  metal  and  wood,  and  were 
perhaps  very  much  like  those  enjoyed  by  children  in  the 
early  part  of  the  last  century.  There  is  incidental  refer- 
ence in  the  sagas  to  such  playthings  as  gold  rings  and 
balls  for  the  rich  man's  child;  of  small  brass  copies  of 
animals;  and  also  of  toy  weapons,  with  which  the  little 
boys  played  at  mimic  warfare. ^^  Though  no  mention  of 
dolls  appears,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that,  even  in  the  most 
humble  homes,  the  little  girls  played  with  these  more  or 
less  close  copies,  in  miniature,  of  themselves. 

No  schools  or  institutions  for  formal  instruction  were 
in  existence  in  Scandinavia  during  the  early  Middle  Ages ; 
.  education  was  entirely  a  matter  of  the  home. 

As  a  rule,  the  parents  or  the  nurse  were  the 
teachers,  but  other  members  of  the  household,  or  chance 
visitors  especially  skilled  in  some  line  were  also  called 
upon  to  give  instruction.  The  general  education  given 
the  girls  aimed  primarily  to  train  them  in  a  knowledge 
of  the  household  arts.  Hence,  they  learned  to  spin, 
weave,  and  dye  linen  and  wool;  to  sew,  knit,  and  em- 
broider ;  to  scrub  and  clean,  and  to  wash  and  smooth  the 
family  clothes;  to  work  in  the  dairy  at  making  butter 
and  cheese,  and  to  prepare  and  preserve  foods  in  various 
other  ways;  to  brew  and  to  cook;  to  supervise  the  house- 

^^Origines  Islamlicae,  II,  479;  Kaiund,  Kr.,  Familielivet  pa  Island  i 
den  forste  Sagaperiode,  282. 


'       INFANCY,  CHILDHOOD,  AND  YOUTH  69 

hold  and  to  play  the  hostess.  But  though  this  consti- 
tuted the  most  important  part  of  their  training,  the 
purely  intellectual  side  was  not  completely  neglected. 
Some  of  the  girls  acquired,  by  direct  instruction  and  by 
imitation,  a  knowledge  of  runes — how  to  cut  as  well  as 
how  to  read  them;  and  they,  as  well  as  the  men,  could 
quote  proverbs,  sing  songs,  recite  poetry,  and  tell  sagas. 
They  also  had  some  knowledge  of  playing  on  musical 
instruments. 

Since  boys  in  the  warlike  viking  time  had  to  play  a 
much  more  important  part  in  life  than  girls,  propor- 
tionally greater  attention  was  bestowed  upon  their  in- 
struction. And  the  most  important  part  of  his  training 
was  that  which  made  the  boy  a  good  fighter.  Hence, 
in  the  interest  of  developing  a  strong,  healthy  body, 
great  emphasis  was  laid  upon  out-door  exercise,  and  the 
youths  of  each  community  contested  with  one  another  for 
the  championship  in  all  sorts  of  physical  feats.  They 
learned  to  run,  jump,  and  wrestle ;  to  display  skill  in  the 
use  of  skates,  skees,  and  snow-shoes ;  to  swim  and  row  and 
ride  horseback.  At  a  very  early  age  they  were  taught 
the  use  of  ot¥ensive  and  defensive  weapons,  particularly 
to  shoot  straight,  to  thrust  with  the  sword,  and  to  swing 
the  battle  ax  while  defending  themselves  with  the  shield. 
Everything  possible  was  done  to  make  the  future  de- 
fenders of  home  and  family  honor  expert  in  these  re- 
gards.^*^ 

To  a  greater  degree  than  his  sister,  the  Scandinavian 

20Olaus  Magnus,  writing  in  the  sixteenth  century,  said  of  the  military 
training  given  boys  in  his  day  in  certain  parts  of  Sweden : — "they  will  not 
give  their  Children  any  bread  unlesse  they  first  hit  the  mark  with  an 
arrow.  .  .  .  Wherefore  there  are  some  boyes  scarce  above  12  years  old, 
that  are  so  cunning  in  shooting,  that  being  commanded  to  hit  the  head, 
breast,  or  feet  of  the  smallest  birds  that  are  very  far  from  them,  they 
will  do  it  infallibly  with  a  shaft."  Compendius  History  of  the  Goth's, 
Swedes,  &  Vandals,  and  other  Northern  Nations,   165. 


70  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

boy  was  also  instructed  in  intellectual  and  social  accom- 
plishments. In  the  case  of  sons  of  prominent  families, 
this  side  of  their  education  was  given  considerable  stress. 
They  not  only  committed  to  memory  the  most  important 
heroic  tales  and  poems  handed  down  from  past  ages,  but 
were  taught  the  art  of  poetic  composition  as  well,  in  order 
that  they  might  properly  sing  the  praises  of  contempo- 
rary heroes.  The  art  of  reading  and  inscribing  runes 
likewise  became  theirs,  and  many  acquired  a  practical 
knowledge  of  the  laws  of  the  land.  They  learned  how  to 
entertain  themselves  and  others  by  skill  in  in-door  games 
and  by  playing  upon  various  musical  instruments. 
Those  who  expected  to  travel  abroad,  especially  the 
sons  of  chieftains,  learned  to  speak  one  or  more  lan- 
guages in  addition  to  their  Northern  speech ;  the  tongues 
most  frequently  acquired  were  probably  Latin  and 
Celtic.^^  This  linguistic  accomplishment  was  perhaps 
most  emphasized  by  the  Icelanders,  who  realized  their 
remoteness  from  the  tide  of  European  affairs  and  hence 
particularly  stressed  the  desirability  of  gaining  a  knowl- 
edge of  other  lands,  and  of  learning  how  other  people 
lived.  In  fact,  if  a  man  wished  to  be  a  person  of  dis- 
tinction and  respect  in  Iceland,  one  or  more  foreign  voy- 
ages were  necessary.  This  foreign  tour  was  looked  upon 
as  the  completion  of  the  youth  ^s  formal  education. 
Young  men  frequently  made  visits  to  the  different  parts 
of  Scandinavia  and  to  England,  often  in  the  hope  of 
securing  service  under  the  kings;  and  the  more  adven- 
turous also  undertook  long  trading  and  viking  journeys 
which  carried  them  to  the  remoter  parts  of  the  continent, 
and  often  resulted  in  their  absence  from  home  for  three 
or  more  years  at  a  time.^^ 

21  Petersen,  N.  M.,  Haandbog  i  den  gammel-nordisk  Geografi,  106. 
22Keyser,  R.,  Private  Life  of  the  Old  Northmen,  12-13;  KSlund,  Familie- 
livet  pd  Island,  288-289;    Gurmlaugs  Saga  Ormstungu. 


INTANCY,  CHILDHOOD,  AND  YOUTH  71 

In  the  olden  time,  Scandinavian  children  were  con- 
sidered grown  np  at  an  earlier  age  than  is  now  the  case. 
In  Iceland,  boys  scarcely  out  of  babyhood 
were  given  adult  responsibilities  in  some  re-  ^^^'"^ 
spects — as,  the  right  to  baptize  a  dying  in- 
fant in  the  absence  of  an  older  *'man  person";  and  at 
the  age  of  twelve  they  could  serve  as  witnesses  in  law- 
suits; but  they  must  be  sixteen  before  they  were  con- 
sidered mature  enough  to  take  charge  of  the  prosecution 
for  their  father's  murder,  or  before  they  might  consent 
to  the  re-marriage  of  their  mothers.  In  parts  of  Den- 
mark, the  father  could  not  force  his  sons  to  remain  at 
home  after  they  had  attained  their  fifteenth  birthday,  if 
they  wished  to  take  their  inheritance  from  their  mother 
and  set  up  for  themselves ;  but  the  boys  were  not  allowed 
to  sell  their  land,  if  it  was  ancestral,  before  they  were 
eighteen.  In  some  provinces  of  Sweden,  however,  they 
were  allowed  to  make  sales  of  land  when  but  fifteen.  As 
a  rule,  girls  must  be  distinctly  older  than  their  brothers 
before  they  were  permitted  to  assume  the  same  responsi- 
bilities— if  these  were  permitted  to  them  at  all ;  but  they 
entered  marriage  very  young,  fourteen  years  not  being 
an  unusual  age  at  which  to  take  this  step.  In  general, 
it  may  be  said  that  young  people  were  considered  of  age 
at  fifteen,  but  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  conditions  of  the  time  in  which  they  lived, 
and  of  the  duties  thrust  upon  them,  they  were  more  ma- 
ture mentally  and  more  capable  of  playing  the  part  of 
men  and  women  than  would  be  young  people  of  the  same 
years  in  the  present  day.^^ 

^sGrdgds,  III,  37,  167;   IV,  28;   Valdemar  den  Andem  Jydsl-e  Lov,  20; 
BiarJxoa  Ratten,  8. 


CHAPTER  V 

DRESS   AND    ORNAMENT;    PERSONAL    REFINEMENT 

Hallgerda  .  .  .  had  on  a  cloak  of  rich  blue  woof,  and  under  it  a 
scarlet  kirtle,  and  a  silver  girdle  round  her  waist.  Her  hair  came  down 
on  both  sides  of  her  bosom,  and  she  had  turned  the  locks  up  under  her 
girdle. 

Saga  of  Burnt  Njal. 

Like  the  Elizabethan  period  in  England,  the  Viking 
Age  in  the  Scandinavian  North  was  one  of  great  pros- 
perity and  intense  self-consciousness.     This 
Love  of  condition  produced  a  love  of  pomp  and  ]m- 

in  Dress  rade,  of  color  and  display — a  desire  to  ex- 

hibit one's  wealth  to  the  public  gaze  for  the 
sake  of  exciting  admiration  and  envy  among  one's  neigh- 
bors. Such  an  object  could  be  gained  by  means  of  dress 
and  ornament;  hence,  we  find  that  all  who  could  afford 
to  do  so  wore,  during  leisure  and  upon  festive  occasions, 
gorgeous  and  elaborately  ornamented  clothing,  and  deco- 
rated their  persons  with  a  great  amount  and  variety  of 
jewelry.  Olaf  Hauskuld's  son  is  the  best  example  of 
this  love  for  fine  clothes.  The  sagas  tell  of  his  appear- 
ance at  the  meeting  of  the  Icelandic  parliament  gaily 
and  elaborately  clad,  and  equipped  with  such  splendid 
weapons  that  those  who  beheld  the  gorgeous  display 
seem,  in  wondering  admiration  and  envy,  to  have  nick- 
named him  "Peacock"  {Pa),  and  "Olaf  Peacock"  he 
remained  ever  after.^ 

The  materials  used  for  clothing  varied  according  to 
whether  they  were  intended  for  the  use  of  the  rich  or  the 

1  Bugge,  Norges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  229. 

72 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT;  PERSONAL  REFINEMENT  73 

poor;  for  every-day  wear,  or  for  special  social  gather- 
ings. Skins  and  furs  did  much  service,  as 
well  as  textiles;  undressed  sheep-skins,  in  Materials 
particular,  were  often  used,  especially  among  f°'"  ^^°*^- 
the  humble.  But  the  material  most  generally  Native 
worn  by  the  population  as  a  whole  was  Products 
wadmal  (vadmdl),  a  coarse,  home-woven 
woolen  cloth.  This  w^as  comparatively  cheap,  and  easily 
obtained,  for  most  families  owned  a  sheep  or  two.  As 
the  spinning-wheel  was  not  yet  known,  all  thread  was 
made  by  hand  by  means  of  the  distaff  and  the  spinning 
whorl  of  bone  or  pottery ;  and  from  the  thread  thus  pro- 
duced the  Scandinavian  housewife  and  her  servants  made 
the  cloth  upon  simple  looms  closely  resembling  those 
employed  in  recent  times  by  the  population  of  the  Faroes. 
Most  of  the  wadmal  seems  to  have  been  worn  in  the  natu- 
ral colors  of  the  original  wool,  plain  white  or  brown, 
or  the  two  colors  combined  in  stripes.  The  plainer  and 
cheaper  the  cloth,  the  plainer  the  color,  seems  to  have 
been  the  rule;  but  the  coarsest  of  wadmal  was  also  dyed, 
sometimes  in  bright  shades.  For  the  most  part,  vege- 
table coloring  was  used ;  blue,  yellow,  black,  brown,  and 
green,  especially,  were  easily  obtained  from  certain 
weeds  and  flowers  and  from  the  barks  of  trees.^  The 
heavy  threads  from  which  the  woolen  goods  were  fash- 
ioned were  also  sometimes  dyed  before  being  worked  up, 
after  which  they  were  wrought  into  brightly  striped  or 
checked  material,  or  into  more  elaborate  patterns  com- 
posed of  raised  figures  in  different  colors.  The  native 
weavers  also  made  distinctly  finer  qualities  of  cloth  from 
the  best  of  the  native  wool;  and  in  this  brighter  colors 
were  displayed,  and  more  attention  given  to  fancy  de- 

^Origines  Islandicae,  I,  151;   Olassen  and  Povelsen,  Reise  durch  Island 
I,  87-88. 


74  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

signs  and  patterns.  Still  another  home-woven  fabric 
was  produced  by  simple  under-and-over  weaving,  be- 
tween the  threads  of  which  hair  was  worked,  thus  pro- 
ducing a  kind  of  plush.^ 

Cotton  was  not  yet  grown  in  Southern  Europe  to  any 
appreciable  degree,  but  the  Scandinavians  imported  a 

little  of  it  into  their  homeland  from  the 
S°rials         Orient.     It  was  so  expensive,  however,  that 

it  could  be  worn  only  by  the  rich.  The  same 
was  true  of  linen,  which  was  spun  and  woven  from  do- 
mestic flax,  as  well  as  purchased  from  abroad;  but  the 
price  was  three  or  four  times  as  great  as  that  of  wool, 
which,  in  the  form  of  cloth  of  a  finer  and  thinner  quality 
than  the  native  product,  was  imported  for  the  use  of  the 
wealthy,  as  w^ere  also  ready-made  woolen  garments. 
The  foreign  fabrics  were  usually  of  gayer  color  than  the 
Northern  weaves,  bright  reds,  blues,  and  purples  being 
favorite  shades;  for  the  colors  worn  by  the  men  were 
as  gay  as  those  of  the  women.  These  imported  stuffs 
sometimes  displayed  patterns  w'oven  of  silk,  and  designs 
worked  into  the  wool  in  gold  and  silver  thread.  Native 
merchants  also  brought  home  some  silk  from  the  Orient, 
secured  in  trade ;  but  this  fabric  in  the  form  of  hangings 
and  clerical  robes,  stolen  by  the  vikings  from  the  Chris- 
tian monasteries  and  churches  to  the  south,  also  found 
its  way  into  Scandinavia,  to  be  used  by  the  pagan  natives 
for  their  adornment.  Silk  was,  however,  to  a  greater 
degree  than  the  best  imported  woolen  goods,  inaccessible 
to  all  except  those  having  plenty  of  money;  for  it  sold 
for  about  twice  the  price  of  the  latter,  which,  in  turn, 
was  much  more  expensive  than  the  domestic  wool  prod- 
uct.* 

3  Gudmundsson,  Valtyr,   "Kleiderstoffe,"   in  Hoopa,   Reallexikotu. 
*Ihid.;  Bugge,  Vesterlwndenes  Indflydelse,  146;  Weinhold,  Altnordisches 
Lehen,   160-161. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT;  PERSONAL  REFINEMENT          75 

Garment-making,  as  well  as  the  ornamentation  of  the 
garments  by  means  of  embroidery  and  other  decorative 
means,  was  entirely  the  work  of  the  women. 
All  women  doubtless  could  sew  to  some  ex-  -/'!'^^"*' 

Making 

tent,  and  it  is  likely  that  every  large  house- 
hold included  at  least  one  woman  who  was  well  skilled  in 
the  art  of  garment-making  and  could  direct  the  work  of 
the  rest  in  providing  clothing  for  all.  The  garment- 
maker  employed  a  pair  of  primitive  shears  of  bronze  or 
iron,  and  probably  cut  free  hand,  without  a  pattern,  after 
being  sure  of  measurements,  for  garments  were  less  com- 
plex then  than  in  modern  times,  and  fitted  less  snugly; 
but  it  is  quite  possible  that  for  the  more  difficult  gar- 
ments she  used  old  worn  articles  of  the  same  style  for 
patterns,  or  made  special  ones  of  cheap  or  old  cloth; 
for,  obviously,  no  paper  was  to  be  had  in  Europe  at  the 
time.  As  steel  needles  did  not  come  into  use  until  many 
centuries  after  the  period  in  question,  the  seamstresses 
were  dependent  upon  ones  made  from  bone,  bronze,  iron 
or  silver.  Though  used  to  some  extent  for  fastening 
garments,  as  well  as  for  ornamentation,  buttons  were 
not  at  the  time  so  indispensable  as  later,  for  their  place 
was  supplied  by  strings,  belts,  brooches,  and  buckles. 

Naturally,  the  garments  of  the  poor  were  simpler  in 
style  than  those  worn  by  the  rich  or  the  better-to-do; 
and  they  were  also  more  conservative,  show- 
ing less  the   influence   of  foreign  fashions,  ^j^^  p^^^ 
The  slave — ^liis  face  shaven  and  his  hair  close 
cropped,  as  a  badge  of  servitude — was  clad  in  plain  gar- 
ments of  coarse  white  wadmal,  with  perhaps  a  cap  and 
coat  of  undressed  sheep-skin.     And  the  clothing  of  the 
humble  cottier  was  almost  as  poor  and  simple — home- 
spun, in  white  or  sober  colors. 

The  undergarments  of  the  common  people,  were,  like 


76  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  outer  ones,  of  woolen  homespun ;  but  the  rich  of  both 
sexes  wore  linen  next  to  the  person,  though  at  times 
cotton,  or  even  silk,  took  its  place.^ 

In  this  period,  there  were  no  special  night  clothes; 
hence,  upon  retiring,  only  the  outer  garments  were  re- 
moved, the  under  ones  being  retained  and  worn  in  bed.^ 

The  outer  dress  of  the  women  showed  various  styles, 
but  perhaps  the  tunic  or  kirtle  was  the  most  usual  gar- 
ment, and  was  worn  by  rich  and  poor  alike. 
Dress  of         j^  ^^.^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  piece,  and  cut  narrow  or 

°'"^"  wide,  with  high  or  low  neck  and  long  or  short 

sleeves.  If  the  garment  was  loose  at  the  waist,  because 
of  its  fullness,  it  was  held  in  place  by  a  belt  or  girdle, 
sometimes  of  the  same  material  as  the  gown,  often  hand- 
embroidered,  but  occasionally  wrought  from  links  of  sil- 
ver or  gold.  From  the  belt  the  housewife  suspended  a 
bag  for  trinkets  and  her  bunch  of  keys.  Sometimes  a 
separate  bodice  and  somewhat  full  skirt  took  the  place 
of  the  kirtle.  If  the  dress  was  cut  low  at  the  neck,  the 
women  often  wore  a  kerchief  of  fine  wool,  linen,  or  silk 
around  their  shoulders.  While  at  work  about  the  house, 
their  heads  were  generally  covered  with  woolen  or  linen 
caps  or  kerchiefs,  of  which  there  were  various  styles, 
plain  or  embroidered;  and  when  traveling  the  headgear 
was  practically  the  same,  except  during  cold  weather, 
when  the  women  substituted  caps  or  hoods  of  fur  or  wool. 
Knit  woolen  stockings  were  the  rule.  The  shoes  worn 
by  both  men  and  women  resembled  moccasins,  in  that 
they  were  generally  made  from  one  piece  of  leather;  but 
they  were  of  higher  cut,  and  came  well  above  the  ankle. 
Undressed  sheep-  or  calf -skin  or  cow's  hide  were  used 
for  the  more  common  footwear,  but  tanned  and  finely 

B  Keyser,  Private  Life,  76. 

^Egils  Saga,  192;  Laxdoela  Saga,  33. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT;  PERSONAL  REFINEMENT  77 


aTVJ: 


!Ci'^ 


;s!"'v> 


Fig.  1.     Fragments  of  Embroidered  Cloth. 

dressed  skins  were  worked  up  into  a  more  elegant  variety. 
Such  dress  shoos  were  decorated  in  various  ways,  some- 
times with  embroidery,  and  the  strings  fastening  them 
to  the  feet  ended  in  tassels  or  metal  ornaments.  Gloves 
or  mittens  of  wool  or  skin,  often  lined  with  fur  for  win- 
ter wear,  protected  the  hands.  The  usual  wrap  for 
women  was  a  cape  or  sleeveless  coat,  held  in  place  upon 
the  breast  by  a  largo  brooch  or  buckle.  The  favorite 
colors  for  this  garment  were  red  or  blue,  and  woolen 
cloth  was  the  most  common  material  employed  in  its 
making;  but  lamb  and  sheep  pelts  served  the  poor  for 
heavy  winter  wraps,  and  costly  and  beautiful  furs  were 
displayed  by  the  rich.  If  the  cape  was  of  cloth,  it  was 
often  richly  ornamented.     In  fact,  it  seems  to  have  been 


78  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

a  show  garment,  and  was  most  elaborately  decorated  of 
all.  The  most  usual  form  of  ornamentation  was  em- 
broidery in  gay  colors,  sometimes  stitched  with  gold  and 
silver  thread  (Fig.  1),  and  studded  with  jewels.  Fancy 
woven  bands,  edgings  of  fur,  or  fringes  of  wool  or  metal 
were  also  employed  to  embellish  this  wrap.'^ 

Massiveness  characterized  the  jewelry,  some  of  which 

was  imported,  but  many  of  the  finest  examples  were  of 

native  manufacture,  though  showing  foreign 

Jewelry  .  .  . 

influence.^  Bronze,  gilded  or  plain,  gold, 
and  silver,  were  the  usual  metals ;  and  silver  was,  during 
the  viking  period,  much  more  general  than  gold,  though 
in  earlier  centuries  the  latter  appears  to  have  been  more 
commonly  seen  in  jewelry.  The  ornaments  included  al- 
most every  known  sort :  earrings,  arm-rings,  ankle-rings, 
bracelets,  stick  pins,  ornamental  brooches  and  buckles, 
necklaces,  finger  rings,  and  diadems,  or  other  hair  orna- 
ments, receive  frequent  mention  in  the  contemporary  lit- 
erature, or  have  been  found  in  the  tombs.  Earrings, 
however,  do  not  seem  to  have  been  common,  and  were 
perhaps  largely  limited  to  Swedish  Scandinavia.  Such 
samples  of  this  jewel  as  have  been  found  are,  for  the 
most  part,  large  and  in  the  form  of  pendants.  Judging 
from  the  unusual  size  of  the  ear-loop,  these  ornaments 
were  worn  by  being  hung  over  the  ear,  rather  than  sus- 
pended by  means  of  a  perforation  in  the  ear  lobe.^  Ankle 
rings  were  found  only  in  Swedish  Eussia,  where  Oriental 
influence  was  strong,  and  here  perhaps  only  in  the  south- 
ern part,  along  the  Volga. ^*^     The  brooch  was  the  most 

7Keyser,  Private  Life,   100;    Gustafson,   Gabriel,   Norges   Oldtid,   116; 
Origines  Islandicae,  II,  612. 

8  Montelius,  Oscar,  The  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  167. 

9  Arne,  T.  J.,  La  SuUe  et  VOrient,  209-211. 
10  Ibn-Fadlan,  17. 


Fig.    2.     Silk    Cuti'    or    \\  ristband    witli    Pattern    Woven    in    Gold    Thread. 
(From    Miiller'p    Tor   Oldtid) 


Wi 


rj^}^  \ir- >-.^ 


Fig.    .3.      Pendants    in    tlic    Form   nf    IIkh's   Hammer>.       i  l-"rom    DuCliaillu' 
Vikiiiy  Afje.     Copyright    188!).      Puhlislied  by  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.) 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT;  PERSONAL  REFINEMENT         79 

common  ornament,  and  was  worn  by  both  rich  and  poor. 
Two  general  styles  prevailed,  though  many  other  pat- 
terns appeared;  the  one  was  round  and  cup-shaped,  the 
other,  oval,  and  deep  like  the  shell  of  a  tortoise.  Both 
were  ornamented  very  richly  with  interesting  and  often 
grotesque  designs,  frequently  inlaid  with  enamel,  and 
occasionally  set  w^ith  semi-precious  or  precious  stones. 
Finger  rings,  bracelets,  and  arm  rings,  often  showed 
spiral  patterns,  and  were  fashioned  from  plaited  or 
twisted  wires  as  well  as  from  flat  bands,  wrought  orna- 
mentally. 

The  greatest  variety  was  found  in  the  neck  orna- 
ments. Some  of  these  were  in  the  shape  of  chains 
bearing  pendants  of  Thor's  hammers  (Fig.  3),  foreign 
coins,  or  bracteates  modeled  after  these  coins,  combin- 
ing on  the  same  surface  the  faces  of  Roman  emperors, 
original  Northern  designs,  and  runic  inscriptions.  Other 
decorations  for  the  neck  were  in  the  form  of  broad  col- 
lars of  one  piece  of  metal,  or  of  gold  or  silver  links. 
Sometimes  they  were  of  hea\y  wire  twisted  into  rope- 
like bands.  But  the  most  common  neck  jewelry  was  a 
string  of  beads  of  colored  glass,  amber,  stones — such 
as  agate  or  carnelian — mosaic  work,  bronze,  silver,  or 
gold.  For  a  time,  strings  of  green  beads  were  very 
much  the  fad  among  women  in  Swedish  Russia,  where  un- 
usual fondness  for  neck  ornamentation  prevailed,  pre- 
sumably in  imitation  of  Oriental  styles;  and  here  also 
in  the  ninth  century  there  was  a  fashion  of  indicating 
a  man's  wealth — and,  hence  to  some  extent  his  social 
standing — by  the  number  of  neck  chains  displayed  by 
his  wife.  When  he  acquired  a  certain  minimum  amount 
of  money,  he  bought  her  one  chain;  when  this  sum  was 
doubled,  she  was  given  another;  and  so  on.     The  wife 


80  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

of  the  successful  mercliant  was  often  quite  loaded  do^\Ti 
by  these  tokens  of  her  husband's  prosperity.^^ 

Girls  and  young  women  wore  their  hair  flowing — per- 
haps sometimes  plaited.  It  was  held  back  from  the  fore- 
head by  means  of  a  bright  ribbon,  a  comb, 
Hair-Dress-  j^g^^^l  ornament,  or  string  of  beads.  If  the 
Wom«i°"^  hair  was  long,  the  ends  were  occasionally 
tucked  into  the  belt  in  front.  Matrons  ap- 
pear to  have  usually  coiled  their  hair  upon  their  heads, 
where  it  was  concealed  most  of  the  time  by  an  ornamental 
head-dress  or  cap;  but  when  the  head  was  bare,  fancy 
hair  pins  and  combs  of  metal  or  ivory  were  worn  for 
decoration.  The  women  of  the  Northland  at  times  doubt- 
less also  changed  the  color  of  their  tresses  by  artificial 
means.  As  blondeness  characterized  the  dominant  class, 
fair  hair  was  the  fashionable  shade.  Consequently, 
brunette  locks  were  converted  into  blonde  through  the 
medium  of  bleaches,  probably  learned  from  the  Celts, 
who  used  them  for  the  same  purpose.  These  bleaches 
were  made  from  lye  from  wood-ashes,  generally  com- 
bined with  animal  fat  to  form  a  very  strong  soft  or  hard 
soap.  The  color  produced  by  this  means  was  a  rich  red 
or  a  reddish  gold.^^ 

Among  the  wealthier  classes,  the  clothes  of  the  men 
seem  to  have  been  more  varied  in  st^^le  than  those  of  the 
women;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  former 
]y[gn  were  also  dressier  than  the  latter.     On  the 

upper  part  of  the  body,  over  the  ''sark," 
or  undershirt,  the  men  wore  either  a  shirt  of  avooI,  linen, 
or  silk,  tucked  into  the  trousers,  or  a  tunic  or  kirtle — 
generally  of  heavier  material  than  the  shirt — which  was 
worn  outside  the  trousers  and  reached  about  to  the  knees. 

iiI6i(?.,  5. 

12  Pliny,  Eistoria  Naturalis,  XXVIII,   51;    Ibn-Fadlan,   5,    73. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT;  PERSONAL  REFINEMENT  81 

The  lower  limbs  were,  for  more  common  occasions,  clad 
in  ordinary  trousers  of  knee  length,  and  long  stockings, 
but  for  dressy  wear  there  were  close-fitting  garments  of 
wool  or  soft  leather,  resembling  very  long  stockings, 
which  reached  as  far  as  the  loins.  The  dandies  of  the 
time  had  these  cut  quite  tight,  in  order  better  to  display 
their  figures. ^^  To  hold  the  tunic  and  trousers  in  posi- 
tion belts  of  leather  or  wool  were  used,  and  if  these  were 
on  the  outside  so  that  they  could  be  seen,  they  were  gen- 
erally ornamented  by  embroidery  or  cut  work.  In  some 
cases,  the  men,  like  the  women,  wore  costly  belts  made 
from  links  of  gold  or  silver.  From  the  belt  hung  the 
sword,  carried  by  every  Northman  of  any  standing,  and 
a  purse  or  pouch.  Frequently  the  short  knife,  which  was 
carried  by  chieftain  and  slave  alike,  and  corresponded 
to  the  clasp-  or  pocket-knife  of  the  present,  was  also  sus- 
pended from  the  belt ;  but  sometimes  it  was  hung  from  the 
neck  by  a  chain. 

The  men's  shoes  were  generally  of  stronger  and 
tougher  leather  than  those  of  the  women,  and  for  walk- 
ing on  slippery  ground  the  soles  were  reinforced  and 
spiked. 

The  men  had  a  great  variety  of  jackets,  coats,  and 
wraps  of  many  kinds  from  which  to  choose.  If  a  shirt 
was  worn  instead  of  a  kirtle,  a  short  jacket  drawai  over 
it  supplied  the  necessary  warmth,  particularly  in  Den- 
mark. Another  style  of  wrap,  common  especially  among 
the  highest  classes,  was  a  long  ornamental  tunic,  much 
decorated,  which  extended  to  the  feet.  This  was  occa- 
sionally trimmed  with  gold,  or  jeweled,  buttons  from  top 
to  hem.  The  kdpa  was  an  ordinary  sort  of  great  coat, 
— made  quite  long,  with  sleeves,  and  belted  at  the  waist, 
— which  was  worn  especially  on  journeys.     The  mate- 

13  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  130. 


82  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

rials  were  heavy  wool,  leather,  or  fur— or  combinations 
of  these.  There  were  other  wraps  of  the  nature  of  capes, 
and  some  like  shawls.  The  feldr  appears  to  have  been 
of  this  latter  type,  and  was  used  by  travelers  as  a  gar- 
ment in  the  daytime  and  as  a  blanket  at  night.  These 
wraps  were  at  times  lined  with  fur  and  made  from  fine 
wool,  colored  with  costly  dyes ;  but  Iceland  exported  a 
gray  feldr,  evidently  of  coarse  wool.  The  size  of  this 
determined  the  price,  which  was  fixed  by  law,  the  stand- 
ard dimensions  being  about  three  feet  by  six. 

Upon  their  heads  the  men  wore  hoods  and  caps,  and 
also  a  variety  of  hats.  These  different  types  of  head- 
gear were  of  wool,  felt,  sheep-skin,  leather,  or  fur ;  some- 
times, though  rarely,  of  silk.  It  is  very  much  to  be 
doubted  whether  even  the  felt  hats  possessed  brims,  and 
hence  it  is  a  question  whether  they  were  hats  in  the 
present  sense  of  the  term.  Perhaps  the  article  of  com- 
merce from  Denmark,  called  Jwttr,  was  merely  a  cowl  or 
cap,  resembling  the  hood  attached  to  the  ktipa,  or  com- 
mon overcoat;  and  it  seems  likely  that  the  so-called 
Eussian  or  Gerzkr  hat  imported  into  Norway  was  rather 
a  gorgeous  Oriental  turban,  probably  of  silk.  The  sepa- 
rate cap  of  wool,  leather,  sheep-skin,  or  fur,  was  the  usual 
head  covering;  but  in  winter  travelers  often  substituted 
the  cowl  already  referred  to,  as  it  provided  better  pro- 
tection from  the  weather. 

In  the  summer,  especially  when  they  Avere  on  their 
way  to  the  meeting  of  parliament  accompanied  by  a 
retinue  of  followers,  wealthy  chieftains  often  wore  hel- 
mets of  metal,  gilded  and  otherwise  decorated,  instead 
of  soft  hats  or  caps,  but  this  was  done  more  for  show 
than  for  protecting  the  head  in  a  chance  fight.  On  such 
occasions,  men  of  importance  usually  carried  a  spear 
and  shield  as  well  as  a  sword. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT;  PERSONAL  REFINEMENT  83 

The  ornaments  and  jewels  of  the  men  were  similar  to 
those  of  the  women,  with  the  possible  exception  of  ear- 
rings, which  were  probably 
peculiar  to  the  latter.     In  ^g^ 
the     case     of     the     upper 
classes,  the  men's  garments,  except  the 
heavy  wraps  worn  as  protection  against 
the  cold,  were  made  without  sleeves — 
perhaps   as   much   for  displaying  the 
Fig.  4.    Large  Gold  f  avoritc  gold  arm  ring,  worn  near  the 
Finger  Ring  Set  with  ghouldcr,  as  for  showiug  forth  the  su- 

Blue     Stone.      (From  '  <>       i  i        •      i 

WoTssLae'a  De  Danskes  perior  development  of  the  physical 
Kuitur  i  vikingetid-  champion 's  biccps.  Amoug  the  men 
also,  as  commonly  as  among  the  women, 
the  large,  strong  brooch  (Fig.  5)  was  employed  for  fast- 
ening the  tunic  and  for  holding  the  cloak  or  wrap  in 
place.^^ 

Men  above  the  slave  class  wore  their  hair  long  and 
took  much  pride  in  it.  It  was  brushed  back  from  the 
face  and  held  in  place  by  means  of  a  silken  band,  or  one 
of  gold  or  silver;  and,  if  very  long,  the  ends,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  young  women's  hair,  were  tucked  in  the  belt. 
The  beard  was  usually  permitted  to  grow,  and  was  worn 
in  different  styles.  Men,  as  well  as  women,  used  bleaches. 
According  to  Pliny,^^  the  men  of  the  Germanic  tribes 
bleached  their  hair  more  than  did  the  women;  and  this 
was  perhaps  also  true  of  the  Scandinavian  branch  during 
the  Viking  Age.  In  any  event,  it  is  a  fact  that  the  North- 
men by  means  of  bleaches  changed  the  color  of  their 
beards  to  a  saffron  yellow,^^  and  in  all  probability  the  hair 
of  their  heads  was  transformed  to  a  corresponding  tint. 

14  Keyser,  Private  Life,  76-80 ;  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden,  1 64 ; 
Ibn-Fadlan,  5. 

15  Historia  Naturalis,  XXVIII,  51. 

16  Ibn-Fadlan,  5,  73. 


84  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

The  Northmen  of  the  early  Middle  Ages  were  perhaps 
as  careful  in  the  matter  of  personal  cleanliness  as  were 

the  other  inliabitants  of  Western  Europe  at 
Rifinemint      ^^^^  ^i™^'  though  they  were  far  below  average 

present-day  standards.^'  All  persons  laying 
any  claim  to  personal  decency  washed  hands  and  face 
in  the  morning  upon  rising,  and  the  more  refined  also 
used  basin  and  towel  before  each  meal.  The  better 
classes  likewise  combed  their  hair  at  least  once  a  day, 
using  for  the  purpose  well-made  combs  of  bone,  horn, 
ivory,  or  metal  (Fig.  7) ;  but  heads  were  perhaps  washed 


Fig.  7.     Comb  of  Bone.      (From  Gustaf son's  Xorges  Oldtid.) 

only  occasionally.^^  Among  some,  attention  was  paid 
to  the  nicer  details  of  the  toilet ;  implements  of  silver  for 
manicuring  the  nails  were  occasionally  found  among  the 
possessions  of  the  wealthy,  and  also  silver  ear-spoons. ^^ 
But  in  the  matter  of  cleanliness  in  clothes,  the  ancients 
were  especially  far  behind  the  people  of  the  present; 
underwear  as  well  as  outer  garments  did  long  service 
before  being  washed,  and  the  average  Scandinavian,  like 
the  average  person  in  the  rest  of  Europe  at  the  time,  Avas 
infested  with  vermin. 

17  Ibn-Fadlan  described  the  Scandinavian  merchants  whom  he  observed 
on  the  Volga  as  the  "dirtiest  people  that  God  had  created"  (Araber 
Berichte,  p.  5)  ;  but  he,  as  an  Arab,  represented  a  culture  on  the  whole 
higher  than  that  of  Western  Europe  at  the  time;  and,  as  a  Mohammedan, 
to  him  cleanliness  was  a  part  of  religion. 

18  Ibn-Fadlan,  7,  21. 

laJohansen,  K.  F.,  "Solvskatten  fra  Terslev,"  in  Aarboger,  1912,  II, 
189-264. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT;  PERSONAL  REFINEMENT  85 

During  the  heathen  period,  however,  perhaps  more 
attention  was  paid  to  bathing,  as  well  as  to  cleanliness 
in  general,  than  was  done  for  many  centuries 
after  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  be-  ^  ^"^ 
cause  of  the  mistaken  ascetic  idea,  which  developed  with 
the  new  religion,  that  godliness  increased  in  proportion 
as  the  body  was  despised.  In  the  summer  time  all  peo- 
ple bathed,  for  the  sake  of  pleasure  as  well  as  cleanliness, 
in  the  natural  sheets  of  water  and  in  the  running  streams ; 
and  they  also  made  use  of  the  bath-houses  found  upon 
every  large  farm.  But  perhaps  the  latter  were  more 
generally  used  in  the  winter  time,  when  a  hot  bath  would 
be  more  appreciated.  In  Iceland,  the  bath-houses  were 
often  supplied,  by  means  of  pipes  or  conduits,  with  hot 
water  from  the  boiling  springs,  as  well  as  with  cold. 
In  continental  Scandinavia,  where  hot-springs  were  lack- 
ing, the  water  was  sometimes  heated  in  kettles  for  bath- 
ing purposes.  Except  in  Iceland,  where  the  water  seems 
to  have  been  collected  in  artificial  pools,  wooden  vats 
seem  to  have  been  used  for  bath-tubs.  In  connection 
with  bathing,  as  well  as  with  the  daily  ablutions,  the  an- 
cient Northmen  doubtless  made  use  of  soap,  with  the 
cleansing  properties  of  which  they  had  become  familiar 
through  its  use  as  a  bleach.^*' 

It  is  likely,  however,  that  the  Northmen  took  sweat 
or  steam  baths  in  the  bath-houses  rather  than  the  com- 
mon tub  variety  of  modern  times.  The  steam  was  pro- 
duced by  sprinkling  water  upon  a  stone  hearth  or  upon 
a  mass  of  stones  heated  for  the  purpose.  High  up, 
around  the  walls,  ran  a  wide  shelf  to  which  the  bathers 
climbed  for  the  sake  of  the  hotter  air  and  the  denser 
steam;  and  as  they  lay  upon  this,  in  order  to  make  the 

zoOlassen  and  Povelsen,  Reise  durch  Island,  I,  58-61;  Henderson, 
Iceland,  I,  165;  II,  142-145,  149. 


86  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

flesh  glow  and  to  stimulate  perspiration,  they  smtched 
themselves  and  one  another  with  bunches  of  fine  twigs. 
This  system  of  bathing  was  perhaps  fairly  general  in 
Western  Europe  during  the  Middle  Ages,  for  it  was 
practiced  as  far  south  as  Switzerland  in  the  thirteenth 
or  fourteenth  century.^i  j^  Scandinavia  it  survived 
until  recent  times,"  and  is  even  now  very  general  in 
Finland,  where  Scandinavian  culture  still  dominates ;  and 
also  in  Russia.  In  the  last  two  countries  mentioned, 
many  persons— at  least  formerly— bathed  at  the  same 
time,  probably  for  the  purpose  o^  economizing  upon  fuel 
and  for  mutual  aid  in  the  cleansing  process.  And  this 
was  true  in  ancient  Scandinavia,  particularly  where  the 
bath-houses  were  large.  Though,  in  general,  the  men 
used  the  bath-house  at  a  different  time  from  the  women, 
modesty  in  this  matter  was  wanting,  for  whole  families 
often  bathed  together,  ^^thout  distinction  of  sex.  The 
most  common  time  for  taking  a  bath  appears  to  have 
been  in  the  evening  after  supper,  just  before  retiring. 

Another  cleansing  process  which  took  place  late  in  the 
evening  was  kno^vn  as  ''baking."  The  members  of  the 
household — particularly  the  older  ones — lay  before  the 
large  open  fires  in  the  living-room  letting  the  heat  play 
upon  parts  of  their  bare  bodies,  while  the  children  or 
servants  rubbed  them.  This  was  evidently  a  perspira- 
tion bath,  and  was  also  taken  more  often  in  the  winter 
time  than  in  the  summer ;  but  that  it  was  thought  of  defi- 
nitely as  a  method  of  cleansing  the  body  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  the  steam-  or  water-bathing  indulged  in  in  the 
bath-house  was  also  in  the  early  time  called  "baking." 

21  Sudhoff,  Karl,  "Badeofen,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

22  Gudmundsson,  Valtyr,  Privatboligen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden  samt  delms 
i  det  ovrige  'Sorden,  240-241. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENT;  PERSONAL  REFINEMENT  87 

This  baking  by  the  fire  was  probably  the  oldest  form 
of  cleaning  one's  person  by  means  of  heat  in  the  Scan- 
dinavian North. 

Regular  water  baths  in  the  places  originally  erected 
for  steam-bathing  probably  did  not  come  into  use  until 
near  the  close  of  the  viking  period ;  -^  and  it  was  also 
towards  the  decline  of  this  age  that  many  of  the  large 
hot-springs  of  Iceland  were  converted  into  public,  or 
community,  baths,  and  that  in  the  rising  towns  of  Den- 
mark, Norway,  and  Sweden  public  bath-houses  began  to 
be  established.^"* 

23  See  '■Bat5,"  "Baka,"  and  '"Laiig,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dic- 
tionary. 

24  Gudmundsson,   Privatboligen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden,  243. 


CHAPTER  VI 

MAERIAGE   AND    DIVORCE 

Maidens  admired  in  their  wooers  not  so  much  good  looks  as  deeds 

nobly  done. 

Saxo  Grammaticus. 

Though  there  seems  to  have  been  no  stigma  attached 
to  the  unmarried  state,  in  either  women  or  men,  tlie 
proportion  of  people  who  failed  to  marry, 
Favori!i°"'  ^^  ^^^  Scandinavia  of  the  heathen  period, 
Matrimony  was  exceedingly  small.  Under  the  primitive 
conditions  of  the  time,  when  there  were  no 
hotels  or  club  houses  where  men  could  live  in  comfort, 
and,  as  yet,  no  monasteries  to  which  the  family-less  man 
could  retire,  matrimony  offered  strong  inducements ;  and 
these  were  increased  by  the  desire  for  children  and  the 
importance  attached  to  the  development  of  a  kindred,  as 
well  as  by  the  fact  that  a  man  could  hardly  stand  out  as 
a  person  of  note  in  his  community  unless  he  was  the 
head  of  a  family  and  had  a  home  of  his  own.  In  view  of 
these  considerations,  perhaps  virtually  every  Northman 
married,  and  sooner  or  later  set  up  for  himself  in  his 
own  establishment.  The  proportion  of  women  entering 
into  full  and  legal  matrimony  was  not  so  great  as  that 
of  the  men,  but  in  many  cases  the  surplus  women,  who 
failed  to  become  regular  wives,  entered  into  ''loose  mar- 
riage" with  men  already  legally  married  and  were  at- 
tached to  their  households  as  their  concubines  or  their 
mistresses. 

88 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  89 

Marriages  were  made  easier,  as  well  as  more  success- 
ful, by  the  fact  that  young  people  met  and  mingled  freely. 
Young  men,  if  of  reputable  character,  were 
permitted  by  fathers  to  call  upon  their  daugh-  °""^  *^ 
ters  privately;  and  at  banquets  men  and  women  fre- 
quently sat  about  the  tables  together.  The  girls  were 
also  spectators  at  the  athletic  contests  and  other  sports ; 
and  these  gatherings  as  Avell  as  those  produced  by  the 
meetings  of  the  thing,  or  parliament,  afforded  ample 
opportunity  for  families  to  become  acquainted.  Hence, 
at  such  times  courtship  and  match-making  flourished 
exceedingly. 

The  considerations  determining  the  choice  of  a  mate 
were  usually  practical ;  neither  romantic  love  nor  physical 
beauty  played  much  part.  The  standing  of  the  family 
and  the  possession  of  wealth,  or,  at  least,  a  satisfactory 
competence,  were  regarded  as  of  importance  by  both 
sides;  while  high-mindedness  and  efficiency  in  the  man- 
agement of  household  affairs  were  carefully  weighed  by 
the  man  in  search  of  a  bride,  and  independent  position, 
knowledge  of  the  world,  and  reno^^^l  in  martial  exploits 
on  the  part  of  the  suitor  were  looked  for  by  fathers  and 
their  eligible  daughters.  One  further  qualification  which 
appears  to  have  been  emphasized  was  compatibility  of 
temperament — the  ability  to  ''get  on  well  together,"  ^ 
which  undoubtedly  contributed  much  towards  making 
successful  an  alliance  from  which  affection  was  absent. 
Yet  in  some  cases  love  did  play  a  most  important  part 
in  the  Northland ;  three  charming  early  sagas  are  really 
love  stories.2  Romantic  affection  was  surely  never  com- 
pletely lacking  in  the  North,  but  towards  the  close  of 

1  Njdla,  4,  34,  35. 

2  An  English  rendition  of  the  three  is  to  be  found  in  Magnfisson  and 
Morris,  Three  Northern  Love  Stories  and  Other  Tales. 


90  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  Viking  Age — probably  because  of  contact  with  South- 
ern Europe — women  came  more  to  be  loved  for  their  own 
sakes,  and  love  produced  a  greater  impulse  to  matrimony. 
The  oldest  surviving  love  verses,  of  which  the  following, 
by  Kormak  the  Skald,  are  a  sample,  also  date  from  this 
time: 

"I  set  one  eye  of  hers  at  three  hundred  in  silver, 
And  the  head  she  is  combing  at  five  hundred, 
The  whole  body  of  the  lady  I  would  price 
At  Iceland,  Hordland,  and  Denmark,  and  Holmgard: 
She  is  worth  the  earth  of  England  as  well, 
And  Sweden,  and  the  land  of  the  Irish! 

Pleasanter  it  is  to  me  to  be  talking  many  a  word  with  Stangerd, 
Than  to  be  running  after  the  russet  sheep   over  hill   pastures. 

The  more  they  begTudge  our  meetings. 

The  more  I  love  my  lady. 

For  all  the  streams  shall  run  backward  up  the  land 

Before  I  forsake  thee,  lady! 

I  shall  make  a  verse  ere  we  go  to  the  ship, 
And  send  it  to  my  love  in  Swinedale. 
All  my  words  shall  come  to  my  lady's  ears; 
I  love  her  twice  as  well  as  myself."  ^ 

Nevertheless,  marriage  was  decidedly  more  a  matter 

of  business  than  of  sentiment.     And  it  was  accompanied 

by  some  of  the  features  connected  with  the 

Betrothal  i  i?        -i?  i  j       •        i 

system  oi  wiie-purchase,  pure  and  simple, 
found  among  practically  all  peoples  at  some  stage  of 
their  development.  With  the  father,  as  head  and  guard- 
ian of  the  family,  the  matter  of  the  daughter's  marriage 
rested,  regardless  of  that  daughter's  age;  legally,  the 
daughter  had  no  voice  in  the  choice  of  her  husband,  and, 
as  a  rule,  she  wanted  none;  for  she  was  acquainted  with 
no  other  system,  and  trusted  her  father  to  make  an  ar- 
rangement fitting  and  satisfactory.     Yet  there  were,  in 

3  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  326,  328,  340,  343 ;  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale, 
II,  64-69,  'passim. 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  91 

practice,  many  exceptions  to  this  broad  rule  of  paternal 
control.  Fathers  generally  loved  their  daughters  and 
Avere  anxious  to  secure  happiness  for  them  as  well  as 
prosperity;  consequently,  they  at  times  consulted  them 
•s\T.th  reference  to  a  specific  suitor,  and  even  gave  them 
absolute  freedom  of  choice.  And,  in  more  exceptional 
instances,  the  mother  of  the  girl  was  given  an  oppor- 
tunity to  express  her  wishes.  Daughters  were,  however, 
in  some  cases,  no  more  docile  in  the  matter  than  would 
be  the  average  American  girl,  and  sometimes  gave  trouble 
because  their  fathers  failed  to  consult  them  regarding 
the  disposal  of  their  hands.  This  perhaps  happened 
more  often  in  Iceland,  where  women  were,  on  the  whole, 
freer  than  upon  the  continent.  Hallgerda,  for  instance, 
in  the  saga  of  Xjal,  was  angry  because  her  views  were 
not  obtained  in  the  selection  of  her  first  husband,  and 
accused  her  father  of  throwing  her  away,  matrimonially 
speaking.^ 

In  consequence  of  the  long  journeys  to  foreign  lands 
which  many  of  them  took,  and  of  the  necessity  of  prov- 
ing themselves  before  they  would  be  considered  for  hus- 
bands, the  men  were  older  and  more  mature  when  they 
married  than  were  the  women.  Partly  for  this  reason, 
they  were  given  a  freer  choice  in  the  selection  of  their 
mates;  but  generally  they  sought  the  ad\^ce  of  their  fa- 
thers or  guardians.  Indeed,  some  sons  were  quite  ^^illing 
to  leave  the  whole  question  of  their  marriage  to  their 
fathers;  and  the  latter,  on  the  other  hand,  occasionally 
took  the  matter  into  their  own  hands  without  consulting 
their  sons.  For  example,  one  father  of  whom  we  read 
broke  the  news  to  his  heir  by  the  announcement:  *'I 
have  wooed  a  wife  for  thee  this  morning. ' '  ^ 

*  Njdla,  25. 

B  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  386. 


92  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Tlie  father  or  guardian  on  either  side  sometimes  made 
the  first  move  towards  betrothal  arrangements,  but  most 
often  the  suitor  himself  initiated  negotia- 
NeTotbt'ions  tions.  This  he  did  by  informing  his  father 
or  guardian,  or  some  other  near  relative,  or 
a  friend,  of  his  choice,  and  this  person  undertook  to 
negotiate  with  the  girl's  family.  For  the  young  man 
to  broach  the  matter  himself  to  the  young  woman's  father 
or  g-uardian  was  ;not  good  form  in  most  parts  of  Scan- 
dinavia; but  he  went  to  the  girl's  home  with  the  person 
who  was  to  transact  the  business  for  him,  and  on  such 
a  trip,  if  he  was  from  a  promhient  family,  he  was  ac- 
companied by  a  large  following;  for  to  go  alone  would 
be  an  insult  to  his  desired  bride's  family.  And  when 
the  marriage  negotiations  were  transacted,  he  was  as  a 
rule  present,  though  as  but  little  more  than  a  passive 
listener.*' 

If  the  suitor  was  personally  acceptable,  the  financial 
side  of  the  matter,  which  was  of  great  importance,  was 
taken  up.  In  some  parts  of  Scandinavia,  as  Iceland, 
the  law  provided  for  the  punishment  of  persons  who 
married  without  sufficient  means  for  the  support  of  chil- 
dren— unless  the  woman  was  past  the  age  of  child-bear- 
ing.'^ This  legal  precaution  reflects  the  careful  manner 
in  which  the  material  interests  of  the  contracting  parties, 
particularly  those  of  the  bride,  were  guarded.  As  a  rule, 
throughout  the  North,  the  suitor  was  required  to  show 
that  he  could  support  the  woman  whom  he  wished  to 
marry  as  became  her  station ;  and  sometimes  a  guarantee 
of  such  provision  was  included  in  the  betrothal  contract.* 

8  Wis6n,  Theodor,  Om  Qvinnan  i  'Nordens  Forntid,  16;  Njdl^i,  4-6.  24-25, 
143. 

■'Grdgds,   IV,   37. 

8  Keyser,  Private  Life,  45. 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  93 

The  matter  of  support  having  been  arranged,  the  amount 
of  dower  {lieimanfylgja)  to  be  settled  upon  the  bride  by 
her  father  was  discussed  and  agreed  upon.  This  dower 
was  generally  in  the  form  of  money,  merchandise,  slaves, 
livestock,  houses,  or  lands,  and  it  remained  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  bride  in  her  new  home ;  the  husband  could 
have  only  the  use  of,  or  income  from  it  while  the  two 
lived  together.  Next,  the  amount  of  money  or  property 
to  be  settled  by  the  groom  upon  his  bride  was  considered. 
Of  this  gift,  called  mundr,  the  wife  had  the  profit  during 
her  married  life.  The  mundr  generally  was  only  a  frac- 
tion of  the  value  of  the  dower,  perhaps  a  half  or  a  third, 
but  in  southern  Norway  under  Gulathing's  law  it  was 
equal  to  the  dower,  except  in  the  case  of  a  widow,  when 
it  was  only  half  as  large.  Sometimes,  though  infre- 
quently, the  contract  stipulated  that  the  husband  was 
not  to  pay  do^\^l  this  money  until  his  wife  had  borne 
him  a  child. ^ 

After  the  financial  part  had  been  definitely  arranged 
in  the   presence  of  witnesses,   the  betrothal  ceremony 
took  place.     The  father  or  guardian  of  the 
bride,  placing  her  hand  in  that  of  the  groom,  ceremony 
affianced  her  to  him,  after  which,  those  pres- 
ent declared  that  they  had  witnessed  the  betrothal.^''     A 
set  form  of  words  was  used  by  those  plighting  their 
troths,  the  following  being  the  one  sanctioned  for  the 
bridegroom  by  the  ancient  law  of  Iceland: 

"We  declare  ourselves  witnesses  that  thou  N.  N.  bindest  me  in 
lawful  betrothal,  and  with  taking  hold  of  hands  thou  promisest  me 
the  dowi-y  and  engasi'est  to  fulfil  and  observe  the  whole  of  the  compact 
between  us,  which  has  been  notified  in  the  hearing  of  witnesses  with- 
out duplicity  or  cunning,  as  a  real  and  authorized  compact."  ^^ 

9  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Lehen,  241-242;   Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  69. 
loKeyser,  Private  Life,  25. 
11  Ihid. 


94  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Betrothal  was  not  marriage,  but  it  was  of  the  utmost 
importance,  for  no  marriage  was  considered  legal  unless 
preceded  by  a  formally  witnessed  agreement 
Importance  regarding  the  dower  and  mundr,  in  addition 
Betiothil  to  a  plighting  of  troths.  And,  to  be  recog- 
nized by  law,  the  settlement  made  by  the 
groom  must  not  fall  below  a  certain  minimum,  called  the 
''poor  man's  mundr."  This  was  eight  aurar  (eight 
ounces  of  silver)  in  Iceland,  and  twelve  in  Norway.^- 
If  the  law  was  not  complied  with  in  the  matter  of  be- 
trothal, the  woman  was  considered  merely  a  mistress, 
and  her  children  could  not  inherit  from  the  father. ^^ 
But  marriages  without  the  proper  affiancing  arrange- 
ments were  quite  common,  and  were  generally  contracted 
by  well-to-do  men  with  women  who  were  their  social  in- 
feriors. Such  alliances  come  under  the  head  of  the 
"loose  marriages"  already  referred  to. 

The  betrothal  negotiations  were  commonly  known  in 
the  Scandinavian  North  as  hrudkaup,  meaning  literally 
"bride-purchase,"  and  the  name  was  a  relic  of  a  time, 
perhaps  not  very  far  in  the  pre-historic  past  of  Scandi- 
navia, when  the  person  of  the  wife  was  as  literally  bought 
as  was  a  slave.  But  in  the  Viking  Age  the  purchase 
was  not  personal,  but  legal;  the  groom,  with  his  mundr, 
merely  bought  the  guardianship  over  his  bride,  hitherto 
possessed  by  the  father.^''  The  dower,  it  was,  which 
made  the  difference  between  the  old  wife-purchase  and  the 
affiancing  agreements  of  the  early  Middle  Ages.     This 

12  Grdgds,  IV,  34,  and  passim;  "Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  27,  54. 

13  On  the  other  hand,  in  Norway  the  early  laws  of  the  Christian  period 
declared  that  a  child  born  to  a  regularly  betrothed  pair  before  their  mar- 
riage must  be  recognized  as  legitimate  and  entitled  to  inherit,  provided 
that  marriage   subsequently   took   place.     Keyser,   Private  Life,   29. 

14  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  240;  BaSth,  A.  U.,  Nordiskt  Fomtida- 
lif,  104;  WisSn,  Om  Qviwnan,  17. 


MAERIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  95 

sum  helped  the  husband  with  the  expenses  of  supporting 
the  family,  and  as  it  was  generally  larger  than  the  mundr 
— and  always  at  least  equal  to  it — the  wife's  family  was 
under  no  financial  obligation  to  the  groom.  Hence,  with 
the  origin  of  the  dower,  the  position  of  the  wife  greatly 
improved;  the  husband  had  not  his  former  absolute  con- 
trol over  her,  her  family  could  interfere  for  her  protec- 
tion, and  divorce  was  easily  secured.  This  change  in 
the  status  of  the  wife  in  the  North  corresponded  closely 
to  that  taking  place  at  an  earlier  time  in  the  Roman  Em- 
pire.^^ 

Since  betrothal  was  a  very  serious  arrangement, 
neither  side  could  break  off  the  engagement  without  in- 
curring punishment  and  disgrace.  If  the  suitor  or  the 
guardian  of  the  girl  violated  the  troth,  the  punishment 
fell  upon  them;  but  the  girl  was  not  held  responsible 
unless  she  personally  rebelled  against  the  arrangement 
made  for  her,  in  which  case  she  was  liable  to  the  usual 
punishment  of  outlawry  and  banishment.  A  widow, 
however,  who  had  affianced  herself  against  the  advice  of 
her  kinsmen  might  become  free  from  her  obligation, 
providing  she  paid  a  fine  of  three  marks  to  her  betrothed. 
But  if  a  man  eloped  with  a  woman  engaged  to  another 
he  was  forced  to  pay  a  very  heavy  fine  which  must  be 
divided  betw^een  the  girl's  father  and  her  suitor;  and, 
in  addition,  he  might  be  outlawed.  The  girl,  if  it  could 
be  proved  that  she  consented  to  the  elopement,  might 
also  suffer  outlawry.  Nevertheless,  there  were  some 
circumstances  under  which  the  betrothal  arrangements 
might  be  legally  set  aside  by  the  suitor.  If,  for  instance, 
after  betrothal  the  girl  was  found  to  be  suffering  from 
poor  health  or  from  serious  physical  defects,  the  suitor 
was  released  from  the  contract,  and  the  father  or  other 

15  Maine,  Early  History  of  Institutions,  312-317. 


96  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

guardian  who  affianced  her  could  be  punished  by  lesser 
outlawry,  unless  he  could  prove  that  he  had  been  igno- 
rant of  the  inferiorities,  or  that  the  suitor  was  aware 
of  them,  at  the  time  of  the  agreement. ^*^ 

The  interval  between  the  betrothal  and  the  wedding 
varied  considerably;  if  there  was  nothing  to  prevent, 
however,  the  nuptials  took  place  quite 
Marriage  promptly,  generally  in  the  summer  or  early 
autumn ;  but  very  often  young  men  engaged  themselves 
before  going  abroad,  in  which  case  three  years  or  even 
more  might  elapse  before  they  claimed  their  brides. 
And  some  laws  required  that  ^\omen  wait  for  the  return 
of  their  lovers  the  three  years  which  were  generally  neces- 
sary for  the  completion  of  the  long  trading-  or  viking- 
journey  to  the  East,  before  betrothing  themselves  to 
another.  If  the  marriage  was  to  take  place  shortly,  it 
appears  to  have  been  considered  bad  form  for  the  young 
man  to  call  upon  his  betrothed  in  the  interval.  In  the 
viking  period  the  wedding  was  usually  celebrated  at  the 
home  of  the  bride,  to  which  the  groom,  if  he  was  a  man 
of  importance,  rode  in  state,  followed  by  his  relatives, 
groomsmen  and  retainers.  But  it  was  not  uncommon 
for  the  ceremony  and  marriage  feast  to  be  held  at  the 
groom's  home,  and  at  a  somewhat  later  period  this  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  rule,  particularly  after  the  in- 
troduction of  Christianity.  In  the  latter  case,  the  bride 
was  sometimes  taken  home  by  the  groom  himself,  but 
more  often  she  went  on  the  bride's  journey  (brudferd) 
to  her  new  home,  accompanied  by  her  maids,  relatives, 
friends,  and  other  followers ;  and  the  groom,  as  the  host, 
with  his  retinue  met  the  party  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from 
his  residence  and  welcomed  them.  At  times,  in  Iceland, 
the  wedding  guests  were  entertained  in  booths  or  tents 

leKeyser,  Private  Life,  29;  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  II,  7-9, 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  97 

at  this  point  until  evening;  but  when  darkness  began 
to  fall  the  whole  gathering  fell  into  a  procession  and 
rode  to  the  groom's  house,  two  by  two.  This  was  called 
the  bridegroom's  ride  {hrudgiimareid),  and,  though  it 
perhaps  dated  from  heathen  times,  it  survived  in  Ice- 
land until  about  a  century  and  a  half  ago.^' 

For  the  ceremony,  the  bridal  pair  were  clad  in  their 
best,  but  except  for  a  long  scarf,  or  veil,  worn  by  the 
bride,  there  appears  to  have  been  nothing  about  the  cos- 
tumes peculiar  to  the  occasion.  This  veil  was  of  fine 
white  linen  among  the  wealthy,  and  was  called  lin;  among 
the  humbler,  the  material  was  cheaper,  and  the  article 
was  known  as  a  ripti.  The  veil  was  wound  about  the 
head  of  the  bride  and  apparently  concealed  her  face. 
The  two  loose  ends  either  hung  doA\Ti  behind  or  were 
held  by  the  bridesmaids,  who  appear  to  have  numbered 
two  or  more.  Perhaps  for  the  first  time  in  her  career, 
a  bunch  of  keys  hung  from  the  young  woman's  belt,  in 
token  of  her  new  authority  as  head  of  a  house.^^ 

The  guardian  of  the  bride  who  officiated  at  the  be- 
trothal seems  to  have  had  full  charge  of  the  marriage 
rites  also.  Just  what  form  the  ceremony  took  in  the 
heathen  period  is  not  clear,  but  it  is  probable  that  it 
consisted  of  a  repetition  in  the  presence  of  witnesses 
of  pledges  very  similar  to  those  made  at  betrothal,  as 
was  the  case  after  the  christianization  of  the  North. 
This  was  the  civil  part;  but  there  was  a  religious  ele- 
ment also,  for  Thor's  hammer  was  used  to  consecrate 
the  bridal  pair,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  blessings  of 
Var  were  invoked  as  well.  In  Denmark,  at  least,  sacri- 
fice was  offered  to  the  goddess  Freyia,  in  the  hope  of 

17  See  "BrfltSferS"  and  "Bru(5gumi"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dic- 
tionary. 

18  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  I,  178-179. 


98  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

insuring  offspring  from  the  marriage.^^  Though  finger 
rings  were  exchanged  at  weddings  in  early  times,  no  spe- 
cial ceremonial  significance  appears  to  have  been  attached 
to  them.2o  Gifts  were  probably  also  presented  by  friends 
and  relatives  of  the  bridal  pair ;  and  at  a  very  early  date 
the  groom  gave  the  bride,  on  the  morning  following  the 
wedding,  a  present  called  the  ''morning  gift."  In  the 
first  centuries  after  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  such 
a  gift  was  required  by  law,  and  in  some  cases  the  mini- 
mum amount  which  it  might  cost  was  specified.  Some 
of  the  laws  also  specified  that  the  bride  must  give  the 
groom  a  present  of  equal  value. ^^  It  is  probable  that 
these  gifts  in  some  parts  supplanted  the  heimanfylgja 
and  mundr  of  the  heathen  period,  which,  however,  per- 
sisted well  into  the  Christian  time,  at  least  in  Iceland. 

Following  the  ceremony  came  an  elaborate  feast. 
Among  the  rich,  hundreds  of  guests  might  be  present  for 
the  marriage  and  remain  to  the  banquet,  which  some- 
times continued  for  as  long  as  a  week.  But  very  lengthy 
and  extravagant  wedding  festivities  led  in  the  early 
Christian  days  to  legislative  regulation;  in  some  cases 
their  length  was  limited,  and  in  others,  the  drinking.^^ 
During  the  festivities — generally  in  the  first  part  of  them 
— the  dower  and  mundr  were  paid  down  by  the  bride's 
father  and  the  groom. ^^  After  the  celebration  was  con- 
cluded sometimes  the  young  people  set  off  immediately 
for  the  new  home  prepared  by  the  groom — unless  the 

19  Ibid.,  I,  179;   Keyser,  Private  Life,  31. 

20  Lehmann,  Karl,  Verlobung  und  Hochzeit  nach  den  nordgermanischen 
liechten   des   friihen   Mittelalters,    65-67. 

21  "Dale  Laghen,"  26-28,  in  collection  called  Biarkoa  Ratten;  "Uplandz- 
laghen,"  15-16,  "Wastmannalaghen,"  11,  "Helsinglaghen,"  8,  in  Swerikea 
Rikes  Lagh-Boker. 

22Kaiund,  "Familielivet  pa  Island,"  in  Aarhoger,  1870,  p.  310;  Chita- 
Lagh,  50. 

2sNjdla,  17;  Lehmann,  Yerlohung  und  Eochzeit,  83-89. 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  99 

wedding  had  been  solemnized  there;  but  occasionally 
they  spent  some  time  at  the  home  of  the  bride,  if  she  had 
been  married  at  home.  Very  often  they  took  up  resi- 
dence with  the  groom's  father,  and  remained  a  part  of 
his  household  for  many  years,  or  even  until  his  death. 
This  last  arrangement  was  more  usual  in  Sweden  and 
Denmark,  where  emphasis  was  placed  upon  family  soli- 
darity, than  farther  west,  where  there  was  more  individ- 
ualism.^^ 

Though  monogamy  was  the  rule  in  Scandinavia,  plural 
marriage  on  the  part  of  the  men  was  by  no  means  un- 
known.    But  the  practice  was  more  common  _  . 

.  Polygyny 

in  some  parts  of  the  North  than  m  others, 

and  also  varied  in  different  periods  of  the  ancient  and 
early  medieval  times.  Centuries  before  the  viking  era, 
the  Northmen,  like  the  other  Teutonic  peoples  and  the 
ancient  Celts  and  Slavs,  practiced  polygyny ;  but  the  cus- 
tom appears  to  have  become  less  common  by  the  dawn 
of  the  historic  period  in  Scandinavia.  In  the  sagas, 
for  instance,  there  seems  to  be  no  record  of  full,  legal 
marriages  of  a  plural  nature.-^  The  viking  voyages, 
however,  seem  to  have  revived  and  increased  the  practice. 
Imitation  of  the  Oriental  harem  appears  to  have  made 
more  common  plural  marriage  in  Swedish  Russia,  and  in 
the  West  the  warrior's  and  merchant's  long  absence 
from  home  resulted  in  legal  recognition  of  their  right  to 
maintain  wives  in  different  places.  Icelandic  law,  for 
example,  permitted  every  man  to  have  two  wives,  one  in 
Iceland  and  one  in  Norway.^^  But  it  is  hardly  likely  that 
polj^gyny  was  found  among  any  except  the  wealthier 

24  Kaiund,  "Familielivet  pa  Island,"  in  Aarbiiger,  1870,  p.  317. 

25  Hildebrand,  Lifvet  pa  Island  under  Sagotiden,  passim  to  p.  298. 

26  Steenstrup,  Johannes  C.  H.  R.,  Normanneme,  I,  222-227 ;  Bugge, 
Die  Wikinger,  84-87. 


100         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

classes;  the  humble  cottagers  and  the  poorer  boendr 
were  probably  all  monogamists.  And  after  Christianity 
was  well  established  in  the  North,  plural  marriage  came 
under  the  ban  of  the  law. 2' 

Besides  his  one  or  more  legal  wives,  a  man  might  have 
—and  in  the  old  heathen  days,  in  particular,  frequently 
did  have — other  women  with  whom  he  maintained  various 
sex  relationships.  Among  these  was  the  wife  with  whom 
he  had  made  a  ''loose  marriage"  by  entirely  omitting 
betrothal  formalities,  or  some  of  the  other  steps  neces- 
sary to  making  the  alliance  full  and  regular ;  -^  but  neither 
such  wives  nor  their  children  ranked  with  the  wife  of  a 
regular  marriage  or  her  children.  It  was  very  common 
also,  especially  among  kings  and  other  men  of  high  rank, 
to  support  one  or  more  mistresses.  Such  women  were 
often  slaves,  but  not  always.  Since  the  custom  of  main- 
taining mistresses  was  well  established  in  the  early  Mid- 
dle Ages,  no  hint  of  disgrace  attached  to  the  man  be- 
cause of  it,  and  little  to  the  woman,  even  if  she  was  free, 
though  her  status  was  distinctly  an  inferior  one  in  the 
household. 

Sometimes  the  man  maintained  a  separate  establish- 
ment for  his  mistress,  through  preference,  or  in  order 
to  preserve  peace  with  his  legal  wife.^^  After  the  intro- 
duction of  Christianity,  the  laws  of  Denmark  tried  to 
improve  the  status  of  the  mistress  of  an  unmarried  man 
and  to  discourage  loose  sex  relationships  by  providing 
that  if  the  woman  went  in  public  with  the  man,  ate  and 
drank  with  him,  and  was  known  for  three  years  to  be  his 
mistress  she  became  at  the  end  of  that  time  his  legal 

27  Boden,  Friedrich,  Mutterrecht  und  Ehe  im  aJtnordischen  Recht,  122- 
125. 

28  Egils  Saga,  22. 

^^  Saga  Olafs  Konungs  ens  Helga,  3;  Adam  of  Bremen,  19;  Laxdoela 
Saga,  29. 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  101 

wife.^*'  Moreover,  some  of  the  laws  of  other  lands  of 
the  North  tried  to  raise  the  dignity  of  the  home  by  direct 
legislation  for  punishing  men  and  women  alike  for  sex 
immorality  in  general;  ^^  but  in  Scandinavia,  as  in  other 
parts  of  the  world,  sex  irregularities  are  dying  hard. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  they  were,  in  a  sense,  sold 
into  matrimony  and  were  the  wards  of  their  husbands, 
the  legal  wives  reallv  hold  an  honored  posi-  „    .  .        , 

^  '.  Position  of 

tion;  and  withm  their  own  homes  they  en-  wives 
joyed  much  independence  of  action.  The 
bunch  of  keys  at  the  matron's  belt  was  a  real  symbol  of 
her  control  of  matters  indoors.  Though  the  husband 
succeeded  the  father  as  guardian,  he,  like  the  former, 
showed  a  certain  consideration  for  his  wife's  wishes,  and 
even  consulted  her  with  reference  to  matters  of  w^eight.^^ 
As  guardian  of  his  wife,  he  was  expected  to  avenge  any 
v/rong  inflicted  upon  her,  or  to  demand  amends  for  the 
misdeed;  and  in  case  his  wife  was  guilty  of  wronging 
another,  he  was  also  responsible.  In  view  of  the  obli- 
gation of  the  husband,  the  law  prohibited  the  wife  from 
making  any  bargain  or  purchase  involving  a  sum  be- 
yond a  certain  maximum,  determined  by  the  rank  of  the 
husband:  if  the  amount  was  exceeded,  the  latter  might 
repudiate  the  bargain.^^  His  position  as  guardian  also 
gave  the  man  the  right  to  inflict  physical  punishment 
upon  his  wife,  though  she  could  no  more  lift  her  hand 
against  him  than  could  a  child  against  its  parents.  It 
was,  however,  considered  unmanly  in  the  North  to  strike 
a  woman,^*  but  only  in  Iceland  was  the  right  of  a  man 

30  Valdemar  den  Andens  Jydske  Lov,  44. 

31  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  16,  Kong  Erics  SjeUandske  Lov,  64. 

32  Origmes  Islandicae,  II,  604 ;  Fldamanna  Saga,  37 ;  Montelius, 
Civilization  of  Sweden,    152. 

^^  Gorges  Gamle  Love,  I,  29;    SweriJces  Rikes  Lagh-Boker,  38. 
Si  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  I,  121;  Keyser,  Private  Life,  41. 


102         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

to  beat  his  wife  seriously  curbed  or  checked  by  law.'^ 
Certain  contrasts  and  anomalies  as  regards  the  posi- 
tion of  the  wife  should  be  considered  in  this  connection. 
These  were  exceptional,  but  are  of  value  as 
WhTes^^*^  °*     throwing  light  upon  the  time,  and  afford  in- 
terest, for  most  of  them  were  found  in  Ice- 
land where  women  had  an  unusually  independent  posi- 
tion.   For  instance,  in  that  island  husbands  occasionally 
gave  away  their  wives  to  their  friends— an  act  compli- 
mentary to  the  friend  and  not  at  all  derogatory  to  the 
donor.3^     The  wives  do  not  appear  to  have  been  con- 
sulted with  reference  to  the  transaction,  but  if  very 
averse  to  it,  they  would  probably  have  made  their  views 
knoAvn.     The  mercantile  bent  of  the  Scandinavian  was 
also  displayed  in  his  attitude  towards  his  wife ;  for,  when 
trading  goods  or  lands  with  another,  he  was  sometimes 
unable  to  resist  the  temptation  to  exchange  wives  as 
well,  and  did  so  regardless  of  the  wishes  of  his  wife. 
We  read,  however,  of  a  determined  Icelandic  matron 
named  Sigrid,  disposed  of  by  her  husband  in  trade,  who 
'*  hanged  herself  in  the  temple  because  she  would  not 
change  husbands.""     Furthermore,  the  sale  of  wives 
outright  was  not  an  unusual  practice,  though  it  was  per- 
haps more  peculiar  to  continental  Scandinavia  than  to 
Iceland ;  and  as  late  as  the  eleventh  century,  when  Chris- 
tianity had  secured  considerable  hold,  the  pope   com- 
plained of  the  barter  and  exchange  of  wives  which  was 
carried  on  in  the  North.^* 

Wives  sometimes  secured  new  husbands  also  as  the 
result  of  a  duel.    If  a  man  took  a  fancy  to  the  wife  of 

35  Bugge,  Die  Wikinger,  55. 
38  Floamanna,  29-30. 

37  Origines  Islandicae,  I,   43. 

38  Bugge,  Die  Wikinger,  55. 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  103 

another,  he  might  challenge  the  husband  to  a  fight  with 
swords,  staking  the  woman  upon  the  issue.  Such  meth- 
ods were  usually  emploj^ed  only  by  men  of  the  ruffian 
type,  generally  professional  fighters;  but  in  those  days 
it  was  not  easy  for  a  husband  to  ignore  such  a  challenge, 
unreasonable  though  it  was,  for  it  was  the  outgrowth  of 
the  exaltation  of  warfare  which  characterized  the  pe- 
riod.^** 

Because  of  its  late  settlement,  Iceland  seems  never 
to  have  had  the  suttee  practiced  within  it,  but  this  cus- 
tom was  found  in  the  remainder  of  the  North  _,     „  ^ 

TT-.i  .  .  .  •  1      i    The  Suttee 

during  the  Vikmg  Age,  as  is  very  evident 
from  the  ancient  writings.  According  to  the  Saga  of 
Olaf  the  Holy,  when  Earl  Valgant  of  Gotaland  was  about 
to  depart  on  a  visit  to  King  Olaf,  at  the  command  of 
the  latter,  he  gave  his  wife  the  necessary  orders  in  case 
of  his  death,  including  the  instruction  to  erect  a  fu- 
neral pyre  on  which  she  must  cremate  all  of  his  property, 
and  then  herself.^*^  The  Saga  of  Olaf  Tryggvasson 
states,  furthermore,  that  it  was  customary  for  the  wife 
to  be  buried  with  the  husband,  but  it  makes  it  plain  that 
such  sacrifice  might  at  times  be  avoided,  by  narrating 
how  Sigrid,  a  foresighted,  life-loving  dame,  divorced  her 
husband,  Erik,  when  he  grew  old,  on  the  simple  ground 
that  she  did  not  wish  to  be  buried  with  him.'^  Gunnhild, 
another  shrewd  woman,  avoided  all  risk,  according  to 
the  saga,  by  refusing  to  marry  Haakon  Jarl  because  he 
w^as  old  when  he  courted  her,  and  she  did  not  wish  to  die 
with  him,  as  the  law  demanded.^^     In  spite  of  the  allu- 

s^  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  196;   Gisla,  2;  Gull-Thoris  Saga,  12. 

40  Schetelijj,  Haakon,  "Traces  of  the  Custom  of  'Suttee'  in  Norway 
during  the  Viking  Age,"  in  Saga  Book,  VI,  180-209;  Seger,  "Frauengraber," 
in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

41  Ihid. 

42  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  477. 


104         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

sions  to  the  law,  however,  the  suttee  was  certainly  excep- 
tional in  the  viking  period,  and  even  in  the  most  con- 
servative parts— quite  unlike  in  India  of  the  last  cen- 
tury—no stigma  appears  to  have  attached  to  the  women 
who  contrived  to  survive  their  husbands;  while  in  Ice- 
land, which  was  closely  bound  to  the  continental  North, 
widows  were  in  excellent  standing,  and  often  married 
more  than  once  after  the  death  of  their  first  husbands.^^ 
In  fact,  sometimes  immediately  after  the  death  of  their 
husbands,  Icelandic  women  became  the  wives  of  relatives- 
in-law  through  inheritance;  this  came  about,  as  a  rule, 
through  a  man's  falling  heir  to  a  deceased  brother's 
widow  along  with  his  movable   goods  and  his  land.^^ 
And  even  at  the  present  day  in  Scandinavia  it  is  very 
customary  for  a  man  to  marry  the  wife  or  betrothed  of 
his  brother,  in  the  event  of  the  latter 's  death.     This  cus- 
tom, in  common  with  the  ancient  one,  originated  from 
the  fact  that  the  brothers  of  the  father  stood  closer  to 
the  children  than  those  of  the  mother,  and  in  the  absence 
of  grown  sons  of  the  widow,  her  late  husband's  brother 
became  the  guardian  of  both  her  and  the  children.     By 
marrying  the  widow  he  could  more  easily  perform  the 
duties  of  his  office ;  and,  furthermore,  he  thus  prevented 
the  wife's  property  from  going  out  of  the  husband's 
kindred  group.^^ 

The  above-described  cases  of  inconsistency  and  disre- 
gard for  the  dignity  and  rights  of  the  ^\'ife  may  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  fact  that  the  Viking  Age  in  Scandi- 
navia, like  the  present  age  in  Christendom,  was  one  of 
transition — especially  for  the  woman ;  hence  old  customs 
were  still  tolerated  while  new  ones  were  being  introduced. 

43  See  pp.  419-421  and  note  for  further  consideration  of  the  suttee. 

*i  Oisla,  3,  43. 

*5  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Lehen,  249-250. 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  105 

Yet,  in  spite  of  these  antiquated  survivals,  the  position 
of  the  Northern  wife  was  at  this  time  perhaps  more 
enviable  than  that  of  any  other  women  of  contemporary 
Europe. 

The  station  of  comparative  independence  enjoyed  by 
the  Scandinavian  women  may  largely  be  accounted  for 
by  the  ease  with  which  they  could  secure  a 
divorce  and  yet  retain  their  property.  The 
financial  settlement  made  by  the  man  upon  his  bride  at 
betrothal  served  as  a  sort  of  security  for  good  conduct 
on  the  part  of  the  husband.  The  threat  of  the  wife  to 
leave  and  take  her  property  with  her  must  have  fre- 
quently proved  efficacious  in  securing  what  she  wished. 
In  the  heathen  time,  though  marriage  was  hard  to  enter, 
it  was  exceedingly  easy  to  escape  from;  and  a  husband 
could  not  force  his  wife  to  return  to  him  against  her 
will.  The  rights  of  the  Icelandic  woman,  in  particular, 
were  well  guarded,  though  they  were  not  equal  to  those 
of  the  men  before  the  divorce  courts;  but  throughout 
Scandinavia  in  this  period  women  probably  fared  much 
better  in  the  matter  of  grounds  for  securing  separation 
from  their  husbands  than  they  did  after  Christianity 
was  firmly  established. 

The  greatest  injustice  showai  to  the  women  in  this 
regard  was  in  the  matter  of  unfaithfulness  on  the  part 
of  the  husband.  If  the  wife  proved  unfaithful,  the  hus- 
band could  divorce  her  and  retain  both  her  mundr  and 
her  dower,  while  unfaithfulness  on  the  part  of  the  hus- 
band was  his  special  prerogative;  the  wife  had  no  re- 
dress against  it  except  to  desert  him,  and  if  she  did  so, 
she  lost  her  dowr^'.^*^  That  women  did  not  always  yield 
readily  before  the  charge  of  unfaithfulness  is  shoMTi, 
however,  by  the  fact  that  when  the  Icelander,  Thorkel, 

40  Keyser,  Private  Life,  50, 


106         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

accused  his  wife,  Asgerda,  of  disloyalty,  she  promptly 
informed  him  that  if  he  did  not  disregard  the  gossip 
which  he  had  heard  about  her,  she  would  immediately 
claim  a  divorce  and  make  her  father  demand  both  her 
dower  and  her  mundr.^^ 

In  many  cases,  divorces  were  secured  upon  very  trifling 
grounds,  and  occasionally  on  virtually  no  grounds  at  all. 
There  appears  to  have  been  some  inconsistency  in  the 
law  and  custom  governing  such  separations,  as  regards 
the  division  of  property,  but,  in  general,  if  the  divorce 
was  secured  upon  slight  basis,  and  there  was  mutual 
agreement  to  the  separation,  the  wife  retained  her  dower 
and  the  husband  kept  the  mundr;  while  the  wife  was 
awarded  one  third  of  the  wealth  acquired  since  marriage. 
But  if  either  had  been  a  grave  ofifender,  the  one  demand- 
ing divorce  retained  both  the  dower  and  the  mundr ;  and 
if  it  was  the  husband  who  was  securing  the  separation, 
the  wife  had  no  share  in  the  gain  in  wealth  since  mar- 
riage.^® 

In  Iceland  a  woman  could  secure  a  divorce  if  her  hus- 
band struck  her,  and  could  take  with  her  the  property 
settled  upon  her  by  her  husband  at  marriage,  as  well  as 
the  heimanfylgja.  For  a  man  to  strike  his  wife  in  the 
presence  of  company  was  particularly  inexcusable  before 
the  law,  because  especially  humiliating  to  her.  There 
are  several  instances  on  record  of  Icelandic  women  w^ho 
secured  divorce  for  this  cause.'*^  Men  also  obtained  sep- 
aration because  of  mistreatment  by  their  wives.  Bardi, 
whose  wife  was  Aud,  is  an  example  of  this.  One  morn- 
ing Aud  woke  before  her  husband  and  proceeded  to  rouse 
him  by  starting  a  pillow-fight ;  but  she  kept  up  the  game 

47  Gisla,  ch.  9. 

48Boden,  Mutterrecht  und  Ehe,  113-114. 

*^Laxdoela  Saga,  98;   Origines  Islandicae,  II,  96;   Saga  Library,  II,  25. 


MARRIAGE  AND  DIVORCE  107 

SO  long  that  her  husband  wearied  of  it  and  displayed 
his  irritation  by  slapping  her  when  he  finally  cast  the 
pillow  back.  Whereupon,  Aud,  in  turn,  became  angry 
and,  finding  a  stone,  threw  it  at  Bardi,  which  so  incensed 
him  that  upon  that  very  day  he  divorced  himself  from 
her,  declaring  that  he  would  ''take  masterful  ways  no 
more  from  her  than  from  any  one  else. ' '  '^^  But  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  the  playful  spouse  departed  with 
her  dower. 

Among  miscellaneous  reasons  for  divorce  was  the  fail- 
ure of  the  husband  to  treat  his  wife's  relatives  with 
what  she  regarded  as  due  consideration.^^  And  in  some 
parts  the  fact  that  husbands  took  their  wives'  property 
out  of  the  country  without  the  wives'  permission,  was 
cause  for  divorce.-''^  In  Iceland,  either  could  divorce  the 
other  for  wearing  clothes  like  those  of  the  opposite  sex 
— a  matter  upon  which  the  population  seems  to  have  been 
strangely  sensitive.  For  instance,  a  woman  who  wore 
trousers  and  a  man  who  wore  a  shirt  so  low  cut  in  front 
as  to  expose  much  of  his  breast  were  liable  to  divorce. 
Here,  the  women,  who  were  the  garment-makers,  had 
a  special  advantage,  of  which  they  sometimes  made  use. 
One  shrewd  matron  of  whom  the  sagas  tell,  desiring 
a  divorce,  purposely  cut  her  husband's  new  shirt  too 
low  in  front,  and  after  he  had  been  so  stupid  as  to  put 
it  on  and  wear  it,  demanded  separation  from  him  on 
the  ground  of  his  having  done  so.^^ 

In  the  heathen  time,  the  Scandinavian  procedure  in  se- 
curing a  divorce  was  simple.  In  Iceland,  and  probably 
also  throughout  the  whole  North,  if  a  woman  was  the 

50  Saga  Library,  II,  258. 
5iGluma,  59;  Gisla,  98-99. 

52  Grdgds,  IV,  42. 

53  Laxdoela,  99-101 ;  Keyser,  Private  Life,  52-53. 


108  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

plaintiff,  she  must,  before  witnesses,  give  reasons  for 
her  actions,— declare  herself  separated  from  her  husband, 
at  three  different  times  and  in  three  different  places 
—first,  before  her  husband's  bed;  next,  before  the  prin- 
cipal entrance  to  the  house ;  and,  finally,  before  a  public 
assembly.^^    Presumably,  the  same  fonnalities  were  ne- 
cessary if  a  man  was  the  plaintiff.     This  constituted  a 
legal  divorce,  but  probably  many  couples  separated  and 
contracted  other  marriages  without  any  such  formali- 
ties,^^ the  termination  of  their  wedlock  being  signalized 
merely  by  the  departure  of  the  one  or  the  other  and  the 
division  of  property.     If  a  peaceful  private  settlement 
regarding  the  property  could  not  be  effected,  the  division 
was  made  by  the  courts,  or  the  matter  became  the  cause 
of  an  interminable  feud  between  the  families  concerned. 
In  the  ancient  time  there  was  no  legal  obstacle  to  either 
of  the  divorced  parties  immediately  contracting  for  a 
fresh  marriage;  but  after  Christianity  was  established 
the  matter  of  marriage  and  divorce  came  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  church.     Consequently,  a  great  change  took 
place,  and  legal  separation  was  thenceforth  impossible 
for  either  party,  except  for  unfaithfulness  or  for  mar- 
riage within  forbidden  degrees  of   relationship,   which 
were  now  carefully  defined;  and  in  the  former  case  re- 
marriage was  prohibited.^^ 

5*A7d?a,  20-21;  Keyser,  Private  Life,  53. 
55Boden,  Mutterrecht  und  Ehe,  108-113. 
B6  Keyser,  Private  Life,  54. 


CHAPTER  VII 


POSITION    OF   WOMEN 


Thore,  Enraade's  brother,  erected  this  stone  in  memor>'  of  his  mother 
and  sister,  good  women.  The  death  of  the  mother  is  the  greatest  mis- 
fortune for  the  son. 

From  an  ancient  rune  stone. 

The  Scandinavian  women  of  the  early  Middle  Ages 
were  the  product  of  the  time  in  which  they  lived;  into 
their  mental  composition  went  much  of  the 
strength  and  freedom  of  the  viking  North.  General 
For  though  they  were  legally  under  guard-  women 
ianship  to  some  male  member  of  their  family 
practically  the  whole  of  their  lives,  and  though  matri- 
mony at  the  time  involved  unusual  risks,  they  neverthe- 
less enjoyed  more  independence  than  any  other  women 
of  contemporary  Europe.  In  the  intense  life  of  the  pe- 
riod they  played  a  leading  part,  and  their  qualities  made 
them  worthy  of  the  roles  allotted  to  them.  Like  the  god- 
desses of  their  mytholog}^,  they  were  well  developed,  all- 
round  women.  Since  there  was  but  little  difference  in 
the  mental  training  of  the  two  sexes,  each  could  find  in- 
tellectual companionship  in  the  other.  For  they  were 
not,  during  the  heathen  period,  shut  out  from  communion 
^^ith  the  men,  as  were  the  women  of  the  Athenian  world, 
and  locked  into  the  kitchen  and  nursery — forcibly  doomed 
to  isolation  in  the  '* quiet  world  of  home."  Instead,  they 
lived  in  such  close  fellowship  with  their  men  folk  that 
the  aims  and  ideals  of  the  latter  largely  colored  their 
own  lives.     They,  therefore,  represented  what  is  com- 

109 


110         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

monly  known  as  the  ''masculine"  type  of  womanhood, 
which  is,  after  all,  only  a  well-developed  human  type. 

Since  it  was  customary  for  all  women  to  take  part 
in  the  various  activities  making  up  the  life  of  their  time, 
even  the  most  energetic  of  them  and  the  most  "ad- 
vanced" were  honored  and  respected,  if  they  were  women 
of  worthy  character.  In  this  regard,  the  North  con- 
trasted especially  well  with  classical  Greece,  where  a 
woman,  in  order  to  preserve  the  esteem  of  others,  was 
forced  to  remain  strictly  at  home,  since  those  who 
mingled  with  the  men  and  shared  their  interests — which 
were  only  human  interests— were  likely  to  be  classed  as 

''bad."i' 

But  while  possessing  the  strength  and  courage  mak- 
ing them  worthy  sisters,  wives,  and  mothers  of  the  war- 
riors who  terrorized  Christendom  during  three  centuries, 
they  also  displayed  qualities  generally  classed  as  feminine 
— tenderness,  self-sacrificing  love,  loyalty,  and  devotion. 
Many  a  Scandinavian  mother  saved  her  new-born  child 
from  the  death  to  which  its  father  had  condemned  it ;  and 
there  are  repeated  instances  of  wives  and  daughters  who 
perished  with  the  men  of  the  family  when  their  home 
was  set  afire  by  an  enemy,  preferring  death  with  to  life 
without  them;  and  also  of  women  who  harbored  and 
cared  for  their  outlawed  men  folk,  in  defiance  of  the 
law,  or  chose  voluntary  exile  with  them. 

In  view  of  the  time,  the  women  were  deferred  to  and 
protected  to  a  remarkable  degree.  Custom  demanded 
that  they  be  permitted  to  leave  a  house  about  to  be 
burned,  and  they  were  the  first  to  be  removed  from  a 
sinking  vessel.^     The  honor,  at  least  of  the  well-born 

1  Bajer,  Fredrik,  "Oldnordens  Qvinde,"  in  Nordisk  Mdnedskrift  for 
Folkelig  og  Kristelig  Oplysning,  Mar.,   1871,  p.   181. 

2  Origines  Islandicae,   II,   66 ;    Gull-Thoria  Saga,    34. 


POSITION  OF  WOMEN  111 

girl,  was  jealously  guarded  by  her  male  relatives;  any 
wrong  done  her  was  promptly  avenged ;  and  in  the  early 
Christian  days,  if  not  before,  there  were  laws  in  most 
of  the  provinces  for  inflicting  punishment  upon  men 
insulting  or  otherwise  wronging  women.  The  legislation 
of  the  island  of  Gotland  in  this  regard  was  particularly 
praiseworthy.^  In  general,  women  were  also  the  equals 
of  men  before  the  law,  the  chief  exceptions  being  the 
discrimination  shown  against  them  in  the  matters  of  di- 
vorce and  inheritance ;  but  in  the  latter  case  the  partiality 
shown  their  brothers  was  probably  more  apparent  than 
real,  for  it  seems  likely  that  in  many  parts  of  the  North 
the  difference  was  made  up  by  the  amount  which  they 
received  for  their  dowers. 

Because  of  the  respect  which  the  men  had  for  their 
opinions,  the  women  wielded  great  influence  in  warfare, 
whether   on   the   foreign   battle-field,    or   at 
home  in  following  up   a  feud.     Sometimes  influence  of 
they  exerted  themselves  in  behalf  of  peace,  |„  Warfare 
but  more  frequently  they  urged  the  men  on  to 
fighting,  for  they  seem  to  have  been  even  more  resentful 
than  the  latter  of  all  violation  of  family  honor ;  and  many 
a  feud  which  doubtless  would  have  died  out  of  itself  was 
kept  burning  through  the  efforts  of  the  women.     ''The 
women  at  home  shall  never  be  told  that  I  sought  shelter 
from  sword-strokes,"  sang  Hjalmar  in  his  death  song, 
''nor  shall  the  fair,  wise-hearted  lady  in  Sigtown  ever 
hear  that  I  flinched."  ^     And,  "Never,"  cried  the  mother 
in  the  Volsunga,  "shall  the  maidens  mock  these  my  sons 
at  the  games,  and  cry  out  at  them  that  they  fear  death.  "^ 

With  the  opening  of  the  Viking  Age  came  an  improve- 

3  Guta-Lagh,    47-49 ;    Kong   Erics    Sjellandske   Lov,    85. 
*  Corpus  Poeticum   Boreale,   I,    161-162. 


112         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VISINCt  AGE 

ment  in  the  condition  of  the  women  and  a  general  exalta- 
tion of  their  statns.  They  now  had  a  f  ree- 
?^i^g  dom,  never  possessed  before,  to  be  themselves 
Age  upon  and  to  develop  natnraUy.  In  consequence, 
the  Status  there  was  a  new  growth  in  individualism 
of  Women  ^^^^  ^  reflected  in  the  strong,  clear-cat  fe- 
male personaUties  portrayed  in  the  sagas.  Whether 
working  for  evil  or  for  good,  these  women  were  deter- 
mined and  fearless,  shrewd  and  resourceful,  and  when 
the  issue  turned  against  them,  they  faced  defeat  with 
proud  self-control. 

These  forceful  personalities  were  found  throughout 
the   North.     The  fragmentary  records  for  continental 
Scandinavia  afford  glimpses  of  them  here 
Representa-     ^^^  there;  but  the  sagas  of  Iceland  furnish 
Women  ^  whole  gallery  of  portraits  of  interesting 

women,  who,  because  of  the  frontier  environ- 
ment in  which  they  lived,  were,  probably,  on  the  whole, 
even  more  individual  than  their  sisters  farther  east. 

Two  particularly  interesting  personalities  from  the 
continent  may  be  mentioned, — Gyda,  the  daughter  of 
King  Eric  of  Hordaland  in  the  present  Xor- 
way,  and  Sigrid,  mother  of  King  Olaf  of 
Sweden.  Gyda  is  described  as  a  "maiden  exceeding 
fair,  and  withal  somewhat  highminded."  The  latter 
quality  came  out  when  King  Harold  Hairfair*s  repre- 
sentative solicited  her  hand  in  matrimony  for  his  mas- 
ter. The  young  princess  is  reported  to  have  replied 
scornfully  that  she  would  not  consider  Harold  for  a  hus- 
band until  he  had  conquered  the  whole  of  Norway  and 
brought  it  imder  his  rule,  as  Eric  had  done  in  Sweden 
and  Gorm  in  Denmark.  The  King's  messenger  wished 
to  punish  the  girl  for  her  independence,  but  Harold  was 
jnnch  struck  with  her  reply  and  wondered  that  he  had 


POSITION  OF  WOMEN  113 

not  thought  of  nndertaking  the  conquest  before.  He 
accordingly  vowed  that  he  would  not  have  his  hair 
combed  or  cut  untU  he  should  have  brought  under  his 
dominion  the  Land  of  Norway,  and  he  promptly  pro- 
ceeded to  make  war  upon  his  neighbors  so  effectively 
that  he  soon  had  the  whole  country  united  under  his 
control,  and  was  able  to  claim  the  highminded  Gyda  for 
his  bride.  But  before  these  double  aims  were  gained, 
the  saga  says,  his  hair  had  grown  so  long  and  thick  as 
to  win  for  him  the  nickname,  Harold  Hairfair.* 

Queen  Sigrid,  ''the  wisest  of  women  and  foreseeing 
about  many  matters,"  was  annoyed  by  the  persistence 
of  two  unwelcome  wooers — the  one,  a  ruler  to  ^^, 
the  west  of  her  son's  dominion,  and  the  other. 
a  sovereign  in  a  small  territory  to  the  east — and  deter- 
mined to  rid  herself  of  them.  Accordingly,  in  the  night 
when  the  men,  who  had  returned  to  plead  their  suits, 
were  sleeping  in  the  hall  in  her  home,  she  had  the  build- 
ing attacked  with  fire  and  sword,  and  all  within  were 
burned  to  death.  "Said  Sigrid  hereat  that  she  would 
weary  these  small  kings  of  coming  from  other  lands  to 
woo  her,''  which  caused  her  thereafter  to  be  known  as 
Sigrid  the  Haughty.' 

Among  the  Icelandic  women,  one  of  the  most  clearly 
portrayed  and  of  the  least  pleasing  is  Hallgerda,  who 
plays  a  prominent  part  in  the  Njal  Saga. 
She  is  the  most  conspicuotis  example  of  the 
strong  women  of  the  saga  time  who  misdirected  their 
energies  and  misused  their  talents.  Proud,  resentful, 
bad-tempered,  extravagant  and  grasping,  with  a  dislike 
for  housekeeping  and  a  fondness  for  brewing  trouble, 
she  was  the  cause  of  the  murder  of  the  first  two  of  her 

*  Smgm  LOrmry,  UL,  93. 
'Jiid^  2S6. 


114         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

three  husbands,  and  had  a  large  part  in  creating  the 
feud  which  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  Njal  and  his 
sons. 

Signy,  another  wilful  woman,  but  one  less  harmfully 
so,  is  amusing  because  so  suggestive  of  many  a  latter- 
day  matron,  in  her  fondness  for  doing  as 
'^"'^  she  pleased.     Desirous  of  making  a  visit  to 

her  kinsfolk,  she  asked  her  husband's  permission  to 
do  so,  and  he  consented  to  her  absence  for  half  a  month. 
But  Signy  ignored  the  limitation  placed  upon  her  stay 
and  remained  away  the  whole  winter,  letting  her  family 
get  along  as  best  it  could  without  her  while  she  made  the 
most  of  her  opportunity  for  enjoyment  and  ''went  to 
feasts  at  men's  houses."  * 

Aud,  wife  of  Thorthr,  was  an  unlovely  character  rep- 
resentative of  the  somewhat  ''wild  Western"  mannish 
type  that  the  frontier  settlements  in  Iceland 
of  Thorthr  occasionally  produced.  She  insisted  upon 
wearing  man's  trousers,  for  which  cause  her 
husband  divorced  her.  But  after  being  repudiated  by 
Thorthr  she  determined  upon  revenge,  donned  the  offend- 
ing garments,  and,  arming  herself  with  a  sword,  rode 
in  the  night  time  to  where  her  former  husband  was  stay- 
ing, and,  finding  him  in  bed,  wounded  him  with  the 
weapon  which  she  had  brought.^ 

Another  interesting  woman  of  remarkable  spirit  was 
Thurithr,  who  showed  herself  unusually  equal  to  a  diffi- 
.  cult  emergency,  caused  by  the  fact  that  her 

husband  deserted  her  and  their  child,  leav- 
ing them  without  means  of  support.  When  she  found 
that  he  had  cast  her  off  and  was  planning  to  take  ship 
from  Iceland,  she  took  the  baby  and  followed  him  to  the 

»  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  51. 
9Laxdoela,  99-101. 


POSITION  OF  WOMEN  115 

harbor,  boarded  his  ship,  and  found  him  upon  it,  asleep 
in  his  hammock.  Placing  the  child  beside  its  father, 
she  helped  herself  to  the  man's  greatest  treasure,  his 
sword,  which  was  believed  to  possess  magical  powers, 
and  took  her  departure.  The  husband,  wakened  by  the 
cries  of  the  child,  missed  his  sword  and,  suspecting  the 
reason  for  its  disappearance,  rushed  forward  only  to  see 
his  wife  being  rapidly  rowed  away  in  the  boat  in  which 
she  came.  In  spite  of  his  commands  and  curses,  the  boat 
of  Thurithr  continued  to  make  for  the  shore,  and  it  later 
escaped  the  party  sent  in  pursuit  of  it.  The  wronged 
wife  presented  the  captured  sword  to  a  kinsman,  and 
subsequently  entered  into  a  second  marriage  which 
proved  more  successful.  What  became  of  the  unfor- 
tunate infant  the  saga  fails  to  report. ^"^ 

Thorberga,  who  was  married  to  Njal,  is  an  example  of 
the  loyal  wife.    When  Njal's  enemies  surrounded  their 
home  in  preparation  for  burning  it,  she  un- 
hesitatingly  chose  to  die  with  him. 

The  saga  of  Gisla  presents  an  even  more  devoted  wife 
in  Auda,  wife  of  the  outlaw  from  whom  the  story  takes 
its  name.  Long  after  her  loyalty  had  first  ^  , 
been  tried,  Eyjolf,  an  enemy  of  Gisla,  handed 
Auda  a  bag  of  silver  as  a  bribe  to  induce  her  to  betray 
her  husband.  Another  loyal  relative,  observing  this,  be- 
came alarmed  and  told  Gisla,  who  replied,  "Be  of  good 
heart;  that  will  never  be.  My  brave  Auda  will  never 
betray  me."  And  Auda  very  promptly  justified  his 
faith  in  her  by  flinging  the  money  into  Eyjolf 's  face, 
bidding  him  remember  as  long  as  he  lived  that  a  woman 
had  beaten  him.  Later,  when  the  pressure  of  his  enemies 
forced  Gisla  to  take  refuge  in  a  hiding  place  among  the 
rocky  cliffs,  Auda  still  accompanied  him;  and  when  his 

10  Ibid.,  84-87. 


116         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

pursuers  found  him  here,  she  seized  a  club  and  beat  back 
Eyjolf,  the  leader,  whereupon  Gisla  remarked:  ^'Long 
ago  I  knew  I  was  well  wedded,  though  I  never  knew  I 
was  so  well  wedded  as  I  am." 

Asgerda,  daughter  of  Egil  Skalagrimsson,  is,  on  the 
other  hand,  tj^pical  of  the  devoted  daughter.     She  was 

married  and  living  at  a  distance,  but  when 
^^^^  ^  she   learned   that   her   father,   heart-broken 

over  the  death  of  his  much-beloved  son,  was  determined 
to  end  his  own  life  by  starvation,  she  promptly  returned 
to  her  paternal  home,  and  through  the  display  of  shrewd 
tact  and  tender  affection,  she  succeeded  in  rousing  in 
the  old  man  the  desire  to  live  on  in  order  to  commemorate 
his  son  in  song.^^ 

Aud,    sometimes    called   the   Deep-Wealthy,   was   the 
most  famous  and  most  powerful  of  all  of  the  women 

mentioned  in  connection  with  the  settlement 
Aud,  the  Qf  Iceland.  She  was  the  widow  of  Olaf  the 
We^^'thy         White   who   had   ruled   Dublin.     After   her 

father  had  died  and  her  son  had  met  his  death 
in  an  attempt  to  conquer  Scotland,  Aud  determined  to 
move  to  Iceland,  where  two  of  her  brothers  were  already 
living.  In  spite  of  the  vigilance  of  her  enemies  in  Scot- 
land, she  had  a  ship  secretly  built  in  the  woods,  escaped 
in  it  with  several  members  of  her  family  and  a  number 
of  her  f reedmen,  and  started  on  the  voyage  northward. 
But,  pausing  on  her  way  at  various  islands  off  the  Scotch 
coast,  she  arranged  influential  marriages  for  her  grand- 
daughters. Upon  reaching  Iceland,  she  established  her 
title  to  a  large  tract  of  land,  some  of  which  she  parcelled 
out  to  relatives  and  other  supporters.  The  remainder 
she  kept  for  herself,  and  administered  it  so  well  that  she 
was  from  the  first  recognized  as  a  person  of  importance 

11  Egils  Saga,  257-259. 


POSITION  OF  WOMEN  117 

in  the  island.  So  noted  was  she  for  sound  judgment 
and  wise  action  that  the  men  folk  of  her  family  quite 
willingly  went  to  her  for  counsel. 

When  she  felt  old  age  and  the  end  close  at  hand,  Aud 
made  her  youngest  grandson,  Olaf,  her  heir,  and  ar- 
ranged a  marriage  for  him.  Under  her  direction  an  ela- 
borate Avedding  feast  was  provided  and  great  numbers 
of  guests  were  bidden  to  it.  Aud  was  a  large,  tall  woman, 
of  queenly  appearance  as  well  as  of  action,  and  when 
she  greeted  her  guests  they  noticed  that,  in  spite  of  the 
burden  of  her  years,  she  carried  herself  mth  her  former 
stateliness.  After  greeting  all  courteously  and  seeing 
that  they  were  properly  served,  she  left  the  banqueting 
hall  with  a  firm,  quick  step  and  retired  to  her  bed.  Upon 
the  following  day  she  did  not  appear  at  the  usual  time, 
and  her  grandson  went  to  her  sleeping-room.  And  there 
was  Aud,  propped  against  her  pillow,  dead.  "When  Olaf 
returned  to  the  hall  and  reported,  all  of  the  guests  mar- 
veled greatly  at  the  way  in  which  their  hostess  had  sus- 
tained her  queenly  dignity  up  to  the  very  end.^^ 

Widows,  and  the  very  occasional  women  not  possessed 
of  near  male  relatives,  were  the  most  independent.     The 
latter,  at  least  after  they  reached  years  of 
maturity,  appear  to  have  been  quite  without   ^j°5ko^^ 
guardians;  and  the  former  were  not  under  Guardians 
tutelege   except  in  Iceland.     With  this   one 
exception,    throughout    Scandinavia   both   classes   could 
betroth  themselves  and  care  for  their  OA\m  property;  and, 
hence,  could  carry  on  business  transactions  as  freely  as 
a  man.^^ 

But  as  regards  the  women  legally  under  tutelage,  it 
should  be  remembered  that  then,  as  now,  the  personal 

12  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  76-85;    Laxdoela.   7-13. 

13  A'^/dJa,  37-38,  74;   Origines  Islandicae,  II,  605, 


118         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

equation  counted  for  much.  Though  the  husband  was 
the  guardian  of  his  wife,  many  men,  while  abroad,  en- 
trusted their  wives  with  the  administration  of  important 
financial  matters,  as  well  as  with  the  supervision  of  large 
farms ;  and  occasionally  wives  dominated  their  guardian- 
husbands  to  such  a  degree  that  the  latter  were  well  quali- 
fied for  the  modern  "hen-pecked"  class. 

The  kinds  of  work  done  a  thousand  years  ago  by  Scan- 
dinavian women  in  connection  with  the  home  differed 
very  little  from  their  present-day  occupa- 
Women's  tions  on  Scandinavian  farms.  To  them  fell 
Work  in  ^^^  lighter  labor  out  of  doors,  such  as  helping 
with  the  with  the  hay -making,  feeding  and  bedding  the 

Home  livestock,  and  milking  the  cows.     If  the  fam- 

ily was  wealthy,  this  work  was  performed  by 
women  slaves  or  servants ;  if  poor,  by  the  wife  and  daugh- 
ters. Indoors,  they  had  full  charge  of  the  house-work, 
cooking,  mending,  and  sewing,  as  well  as  the  care  of  the 
children ;  and  in  addition  they  had  to  serve  the  men,  who 
required  a  great  deal  of  waiting  upon,  as  they  do  still 
in  the  country  districts  of  the  Scandinavian  North.  The 
women  had  not  only  to  be  in  attendance  at  meal  time, 
and  to  keep  the  men's  clothes  clean  and  in  order,  but 
they  also  washed  the  men's  heads,  scrubbed  them  in  the 
bath,  and  pulled  their  clothes  off  for  them  at  night  when 
they  retired.^^  And  the  women  of  Iceland  still  perform 
the  last-named  service. ^^ 

But  other  occupations  were  open  to  women  besides 
those  connected  with  household  routine  or  farm  work, 
and  to  these  quite  a  large  fraction  gave  a  part  or  the 
whole  of  their  time.  A  few  of  them  had  financial  inter- 
ests in  ships  engaged  in  foreign  commerce;  and  they 

■i^*  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  II,   357;    Origines  Islandicae,   II,   729. 
15  Hendersen,  Ebenezer,  Iceland,  I,  114-115. 


POSITION  OF  WOMEN  119 

sometimes  occupied  themselves  with  direct  trade  at  the 
local  markets.^"     Some  women  were   sculp- 
tors, or,  at  least,  cutters  of  runes  upon  monu-   Other  Oc- 
mental  stones.^ ^     Occasionally  a  woman  be-  ^peV°o^ 
came  noted  as  a  poet  or  skald,  but  it  w^as  quite  Women 
unusual  for  them  to  take  up  poesy  as  a  seri- 
ous profession,  as  did  the  men.^^     Once  in  a  while  they 
were  priestesses,  and,  as  such,  they  took  care  of  the  tem- 
ples and  offered  sacrifice.     But  work  of  this  last  sort  was 
hardly  likely  to  come  to  women  except  in  a  few  cases 
when  the  man  w^ho  built  the  place  of  w^orship  did  not 
desire  to  perform  the  religious  duties  himself. ^^     In  the 
early  time — perhaps  before  the  Viking  Age — the  mili- 
tary profession  also  was   open  to   women;   they  were 
trained  to  handle  arms,  and  some  of  them  performed 
service  upon  the  battle-field.     The  valkyriur,  or  valky- 
ries,  the  ''choosers  of  the  slain"  of  Northern  mythology, 
were  probably  deified  reflections  of  real  warriors.     Such 
women  had  the  word  liildr,  meaning  warfare  or  warrior, 
attached  to  their  names  as  a  mark  of  their  calling,  as 
Brynhild,  Ashild,  Svanhild.     Later,  in  the  viking  time, 
when  women  were  discouraged,  or  prohibited,  from  at- 
tempting to  gain  military  glory,  the  professional  signi- 
ficance of  the  word  was  disregarded,  and  "hild"  names 
were  borne  by  women,  regardless  of  profession.^" 

Women  in  the  above-mentioned  occupations  were  quite 
exceptional,  but  there  were  two  professions  outside  the 
home  of  which  they  had  almost  the  monopoly;  these  were 
medicine   and    surgery,    and   witchcraft   and   prophecy. 

16  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  608. 

17  Kermode,  P.  M.  C,  Marnc  Crosses,  90. 

18  Biigge,  Die  Wikinger,  74,   83. 

i9Bugge,  Norges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  46;  Kalund,  Familielivet 
pa  Island,  3.38. 

20  Bugge,  Norges  HistoHe,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  218. 


120         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Women  skilled  in  healing  had  the  word  laeknir,  physi- 
cian, attached  to  their  names;  and  those  versed  in  the 
occult  used  the  word  volva  in  the  same  manner.  Repre- 
sentatives of  both  of  these  callings  probably  traveled 
through  the  community,  or  even  through  large  districts, 
stopping  wherever  their  services  were  required ;  but  more 
often  they  were  sought  in  their  own  homes,  by,  or  in 
the  interest  of,  the  sick  or  wounded,  or  those  seeking 
supernatural  aid.  Sometimes  the  '4eech  women"  took 
the  wounded  away  with  them  from  the  scene  of  battle  and 
cared  for  them  until  well,  thus  turning  their  homes  into 
private  hospitals  on  a  small  scale.^^  And  in  those  mili- 
tant days  women  were  perhaps  much  more  frequently 
called  upon  to  dress  and  care  for  cuts  and  stabs  than  to 
exercise  medical  knowledge  in  the  cure  of  diseases. 

Dabbling  in  magic  w^as,  in  the  heathen  days,  by  no 
means  frowned  upon,  unless  used  for  evil  purposes,  for 
the  gods  themselves  at  times  practiced  sorcery;  and  the 
volva,  because  of  her  power,  was  probably  more  highly 
regarded  than  the  woman  who  was  a  mere  healer.  It 
should  be  stated,  however,  that  the  two  professions  to 
some  extent  overlapped,  for  the  laeknir  often  resorted 
to  magical  devices  for  effecting  cures. ^^ 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  Viking  Age  elevated  the 
status  of  the  Scandinavian  women.  It  is  no  less  true 
that  this  period  also  eventually  brought 
r  *"f.u'  about  their  degradation  in  some  respects. 
Viking  Age  ^^^^  ^  restriction  of  some  of  the  liberties 
upon  the  which  had  been  theirs.  This  change  was  to 
Status  of  some  extent  due  to  the  fact  that  the  women 
abused  some  of  their  new  privileges,  which 
their  lack  of  experience  prevented  them  from  appreci- 

21  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  552. 

22  For  further  consideration  of  these  subjects  see  pp.  357-358. 


POSITION  OF  WOMEN  121 

ating.  But  the  stronger  transforming  influence  doubt- 
less came  through  contact  with  southern  lands,  where 
two  things  inclined  the  Northern  men  to  less  respect 
for  women  in  general, — their  own  with  the  rest.  The 
one  was  the  inferior  character  of  the  women  of  the 
Roman  world,  who  suffered  from  the  taint  of  Imperial 
decay;  the  other,  and  more  powerful,  was  certain  of  the 
teachings  of  the  Christian  church — largely  based  upon 
the  writings  of  Saint  Paul — which  changed  the  attitude 
of  the  men  of  Christendom  towards  women.  And  the 
heathen  men  from  Scandinavia  gradually  followed  the 
examples  of  the  men  in  the  south ;  thus  the  curse  arising 
from  the  leading  part  played  by  Eve  in  the  tragedy  of 
the  ''fall  of  man"  descended  upon  the  women  of  the 
Northland  even  while  they  were  still  pagan. -^ 

The  poetic  compositions  of  the  later  viking  time  re- 
flect this  decline  of  respect  towards  them;  they  are  repre- 
sented, in  a  manner  suggestive  of  Solomon's  proverbs, 
as  fickle  and  unstable: 

''On  a  w^hirling  wheel  are  their  hearts  shapen,^'* 
And  fickleness  laid  do^vn  in  their  breast," 

is  the  cynical  view  of  one  of  the  poets  of  the  period. 
And  though  the  actual  adoption  of  Christianity  again 
brought  some  ameliorating  changes — especially  in  pro- 
tecting the  wife  against  rival  women — these  were  accom- 
panied by  various  aggravating  restrictions,  particularly 
in  Iceland,  though  here  women  had  previously  enjoyed 
unusual  opportunities  for  self-expression  and  self-de- 
velopment. Much  of  the  earlier  freedom  was  now  lost; 
the  women  were  bound  more  closely  to  house  and  home ; 

23  Bugge,  Die  Wikinger,  88-80;  Weinhold.  Altiwrdischcs  Lehen,  256. 
zi  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  I,  11. 


122          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

and  if  any  wished  an  independent  unmarried  career,  she 
could  secure  it  only  in  the  service  of  the  church.  This 
perhaps  accounts  for  the  fact  that  in  the  Christian  Middle 
Ages  we  do  not  find  so  many  strong  female  personalities 
in  Scandinavia  as  during  the  pagan  time.^^ 

25  Bugge,  Die  Wikinger,  84;  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  II,  1;   Grdgds,  IV, 
203;   Origines  Islaiidicae,  II,  119. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

HOMESTEADS   AND    HOUSES 

One's  own  home  is  best,  though  it  be  but  a  cottage.  A  man  is  a 
man  in  his  own  house.  Though  thou  hast  but  two  goats  and  a  hut 
of  wattles,  yet  that  is  better  than  begging. 

The  Guest's   Wisdom. 

Since  most  of  the  wild  lands  of  continental  Scandi- 
navia passed  into  private  hands  in  the  remote  pre-historic 
past,  it  is  impossible  to  say  just  how  individ- 
ual title  was  established;  but  it  seems  fair  Establish- 
to  suppose  that  the  methods  employed  in  the  ^^^^  ^^ 
* 'land-taking"  of  Iceland  in  the  ninth  cen-  Land 
tury  were  representative  in  a  general  man- 
ner of  those   employed   earlier,   and  were   occasionally 
still  in  use  on  the  continent.     It  was  very  customary 
for  the  first  settlers  of  Iceland  to  secure  divine  aid  in 
the  choice  of  a  homestead.     This  they  did  by  carrying 
with  them  the  wooden  posts  or  pillars  which  had  stood 
before  the  seat  of  honor  in  the  old  home  and  throwing 
them  overboard  when  they  approached  land,  thus  leaving 
the  selection  to  their  favorite  god,  Thor,  whose  image 
was  carved  upon  the  pillars.     Where  the  pillars  drifted 
ashore  the  owners  took  up  land;  and  later  comers  appear 
to  have  generally  respected  the  decree  of  the  thunder 
god.^ 

Other  pioneers,  less  pious  or  more  independent,  made 
their  own  selection  from  soil  not  already  appropriated, 
upon  some  fertile  headland  or  in  a  sheltered  valley. 

The   settlers  established  their  title  to  the  territory 

lOrigines  Islandicae,  1,  21,  25,  67,  137,  148,  186,  188,  256;  II,  143,  324. 

123 


124         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

selected  by  various  interesting  primitive  devices,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  appeal  to  the  thunder  god.  In  some  cases 
they  marked  the  trees  growing  upon  the  land — a  pro- 
cedure apparently  identical  with  the  establishment  of 
'' tomahawk  claims"  in  the  American  colonial  period; 
in  others,  they  erected  upon  the  soil  which  they  wished 
for  themselves  tall  poles,  peeled  of  their  bark,  and  prob- 
ably bearing  the  names  of  the  claimants.^  Another  com- 
mon method  was  to  ^'hallow"  the  land  to  one's  self  by 
means  of  fire,  used  in  different  ways — a  vestige  of  an 
earlier  period  when  fire  was  held  to  be  sacred.  Some 
colonists  built  great  fires  at  the  mouths  of  two  or  more 
rivers  or  streams,  thus  claiming  the  land  between  them; 
others  signified  their  title  by  shooting  burning  arrows 
across  the  rivers.^ 

Naturally,  some  of  the  first-comers  resorted  to  land- 
grabbing  to  a  selfish  degree;  many  owned  several  farms 
in  different  parts  of  Iceland,  and  at  least  one  settler, 
Blund  Cetil  by  name,  laid  claim  to  thirty  of  them.^  This 
practice  quite  early  resulted  in  quarrels  over  land  OA\Tier- 
ship,  and,  in  consequence,  Harold  Hairfair  of  Norway, 
— to  whom  the  immigrants  appear  to  have  recognized  a 
loose  allegiance — decreed  that  no  man  should  lay  claim 
to  more  territory  than  he  and  his  shipmates  could  carry 
fire  around  in  one  day ;  ^  and  no  woman  might  take  in 
settlement  a  larger  tract  than  a  two-year  old  heifer  could 
go  around  on  a  spring  day  from  sunrise  to  sunset.  Evi- 
dently, it  was  not  expected  that  the  women  would  get 
quite  so  much  land  as  the  men;  but  there  was  perhaps 
very  little  difference  in  the  results,  for  generally  some 

2  Ibid.,  I,  132,  135-36,  166. 

3  Ibid.,  138,  149. 

*Ibid.,  I,  90;    II,  8;   Egils  Saga,  86,  90. 
5  Origines  Islandicae,   I,   200. 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES  125 

man  who  was  a  good  walker  was  secured  to  lead  the 
heifer.  The  Landndmabok  of  Iceland  tells,  however,  of 
an  enterprising  pioneer  woman  named  Thorgerd  who  led 
her  own  heifer  and  yet  secured  an  ample  supply  of 
land.^ 

In  spite  of  the  restrictions  mentioned,  most  of  the  de- 
sirable free  land  passed  into  private  hands  within  a  few 
years  after  the  arrival  of  the  first  Scandinavian  immi- 
grant to  Iceland;  and  the  subsequent  comers  who  wished 
territory  had  to  gain  it  through  the  bounty  of  relatives 
or  friends  already  established,  or  were  forced  to  buy, 
rent,  or  fight  for  it.'^  The  last-mentioned  method  of  at- 
tempting to  secure  land  was  by  no  means  uncommon, 
and  was  often  successful. 

When  land  came  into  new  hands  through  gift  or  pur- 
chase, the  transfer  of  title  was  symbolized  by  a  formal 
ceremony  performed  by  the  persons  inter- 
ested, in  the  presence  of  witnesses.     In  Nor-  Ceremony 
way,  in  the  case  of  a  gift,  the  donor  placed  fg^j^g 
a  clod  in  the  lap  of  the  recipient  of  the  land ;  Land  Title 
but  when  the  transfer  came  through  exchange 
of  money  the  purchaser  carried  some   mold  from  his 
newly-bought  territory  to  the  four  corners  of  his  hearth, 
to  his  high  seat, — the  seat  of  honor  in  his  home, — to  di- 
vision points  within  the  tract,  and,  apparently,  also  to 
the  boundary  marks.*     Under  some  laws,  the  formalities 

^Ibid.,   191. 

■!  Ihid.,  56,  70,  177,  197,  230.  Sometimes  the  recipients  of  what  was 
virtually  prift  land  gave  a  small  present  in  return,  to  bind  the  bargain  and 
make  their  title  more  secure.  Mention  is  made  in  one  of  the  ancient 
records,  for  instance,  that  when  Stanwen  the  Old,  kinswoman  of  IngAvolf, 
came  to  Iceland,  the  latter  desired  to  give  her  some  land,  '"but  she  offered 
him  an  English  cape  of  various  colors,  for  she  wished  to  call  it  a  bargain 
and  sale,  for  she  thought  there  was  less  risk  so  of  having  the  gift  can- 
celled."    Origines  Islandicae,  I,  233. 

8  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  I,  482. 


126         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

connected  with  the  transfer  took  place  at  the  meeting  of 
the  local  assembly,  and  all  of  the  thingmen  present  took 
part  in  the  ceremony. 

The  land  appears  to  have  been  laid  out  in  rectangular 
tracts,  square  or  oblong  in  shape,  with  a  frontage  on 
a  river  or  lake,  if  possible,  and  at  the  corners  were 
placed  the  boundary  marks,  which  were  protected  by 
law  against  removal.  The  law  also  stipulated  that  when 
the  boundary  line  was  indicated  by  a  stream,  if  the  course 
of  the  current  was  changed,  the  line  of  the  old  mid- 
stream remained  the  boundary^  The  corner  mark  w^as 
commonly  a  pile  of  stones,  which,  in  Sweden,  generally 
numbered  five,  though  as  few  as  three  stones  might  con- 
stitute a  legal  landmark,  or  lyritr.  In  Norway,  there 
were  four  stones,  one  long  one  standing  on  end,  with 
three  others  beside  it.^° 

Besides  the  territory  under  private  o\vnership,  every 
community  probably  held  some  public  land  belonging  to 
the  inhabitants  as  a  whole.  These  tracts 
Land  corresponded  quite  closely  to  the  village  com- 

mons of  colonial  New  England.  Such  gen- 
eral lands,  or  almenning,  were  of  various  classes.  The 
summer  pastures  in  the  mountains  of  Iceland,  Norway, 
and  Sweden  usually  belonged  to  communities  upon  the 
lower  lands;  and  most  settlements  possessed  a  forest 
area,  in  which  the  whole  people  had  equal  wood,  water, 
hunting,  fishing,  and  grazing  rights.  But  by  consent  of 
the  population,  speaking  through  its  local  assembly,  a 
part  or  the  whole  of  such  a  common  might  be  leased  to 
a  private  individual.^^     It  is  not  likely,  however,  that 

9  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  41-42. 

10  Norges  Oamle  Love,  I,  44 ;  "Lyritr,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigf usson's  Dic- 
tionary. 

11  Conybeare,  The  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institu- 
tions, 22. 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES  127 

this  was  often  done.  All  sea-fishing  grounds  were  also 
public,  beyond  a  certain  distance  from  the  shore,  but  in 
some  parts  the  king  could  claim  a  fee  or  tax  from  all  who 
profited  from  them.^^ 

After  establishing  title  to  a  tract  of  land,  the  North- 
man built  his  home,  giving  it  as  desirable  a  location  as 
possible,  generally  on  high  ground,  in  order  to  gain  a 
good  lookout  for  friend  and  foe,  as  well  as  for  the  sake 
of  the  drainage.  When  the  situation  permitted,  the 
buildings  were  placed  near  a  river,  lake,  or  fiord.  After 
satisfactory  sites  had  once  been  chosen,  it  is  not  likely 
that  they  were  often  abandoned.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
in  Scandinavia,  in  innumerable  instances.  Christian 
homes  and  Christian  churches  now  stand  upon  the  very 
ground  where,  thousands  of  years  ago,  pagan  dwellings 
and  pagan  temples  were  first  erected ;  and  since  the  dawn 
of  these  early  architectural  beginnings  there  have  been 
upon  most  of  these  choice  sites  continuous  successions 
of  buildings. ^^ 

Every  Scandinavian  homestead  possessed  a  cluster  of 
buildings,  each  structure  forming,  as  a  rule,  but  a  single 
room.     These  buildings  varied  in  shape,  size, 
and  number,  according  to  the  character  of  ^J^^^^J^^ 
the   country   in   which   they   stood,   and   to  of  Buildings 
whether  the  owner  was  rich  or  poor.     The 
cottager  might  have  but  two  or  three  small  huts  upon 
his  tiny  plot  of  ground,  while  upon  the  estate  of  the  rich 
farmer  were  often  as  many  as  thirty  or  forty  separate 
houses,  some  in  the  group  being  of  great  size,  and  giving 
the  place  the  appearance  of  a  village.     Though  the  usual 
shape  of  all  Northern  buildings  was  quadrangular,  oval 
or  circular  structures  were  not  unkno^^^l.     But  the  build- 

12  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  T,  483^84. 

isGjerset,  Knut,  History  of  the  Norwegian  People,  I,  5. 


128         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

ings  following  curved  lines  were  limited  to  the  humblest 
classes,  and  seem  to  have  been  used  only  in  continental 
Scandinavia;  for  the  remains  of  houses  found  in  Ice- 
land, Greenland,  and  the  other  western  islands  are  in- 
variably rectangular  in  ground  plan.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  these  more  primitive  rounded  structures 
originated  with  the  brunette  people  who  were  conquered 
by  the  Teutonic  invaders. ^^  Though  this  was  probably 
true,  it  should  be  remembered  that  the  huts  of  the  modern 
Lapps  are  also  circular  in  shape;  and  there  is  no  good 
reason  for  supposing  that  the  blonde  Scandinavians 
never  employed  these  early  styles  themselves. ^^ 

The  arrangement  of  the  group   of  buildings  varied, 
too,  in  different  parts  of  Scandinavia,  and  also  changed 

with  the  passage  of  time.  The  few  primi- 
Buiidings        ^^^^  houses  upon  the  premises  of  the  poor 

were  perhaps  always  isolated,  and  were  gen- 
erally grouped  in  a  haphazard  manner.  And  in  the  very 
earliest  part  of  the  viking  period  the  structures  of  the 
more  prosperous  also — dwelling  houses  as  well  as  other 
buildings — were  probably  as  a  rule  separate,  the  dwelling 
rooms  standing  in  a  row  not  far  removed  from  each 
other,  while  the  other  buildings  were  grouped,  in  some 
manner  determined  by  convenience,  in  the  rear.  Later, 
the  rows  of  isolated  rooms  were  joined  into  single  units 
by  means  of  passageways  running  betAveen;  but  these 
connecting  parts  were  always  roofed  separately  from 
the  buildings  which  they  united.  At  this  stage  of  de- 
velopment, the  ''house"  of  the  Northman  was  several 
times  as  long  as  it  was  wide.  Somewhat  subsequently, 
an  additional  room  would  now  and  then  be  attached  at 

14  Hansen,  Oldtidens  Nordmaend,  104-107. 

15  Montelius,  Eulturgeschichte  Schioedens,  283 ;  Stjerna,  Knut,  Lund  och 
Birka,  223. 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES 


129 


the  side  of  the  row  to  open  into  one  of  the  narrow  halls, 
thus  giving  the  group  a  more  broken  appearance.  The 
tw^o  groupings  described  were  in  use  from  Greenland  to 
Sweden  during  the  Viking  Age ;  ^"  but  in  the  last  part  of 
the  period,  in  Iceland  and  Greenland — probably  likewise 
in  the  remainder  of  the  North — a  more  complex  arrange- 
ment developed,  which  gave  to  the  cluster  of  dwelling 
houses  a  more  square  appearance.^"     An  almost  identical 


Fig.   8.     Buildings  in  Modern   Iceland   Based  on  Ancient  Models.      (From 
Bruun's   "  Gammel    Bygningsskik,"    in   Aarsberetning,    1908.) 


grouping  is  still  employed  in  Iceland ;  but  in  Norway  and 
Sweden,  perhaps  as  a  precaution  against  fires,  the  houses 
have  become  largely  detached ;  and  in  Denmark  the  more 
convenient  quadrangle,  built  about  an  open  court,  has 
come  into  use. 

Many  different  kinds  of  materials  were  employed  by 
the    Scandinavian    builders,    the    location    determining 
which   should  predominate.     Since  the  arts 
of  brick-  and  artificial  stone-making  were  un-   Materials 
known  in  the  heathen  days,  the  raw  materials 
found    near    at    hand    w^ere    simply    shaped    for    use. 
Throughout  the  North  the  better  dwellings  were  probably 

16  Gudmundsson,  Valtyr,  Privatholigen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden  samt 
delvis  i  det  ovrige  Norden,  69-89;  Nicolayi=en,  N.,  Om  Dr.  Gudmundsson's 
Privatholigen  paa  Island,  15-17;  Horaford,  Cornelia,  "Dwellings  of 
the  Saga-Timo  in  Iceland,  Greenland,  and  Vinland,"  in  Xational  Geo- 
graphic Magazine,  IX,  76. 

17  Gudmundsson.  Privatholigen  pa  Island,  78-79;  Horaford,  "Dwellings 
of  the  Saga-Time,"  in  Xa<.   Geog.  Mag.,  IX. 


130  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

made  of  timber  formed  into  boards;  but  many  of  the 
humbler  homes  were  doubtless  of  squared  or  unhe\vn 
logs.  The  supply  of  wood  from  Iceland's  meager  forests 
was  eked  out  by  timber  imported  from  Norway,  and  by 
drift-wood — mostly  from  northern  Siberia — which  was 
strewn  in  abundance  upon  the  north  and  west  coasts ;  ^® 
and  there  is  no  reason  for  doubting  the  saga  statement 
that  timber  was  imported  to  the  Greenland  settlements 
directly  from  Vinland  upon  the  present  North  American 
coast.  For  the  primitive  rounded  dwellings  found  upon 
the  continent,  the  woven  branches  or  twigs  of  trees  in 
most  cases  formed  the  framework,  which  was  plastered 
inside  and  out  with  clay  or  mud,  or  was  covered  with 
cloth  or  skins.^**  But  there  were  some  conical  or  ''bee- 
hive" houses  of  sod  or  turf  in  which  the  roofs  were  a 
continuation  of  the  walls  and  were  formed  by  placing 
each  tier  of  the  material  used  a  little  nearer  the  center 
than  the  preceding.^*^  Stone  was  used  to  considerable 
extent  in  the  northern  part  of  the  continent,  to  a  greater 
degree  in  Iceland,  and  still  more  in  Greenland ;  but  it  was 
unhewn,  and  was  frequently  employed  in  combination 
with  turf  or  mud.  In  the  parts  where  lumber  was  scarce 
the  builders  resorted  to  using  the  bones  of  whales,  which 
did  service  as  rafters,  and  at  times  also  took  the  place  of 
wood  in  other  parts  of  the  buildings. 

In  Greenland  and  Iceland  the  houses  were  occasionally 
partly  under  ground,  and  hence  resembled  modern  de- 
tached cellars.^^     The  excavations  were  made  for  the 

isMontelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden,  149;  Gull-Th6ris  Saga,  1;  Olassen 
und  Povelsen,  Reise  durch  Island,  I,  271-273;  II,  111;  Henderson,  Iceland, 
II,   13. 

19  Gudmundsson,  PrivatboUgen  pa  Island,  110-116;  Stjerna,  Lund  och 
Birka,  223. 

20  Gudmundsson,  PrivatboUgen  pa  Island,    107-110. 

21  Adam  of  Bremen,  203 ;  Horsf ord,  "Dwellings  of  the  Saga-Time,"  in 
Nat.  Geog.  Mag.,  IX,  76,  78. 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES  131 

purpose  of  securing  warmth,  or  because  of  dearth  of 
building  materials  in  certain  districts;  but  such  struc- 
tures were  exceptional.  In  this  western  part  of  Scandi- 
navia the  homes  were  as  a  rule  placed  upon  the  surface 
of  the  ground,  and  the  walls  were  of  stone — often  lava 
— combined  with  earth  or  turf.  In  Iceland,  walls  of  this 
sort  were  generally  made  of  three  thicknesses,  one  on 
either  side,  of  turf,  and  in  the  middle  a  thin  layer  of  un- 
hewTi  stone,  for  the  purpose  of  stiffening  and  giving 
''body"  to  the  whole.^^  Occasionally,  earth,  kneaded 
hard,  took  the  place  of  the  middle  layer  of  stone,  while 
stone  was  employed  for  the  inner  one,  and  the  outer 
was  made  of  alternate  horizontal  courses  of  turf  and 
stone.^"^  The  interstices  of  the  inside  walls  were  calked 
with  moss,  turf,  or  clay ;  but  the  best  houses  in  the  North, 
regardless  of  the  materials  used  for  the  walls,  were  lined 
with  hand-wrought  boards.  Generallj'',  the  gable-ends  of 
the  Icelandic  houses  were  also  of  boards,  but  sometimes 
these  were  built  up  with  stone  or  turf.  Turf  or  sod 
roofs  were  also  seen  throughout  the  Scandinavian  lands, 
though  the  most  common  roofing  material  was  wood, 
worked  into  thin  boards,  which  were  sometimes  arranged 
like  the  scales  of  a  fish,  but  perhaps  most  frequently 
placed  lengthwise,  in  batten  style.  However,  this  roof 
might  be  completely  covered  with  turf,  as  a  special  pre- 
caution against  fires ;  for  as  a  rule  every  freeman  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  damage  done  by  his  oa\ti  fire.^^  Such 
roofs  were  often  quite  heavy,  and  partly  on  this  account 

22  Bruun,  Daniel,  "Gammel  Bygningsskik  paa  de  Islandske  Gaarde,"  in 
Aarsberetning  for  1907  Foreningen  til  Norske  Fortid3mindesmaerkers 
Bevaring,  page  4. 

23  Horsford,  "Dwellings  of  the  Saga-Time,"  in   Nat.  Geog.  Mag.,  TX,  76. 
-i'Sorges  Gamle  Love,  I,  46-47;    Guta-Lagh,  86.     But  in   Iceland  there 

existed  a  system  of  public  insurance  against  fire  for  the  most  important 
buildings  making  up  the  dwelling  house,  and  also  for  food  and  clothing. 
Du  Chaillu,  VUcing  Age,  II,  233. 


132         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  larger  buildings  of  the  North  had  two  rows  of  pillars 
running  lengthwise  down  the  sides  of  the  room  for  the 
purpose  of  bearing  some  of  the  weight.  Though  straw 
and  reeds  were  not  unknown  as  roofing  materials,  they 
appear  to  have  been  but  little  used,  perhaps  because  of 
danger  from  fire. 

Doubtless,  the  best  workmanship  went  into  the  wooden 
buildings,  especially  those  found  upon  the  continent,  and 

for  these  the  most  tools  were  needed ;  but  the 
Toois"^  carpenter  of  the  time  lacked  but  few  of  the 

implements  accessible  to  his  modern  suc- 
cessor, though  their  quality  was  inferior.  The  tools  were 
as  a  rule  made  of  iron,  and  consisted  of  hammers, 
hatchets,  and  adzes,  saws,  chisels,  planes,  braces  and  bits, 
and  a  few  others  of  a  more  special  nature.  Long  nails 
and  spikes  were  commonly  used  for  fastening  the  boards ; 
but  pins  and  pegs  of  wood  served  for  this  purpose  as 
well. 

The  roofs  of  the  better  houses  were  of  what  is  some- 
times called  ''compass"  style,  with  two  V-shaped  gable 

ends  joined  by  a  straight  ridge  pole ;  but  the 
Finishings  ''hip"  roof  was  not  unknown.  The  front 
Houses  gables  were  often  decorated  in  various  ways 

by  means  of  carving.  A  very  common  form 
of  ornament  was  a  carved  figurehead — of  a  dragon  or 
some  other  animal — painted  or  gilded,  as  for  the  decora- 
tion of  a  ship;  and  sometimes  the  discarded  figurehead 
from  a  ship  itself  was  employed ;  but  the  most  usual  deco- 
ration for  this  part  of  the  house  was  perhaps  ornamental 
edge-boards,  called  vindskeidar,  the  crossed  ends  of  which 
were  at  the  top  often  carved  to  represent  twisted 
dragons'  tails,  while  the  lower  ends  projecting  over  the 
eaves  were  shaped  like  dragons'  heads.  More  simple 
designs,  however,  like  those  found  upon  the  Northern 


fell] 


Fig.  !).  Elaborately  Carved  Early  ?*Iodeni  Dour  l'"raine,  Hesemhlinj:  An- 
cient ^lodels.  (From  DuC'haillu's  Viking  A  (jr.  Copyright  188l>.  Tuij- 
lished  bv  Charles  Scribner's   Sons) 


i 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES  133 

houses  at  the  present  time  were  probably  most  frequently 
seen.^^  The  outsides  of  wooden  houses  were  commonly 
left  to  be  darkened  by  the  weather,  but  both  roofs  and 
walls  were  sometimes  covered  with  tar,  for  the  protection 
of  the  lumber;  ^^  and  it  is  possible  that  paint,  particularly 
of  a  dark  red  color,  such  as  could  be  secured  from  copper 
and  iron  ore,  was  used  also  at  an  early  period.  The 
sod  and  stone  buildings  with  turf-covered  roofs  could 
not  be  thus  artificially  decorated,  except  at  the  gable 
ends,  but  the  moist  Northern  climate  soon  produced  a 
natural  green  covering  of  moss  and  grass  which  supplied 
the  need;  and  many  a  humble  sod  roof  bore  a  luxuriant 
growth  of  brightly  colored  wild  flowers,  which  gave  these 
homes  a  charming  picturesqueness  and  a  resemblance 
to  a  modern  arbor,  or  garden  house. 

There  were  no  ceilings,  and  in  the  roofs  of  the  rooms 
in  which  fires  were  built  were  openings  for  the  exit  of 
smoke,  close  beside  the  ridge-pole.  Most  of  the  better 
rooms  also  contained  window-openings,  for  the  entrance 
of  light  and  air.  These  were  perhaps  at  times  placed  on 
the  roofs  also,  but  more  often  they  were  made  in  the 
walls,  especially  in  the  gable-ends.^'^  Glass  did  not  come 
into  use  in  the  North  until  Christian  times;  but  other 
transparencies  were  employed  for  covering  the  window- 
openings,  such  as  oiled  cloth  or  the  thin  membrane  sur- 
rounding new-born  calves.  This  material  was  stretched 
over  a  frame  which  fitted  into  the  aperture  and  could 
be  opened  and  closed.  In  many  cases,  however,  the 
windows  were  merely  covered  with  wooden  shutters.^^ 
In  front  of  the  reception  room  there  was  frequently  a 

25  Gudmundsson,  Privatboligen  pa  Island  i  Sagafiden,  153-162. 
2Q  Ibid.,  162. 

2T  Ibid.,  163,  167;  cf.  Nicolaysen,  Om  Dr.  Giidmundsson's  Privatboligen 
paa  Island,  39. 

28  Gudmundsson,   Privatboligen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden,    163. 


134         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

small  porch,  supported  by  pillars  often  decorated  with 
carving.29  And  in  some  places  every  outside  door 
{utidyrr)  of  the  dwelling  was  thus  protected  from  the 
weather;  for  the  porches  appear  to  have  been  usually 
of  the  nature  of  storm-porches,  or  vestibules,  and  sup- 
plied with  doors.  Such  doors  were  locked  on  the  inside 
by  means  of  bars;  and,  evidently  as  further  insurance 
against  being  taken  unawares  by  an  enemy,  in  the  upper 
part  of  the  door  Avas  often  placed  a  small  wicket,  through 
which  a  view  could  be  secured  without  taking  doA\m  the 
bars.  In  some  cases,  in  the  place  of  a  wicket  there  was 
a  shutter  door,  low  enough  for  a  man  to  look  over,  just 
inside  the  outer  door.-^^ 

The  dwellings  upon  the  largest  and  most  progressive 
farms  included — in  addition  to  the  connecting  passage- 
ways— the  following  rooms  or  buildings :  ( 1 ) 
Rooms  or        stofa  or  stufa,  the  most  important  room  in 
ui   ings        ^j^g  house,  and  used  as  a  living  and  eating 

Composing  '  ^  *=• 

a  Dwelling  room ;  (2)  sUali,  the  sleeping  apartment;  (3) 
eld-hus,  or  sod-hus  the  kitchen;  (4)  hur,  or 
m,at-hur,  the  pantry;  (5)  had  stofa,  or  lang,  the  bath- 
house; (6)  dyngja,  a  building  especially  for  the  women; 
(7)  geymsluhus,  the  store-house;  (8)  gesta-hus,  a  build- 
ing for  the  shelter  and  entertainment  of  travelers  and 
other  uninvited  comers.  People  of  wealth  sometimes 
owned  special  banqueting  halls  and  also  additional  sleep- 
ing apartments. ^^ 

The  stofa,  which  was  often  known  simply  as  the  *'hall," 
was  usually  the  largest  room  in  the  dwelling.  Some  of 
the  stofas  could  accommodate  hundreds  of  people  at  one 
time,  and  the  special  banqueting  halls  were  generally 

29  Origines  Islandicae,  I,   126. 

30/6td.,  II,  40,  325,  417. 

31  Gudmundsson,  Privatholigen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden,  33  ff. 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES  135 

even  larger.  One  such  building  in  Iceland  was  described 
as  two  hundred  feet  long  and  sixty  wide; 
and  upon  the  continent,  where  wood  w^as  Livin'  °^ 
abundant,  the  feasting  halls  of  many  of  the  Room 
chieftains  were  doubtless  of  greater  dimen- 
sions. Down  each  side  of  the  stofa  ran  a  row  of  pil- 
lars, or  posts,  dividing  it  into  three  sections  lengthwise ; 
and  in  some  cases  there  seems  to  have  been  a  cross-parti- 
tioning by  similar  means  into  three  divisions.^^  Down 
the  middle  of  the  room  was  one  long  fireplace,  or  several 
separate  ones,  framed  in  with  flat  stones  placed  on  edge. 
As  the  principle  of  the  chimney  had  not  yet  been  in- 
troduced into  the  North,  the  smoke  simply  made  its  way 
out,  of  itself,  through  the  holes  cut  for  the  purpose  in 
the  roof.  In  the  compartment  on  either  side  beyond  the 
pillars  and  also  at  the  end  of  the  hall  opposite  the  main 
entrance  was  a  raised  board  floor,  called  a  hekkr,  or  pallr; 
the  side  platforms  were  known  as  lang  bekkir,  or  long 
benches,  and  the  platform  at  the  end  was  called  the  iver, 
or  cross,  hekkr.  Sometimes  the  raised  floor  was  placed 
across  one  or  more  corners,  in  which  case  it  was  called  a 
krok,  or  corner,  hekkr;  but  such  an  arrangement  was 
exceptional.  The  hekkir,  or  "benches,"  described  in  the 
sagas  appear  to  have  been  in  most  cases  very  broad, 
shallow  steps  descending  towards  the  middle  of  the  room 
where  the  fireplace  was,  though  in  some  cases  in  the 
humbler  houses  the  whole  platform  may  have  been  on 
the  same  level.  In  general,  there  were  probably  but  two 
steps,  the  lower  of  which  was  called  the  fota-hekkr,  or 
foot-bench ;  but  in  the  great  halls  of  chieftains  and  kings 
there  were  doubtless  several  of  these  terrace-like  plat- 
forms. The  space  behind  or  under  the  bekkir  was  some- 
times filled  with  earth,  but  more  frequently  it  was  left 

^- Ibid.,  178;   Origines  Islandicae,  I,  270. 


136         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

open,  and  used  for  storing  away  articles  of  various  sorts, 
— or  resorted  to  as  a  place  of  hiding.^^ 

The  skali,  used  by  the  prosperous  as  a  sleeping-apart- 
ment, was  the  prototype  of  the  many  buildings  making 
up  the  dwelling-place  of  the  better  classes 
Skali,  or  during  the  viking  time;  and  a  single  room, 

Room"^"  sometimes  having  a  sleeping  loft,  at  this  pe- 
riod still  constituted  the  whole  dwelling  of 
the  humble  cottier.  Where  the  skali  was  used  primarily 
for  sleeping  purposes,  it  possessed  certain  fairly  definite 
characteristics,  one  of  which  was  a  paneling  which  ran 
around  the  room  at  a  sufficient  distance  to  leave  a  space 
which  could  be  used  for  a  passage-way,  or  for  purposes 
of  concealment, — an  arrangement  perhaps  made  largely 
in  anticipation  of  possible  night  attacks  from  enemies. 
This  room,  like  the  stofa,  had  a  row  of  pillars  running 
along  either  side  for  the  support  of  the  roof.  Between 
the  pillars  and  the  paneled  wall  was  a  board  floor  about 
six  feet  wide,  called  a  set,  which  ran  about  two-thirds 
of  the  length  of  the  room.  Upon  this  low  platform  the 
members  of  the  household  slept ;  and  in  dwellings  having 
no  stofa,  the  skali  was  also  used  as  a  living-room,  and 
the  people  during  the  day  sat  upon  this  raised  floor  or 
upon  the  beds,  as  is  the  custom  on  the  middle-class  Ice- 
landic farms  to-day.  Among  the  wealthier  and  more  re- 
fined, the  end  of  the  skali  was  often  partitioned  off  into 
a  number  of  small  bedrooms,  where  the  members  of  the 
family  and  guests  slept,  while  persons  of  lower  rank, 
such  as  the  servants,  reposed  upon  the  set.  As  a  rule 
these  private  sleeping  apartments  were  supplied  with 
swing-doors  which  locked  on  the  inside  by  means  of  a 
hasp,  or  with  sliding  doors,  fastened  with  a  wooden  but- 

33  Gudmundsaon,  Privatboligen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden,   178-183. 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES  137 

ton.  This  explains  why  the  beds  within  were  known 
as  *4ock-beds."  At  times,  however,  privacy  was  secured 
by  merely  hanging  curtains  before  the  doorways;  and 
in  some  cases  the  partitions  themselves  were  made  simply 
by  hangings  of  cloth.  The  regular  rooms  were  supplied 
with  windows,  evidently  cut  in  the  inner  walls,  and  with 
an  inner  door  opening  into  the  secret  passageway,  which, 
in  turn,  often  connected  with  an  underground  passage- 
way, or  tunnel,  debouching  at  a  considerable  distance 
from  the  house,  frequently  in  a  wood.  At  the  outer  end 
of  the  sleeping-hall,  near  the  door,  was  at  times  a  sleep- 
ing loft,  reached  generally  by  means  of  a  ladder.^^ 

In  the  eldhiis — also  called  mateldhus  (food-fire-house), 
to  distinguish  it  from  the  stofa,  where  there  were  fires 
also — the  food  was  prepared  by  the  women 
and  then  carried  into  the  dining  apartment,  ^^  Kitchen 
or  stofa,  which  was  near  at  hand.  As  in  the 
case  of  the  latter,  and  of  the  skali,  the  floor  in  the  eldhus 
was  raised  between  the  rows  of  posts  and  the  walls,  but 
here  it  was  generally  done  by  filling  with  soil  a  space 
behind  a  low  retaining  wall  of  boards  or  stones.  Upon 
this  elevated  part  people  sat  in  the  daytime;  and  some- 
times servants  or  other  members  of  the  household  slept 
here  at  night.  Additional  sleeping  quarters  were  some- 
times provided  by  partitioning  off  the  far  end  of  the 
kitchen.  The  hearth,  or  fire-place,  was  in  the  middle  of 
the  room,  and  in  the  roof  above  was  the  exit  for  smoke. ^^ 
Though  this  special  cooking-room  was  always  found 
among  the  fairly  prosperous,  especially  in  Iceland  and 
the  continent,  a  single  fire-room,  Avhicli  was  a  combina- 
tion of  kitchen  and  dining  room,  was  also  quite  common ; 

3ilbid.,  206-223,  passim. 
35  Ibid.,  200-204. 


138         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

in  such  case,  the  cooking  was  done  at  the  end  of  the 

room.^*^ 

The  biir  stood  very  close  to  the  eldhiis,  and  to  it  the 
kettles   were   brought   for   the   purpose   of   dishing   up 
victuals.     This  room  was  also  the  larder,  or 
Pantry  pantry,  and  in  it  food,  such  as  bread,  butter, 

cheese,  and  milk,  was  kept.  Here,  again,  a 
portion  of  the  floor  along  the  walls  was  elevated,  but  in 
this  case  it  served  as  a  shelf  on  which  to  place  articles, 
additional  shelves  being  erected  above  it.  The  bur  was 
kept  carefully  locked,  to  guard  against  thieves,  and  the 
family  watch-dog  was  chained  beside  it  at  night.^" 

The  bath-houses  provided  accommodations  for  either 
tub-,  steam-,  or  sweat-baths,  as  has  been  stated  in  Chap- 
ter V.     Even  when  intended  for  the  use  of 
Baj^stofa,        ^^^ij  q-^^q  household,  these  apartments  were 
House  "  often   quite   large;    and   they   probably    re- 

mained detached  from  the  other  buildings 
longer  than  others.^* 

The  natural  facilities  for  hot  bathing  found  in  Ice- 
land early  led  to  the  establishment  of  public  or  com- 
munity bath-houses  in  the  country  districts.  It  happens 
that  several  of  these  as  well  as  some  for  private  use  have 
survived  down  to  modern  times,  and  have  been  carefully 
described  by  travelers.  The  buildings  were  circular  or 
rectangular,  with  low  walls,  generally  constructed  from 
pieces  of  lava.  One  of  them  was  large  enough  to  hold 
thirty  persons  at  a  time;  another,  fifty.  Some  of  the 
bath-houses  were  placed  over  crevices  in  the  ground  from 
which  issued  dense  currents  of  steam,  while  others 
spanned    streams    of    boiling   water.     Such    were    used 

38Horsford,  "Dwellings  of  the  Saga-Time,"  in  Nat.  Geog.  Mag.,  TX,  76. 
37  Gudmundsson,   Privatboligen   pa   Island   i   Sagatiden,    227-229. 
38 /bid.,  240-241. 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES  139 

merely  as  vapor  baths.  In  other  cases,  the  building  was 
at  a  little  distance  from  a  geyser,  hot  stream,  or  hot  lake, 
and  the  water  was  conducted  to  where  it  was  needed  by 
means  of  a  stone  aqueduct.  The  containers  for  the  water 
varied;  some  were  square  or  circular  basins  he^Ti  out 
of  solid  rock,  others,  merely  much  depressed  parts  of 
the  floor  of  the  room  reached  by  means  of  a  flight  of  stone 
steps.  The  shelf  or  bench  upon  which  the  bathers  re- 
clined in  these  Icelandic  baths  was  also  usually  of  stone, 
built  up  solidly  from  the  floor.^^ 

The  dyngja,  or  bower, — another  part  of  the  dwelling 
which  long  remained  isolated  from  the  other  buildings — 
was  a  small  structure,  which  in  Iceland  was, 
for  the  sake  of  warmth,  sometimes  placed  Bower ' 
partly    under    ground.     In    this    room    the 
women  sat  at  their  needle-work;  and  here  they  often 
visited   with   their   more    intimate   female   friends.     It 
seems  probable  also  that  the  dyngja  was  synonymous 
with  the  ''weaving  house"  mentioned  in  the  sagas.'*'' 

In  many  places  the  geymsluhus,  or  store-house,  prob- 
ably remained  a  separate  building  throughout  its  history. 
In  some  instances,  it  was  quite  a  roomy  struc- 
ture— especially  if  the  homestead  possessed  Geymslu- 
only    one    such   building;   but   many   farms  storehouse 
doubtless  had  two  or  more,  some  of  them 
for  special  storage  purposes,  as  for  seed-grain,  harness, 
goods  for  commerce,  winter  food  supplies,  and  the  like. 
In  Sweden,  the  geymsluhus  was  of  two  stories,  the  top 
one  being  sometimes  used  for  a  sleeping  apartment,  the 
better  to  guard  the  goods  stored  below.     And  in  some 
cases,  as  in  present-day  Sweden,  there  was  a  single  story 

39  Olassen  and  Povelsen,  Reise  durch  Island,  I,  58-61;  Henderson,  Iceland, 
I,   165;    II,  142-145,   149. 

40  Gudmundsson,  Privatboligen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden,  244-246. 


140         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE   ' 

raised  several  feet  in  the  air  by  pillars,  to  protect  food- 
supplies  from  rats  and  other  small  animals.'^^ 

The  gesta-hus,  or  guest-house, — a  building  constructed 
for  housing  chance  comers,  like  way-farers,  peddlers, 
tramps,  and  beggars, — was  generally  a  sepa- 
Gesta-hus,       ^.^^^  structure,  simply  furnished;  for  since 
HousT^  ^^®  occupants  were  strangers  to  their  host 

there  was  no  certainty  that  they  were  hon- 
est.42 

The  out-buildings  and  farm-buildings  connected  with 
the  homestead  remain  to  be  considered.  These  included 
the  mylnulms,  in  which  the  grain  was  ground ; 
Out-Build-  the  fuel-house,  called  torf-hus  in  Iceland, 
ings  and  where  were  stored  the  wood,  turf,  and  other 

Buildings  materials  employed  for  fuel;  the  smidja,  or 
smithy,  found  on  every  large  farm ;  the  Jilada, 
or  barn,  in  which  the  feed  for  the  livestock  was  kept; 
and  the  stables  for  various  kinds  of  domestic  animals. 
These  last  were  quite  numerous  upon  the  farms  of  the 
more  prosperous,  for  the  buildings  were  comparatively 
small,  and  each  kind  of  livestock  commonly  had  a  house 
to  itself,  usually  divided  into  stalls.  Closely  connected 
with  the  barns  and  stables  were  pens  and  corrals  in 
which  the  cattle  were  milked  in  good  weather,  and  into 
which  the  horses  were  turned  out  for  exercise. 

The  materials  and  style  employed  in  the  construction 
of  the  farm-  and  out-buildings  were  on  the  whole  the 
same  as  those  seen  in  the  dwellings;  but  rougher  ma- 
terials were  used,  and  less  attention  paid  to  appearances. 
In  Iceland  and  the  other  islands,  the  whole  structure, 
walls  as  well  as  roof,  was  formed  from  stones  and  turf; 

iilbid.,  247-250. 

42  "Gesta"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 


HOMESTEADS  AND  HOUSES  141 

and  this  was  also  true  in  the  unf  orested  parts  of  the  con- 
tinent ;  while  where  wood  was  plentiful  unhe\\Ti  logs  did 
service  for  the  walls,  and  turf  was  the  roof-covering. 
Stones  and  turf  were  doubtless  the  most  usual  fencing 
material  throughout  the  North,  but  in  the  forested  parts 
rails  and  pickets  were  used  to  some  extent. 

If  the  homestead  was  near  the  coast,  some  other  build- 
ings were  generally  found  upon  it.  These  were  the 
maust,  or  boat  or  ship  house,  the  size  of  which 

•  1  1  i.      X,       Other 

varied  greatly,  accordmg  to  the  vessel  to  be  Buildings 
sheltered ;  and  the  Jiallr,  or  shed  in  which  fish 
were  dried.  This  latter  structure  was  without  walls, 
in  order  that  the  air  might  circulate  freely  and  the  drying 
process  be  accelerated.  Sometimes  clothes  were  dried 
in  the  fish-hallr ,  or  in  a  similar  shed.  Finally,  in  con- 
nection with  many  homes — though  often  at  some  distance 
from  them — were  secret  under-ground  rooms,  called 
"earth  houses,"  in  which  fugitive  members  of  the  fam- 
ily, or  friends,  were  concealed.  These  places  of  refuge 
often  had  secret  passageways — already  referred  to — 
uniting  them  with  the  other  buildings  on  the  farm,  or 
making  possible  escape  into  the  woods. 

Occasionally,  men  much  given  to  warring  built  small 
towers,  which  were  used  as  strongholds  to  resist  attacks 
from  enemies;  and  as  these  were  usually  erected  on 
high  ground,  they  performed  the  additional  service  of 
observation  posts. 

Each  homestead  was  approached  from  the  high  road 
or  water-way  near  which  it  stood  by  a  straight  road 
which  was  fenced  in  on  either  side — at  least 

A  riv3.tc 

in    Iceland — by    a    wall    of    stone    or    turf,   ro^js 

Sometimes  this  by-way  was  paved  with  flat 

stones  or  gravel,  as  protection  in  wet  weather.     In  front 


142         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

of  the  main  door  was  a  platform  of  the  same  material, 
or  of  hard-packed  clay  or  boards.^^ 

Such  were  the  homesteads  of  the  ancient  Northmen, 
and  in  the  possession  of  them  as  a  whole  the  owner  felt 
a  pride,  as  well  as  in  the  ownership  of  the 
Names  of  freehold  or  ancestral  land  which  was  gen- 
steads"  erally  a  part  of  them.  This  pride  was  prob- 
ably much  keener  than  at  present,  for  in 
those  days  of  rural  life  there  was  no  substitute  for  one's 
own  home,  to  be  purchased  temporarily  for  money.  The 
interest  which  every  farmer  took  in  his  possessions  is 
showm  by  the  fact  that  every  farmstead  was  named,  fre- 
quently by  terms  of  religious  significance.  Thus,  we 
find  that  many  homes  in  Iceland  were  called  after  the 
favorite  god  Thor;  and  we  read  of  the  name  "Christ- 
ness"  being  given  to  his  farm,  by  a  new  convert  to  Chris- 
tianity. Sometimes  descriptive  terms,  like  Broad  Bow- 
ster,  were  used,  but  more  frequently  the  places  bore  the 
names  of  their  owners  or  the  owner's  wives,  such  as 
Erik's  Stead,  Brune  Stead,  Signv  Stead,  and  Thordis 
Holt. 

43  Gudmundsson,  PrivatboUgen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden,  250-256;  Origvnea 
Islandicae,  I,  97,   156,  158. 


CHAPTER  IX 

HOUSE-FURNISHINGS   AND   FOOD 

Two  seeresses  are  come  to  the  king's  house,  Fenia  and  Menia;  these 
mighty  maids  are  held  in  bondage  at  the  palace  of  Frodi,  the  son  of 
Fridleif.  They  are  led  to  the  bin,  and  set  to  turn  the  gritstones  of 
the  mill.  .  .  .  He  bade  them  take  neither  rest  nor  pastime,  he  must 
always  hear  the  song  of  the  bondmaids. 

They  sang  and  they  whirled  the  spinning  stones  till  Frodi's  house- 
hold all  fell  asleep.  Then  quoth  Menia,  as  she  stood  at  the  mill,  "Let 
us  grind  Frodi  wealth,  let  us  grind  him  fulfillment  of  joy,  abmidance 
of  riches,  on  the  bin  of  bliss.  May  he  sit  on  riches;  may  he  sleep  on 
down ;  may  he  waking  be  happy !  It  were  well  ground  then.  No  man 
shall  harm  his  neighbor,  devise  any  evil,  or  prepare  any  slaughter, 
nor  smite  with  whetted  sword,  yea,  not  thougla  he  find  his  brother's 
slayer  bound  before  him." 

The  Milling  Song. 

The  fondness  for  decoration  displayed  by  the  ancient 
Scandinavians  in  their  dress  and  in  the  abundance  of 
their  jewelry  also  found  expression  in  the 
equipment  of  their  homes.     Every  part  of  Love  of 
the  best  dwelling  rooms  received  beautifying  Ornament 
touches,  except  the  raftered  ceiling,  which,  ?J^°^"  ^" 
because  of  the  lack  of  chimneys,  soon  became  purnish- 
smoke-begrimed  in  the  stofa,  the  apartment  ings 
in   which   the   Norse   households   took   most 
pride.     No  attention  appears  to  have  been  paid  to  this 
part  by  the  housewife,  beyond  removing  stray  cobwebs 
from  it  with  her  broom  at  cleaning  time.     But  the  posts 
or  pillars  upholding  the   roof  were   often  handsomely 
carved,  and  the  carvings  were  at  times  painted  in  bright 
colors  and  touched  up  with  gold.     Between  the  support- 
ing columns  of  the  hall,  high  enough  up  to  be  out  of  the 
way,  there  was  sometimes  a  wooden  frieze,  which  also 

143 


144  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

bore  witness  to  the  carver's  skill.  Frequently  the  de- 
signs were  conventional,  with  geometrical  or  floral  mo- 
tifs; but  pictorial  carvings  were  on  display  in  the  halls 
of  the  wealthy,  generally  representing  the  martial  ex- 
ploits of  favorite  heroes,  or  the  adventures  of  the  gods 
of  the  North;  at  times,  however,  these  decorations  were 
monuments  to  the  desire  of  the  owner  of  the  house  to 
''get  a  good  report,"  and  upon  his  walls  he  had  depicted 
for  the  benefit  of  all  comers  the  daring  acts  of  his  own 
career.^ 

For  festive  occasions,  tapestries  embroidered  in  colors 
by  the  women,  in  illustration  of  similar  themes,  were 
hung  upon  the  walls.  If  the  carvings  were  regarded  as 
somewhat  commonplace,  they  might  be  covered  tem- 
porarily by  the  hangings;  otherwise,  the  latter  were 
placed  below  the  decorative  woodwork.  "When  guests 
were  assembled  for  banquets,  further  embellishment  was 
added  by  the  warriors'  weapons  hung  here  and  there 
upon  the  smooth  wall  or  against  the  carved  posts,  con- 
spicuous among  them  being  the  sword  with  its  flashing 
blade  and  its  ornate  handle,  and  the  brightly-painted 
shield  with  its  polished  metal  boss. 

Though  in  the  stofa  the  middle  of  the  floor  was  only 
hard-packed  clay,  even  this  part  was  covered,  especially 
when  company  was  expected,  to  within  a  safe  distance 
from  the  open  hearths  where  the  fires  burned  for  most 
of  the  year.  Generally,  the  covering  was  straw  strewn 
evenly  over  the  surface,  or  reedy  grasses,  or  the  fine 
twigs  from  fir  or  spruce  trees;  but  for  special  gather- 
ings the  clay  was  sometimes  carpeted  in  a  richer  manner, 
with  heavy  woolen  cloths,  or  rugs  made  from  the  skins 
of  wild  animals.  And  for  the  bekkir,  or  raised  platforms, 
these  more  decorative  coverings  were  as  a  rule  employed. 

^Origines  Islandicae,  II,   183. 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD 


145 


Most  of  the  seats  in  the  old  time  were  of  the  nature 
of  benches  or  settees,  capable  of  holding  more  than  one 
person,  but  there  were  also  individual  chairs 
of  various  styles.  Both  types  possessed 
arms  and  backs,  and  in  the  seats  were  often  built  lockers 
in  which  clothes  and  other  things  could  be  stored  (Figs. 
10,  11).  Like  most  of  the  articles  of  wood  used  in  the 
ancient  North,  the  chairs'r 
were  richly  carved,  usually,,,, 
with  animal  designs  or  with  ^ 
figures  of  favorite  deities  or  - 
heroes.  One  seat  mentioned 
in  the  sagas  had  upon  its 
back  a  representation  of  the 
god  Thor,  with  his  hammer 
in  his  hand.  The  most  im- 
portant seat  in  the  stofa  be- 
longed to  the  master  of  the 
house,  and  was  kno^vn  as  the 
'4iigh  seat."  It  seems  to 
have  always  stood  at  the 
right  of  the  person  entering 
the  hall,  and  was  distin- 
guished from  the  other  fur- 
niture by  two  ''high-seat  pillars"  standing  in  front  of 
it,  on  which  was  carved  the  image  of  some  god,  usually 
Thor.  These  pillars  seem  to  have  been  entirely  sep- 
arate from  the  chair,  and  were  of  considerable  height, 
sometimes  extending  to  the  roof.  The  seat  of  the  mas- 
ter was  perhaps  very  little,  if  any,  handsomer  than  others 
in  the  room;  it  was  the  position  it  occupied  in  the  room 
and  the  fact  that  it  belonged  to  the  head  of  the  house 
that  made  the  "high  seat,"  the  seat  of  honor.^     The  seat 

2  Baatli,    Nordiskt    Forntidslif,    136;    Weinhold,    Altnordisches    Lehen, 


Fig.  10.  Carved  Chair,  Back 
View.  (From  Du  Chaillu's  Vik- 
ing Age.  Copyright  1889.  Pub- 
lished by  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.) 


146          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 


Fig.  11.     Side  View  of  Chair  Shown  in  Fig.  10.      (From  Du  Chaillu's  Viking 
Age.     Copyright  1889.     Published  by  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.) 

just  opposite  the  high  seat  on  the  other  platform  was 
"usually  occupied  by  the  most  honored  guest ;  and  if  there 
was  a  dais  at  the  end  of  the  room,  the  seat  occupying  the 
middle  position  upon  it  appears  to  have  been  third  in 
rank  in  the  room. 
The  best  seats  in  the  grander  halls  were  stuffed  and 

232;  Falk,  "Hochsitz,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon ;  Gudmundsson,  Privatboligen 
pa  Island  i  Sagatiden,  184-185;  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  325. 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD  147 

upholstered  in  embroidered  cloth  or  leather,  or  supplied 
with  soft,  loose  cushions  with  decorated  covers.  Some- 
times they  were  made  more  comfortable  by  being  draped 
with  skins  of  wolves  or  bears,  or  other  animals  of  the 
chase.  In  front  of  them  were  foot-stools  of  wood,  fre- 
quently draped  or  upholstered  to  match. 

Besides  the  seats,  the  only  other  stationary  piece  of 
furniture  in  the  dining-hall  appears  to  have  been  a  table- 
like sideboard  at  the  far  end  of  the  room. 
Upon  this  the  vat  or  bowl  containing  the 
drink  for  the  meal  stood,  and  from  it  the  beakers  and 
horns  were  filled.^ 

The  tables  proper  were  removable,  were  not  set  up  until 
needed,  and  were  taken  away  at  the  close  of  the  meal. 
They  consisted  of  wide  boards,  placed  upon  light  horses, 
or  trestles,  of  wood.  When  not  in  use,  the  table-tops 
were  probably  hung  against  the  wall  of  the  stofa  or  of 
some  adjoining  room  by  means  of  rings  attached  to  the 
backs.  In  the  more  refined  households,  when  set  for 
meals  the  boards  were  spread  with  cloths  of  white  linen, 
sometimes  embroidered,  but  it  is  probable  that  through- 
out the  North  as  a  whole  the  dishes  were  placed  upon 
the  bare  tables. 

When  needed,  the  tables  seem  to  have  been  placed  in 
front  of  the  seats  upon  the  raised  floor,  the  seats  them- 
selves not  being  disturbed.  Sometimes,  they  were  set 
up  on  top  of  the  wooden  platform,  or  floor,  on  which 
were  the  seats  of  honor;  but  often  they  stood  on  the 
shallow,  broad  step  just  below.  If  the  guests  at  a  ban- 
quet were  too  numerous  to  be  accommodated  on  the  plat- 
form, a  row  of  seats  was  placed  upon  the  earthen  floor, 
on  either  side  of  the  long  fireplace,  and  tables  were 
set  between  these  seats  and  the  other  tables.     As  the 

3  Gudmundsson,  PrivathoUgen  pa  Island  i  Sagatiden,  189. 


148         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

people  sat  on  only  one  side  of  the  board,  this  arrange- 
ment had  somewhat  the  effect  of  one  wide  table,  for  the 
guests  upon  the  platform  and  those  down  below  faced 
one  another.  It  is  likely  that  on  most  occasions  the 
boards  were  placed  so  closely  end  to  end  as  virtually  to 
be  one  long  table,  but  at  times  an  individual  board  was 
set  up  for  each  person.^ 

The  walls  and  floor  of  the  skali,  and  of  the  women's 
bower,  were  probably  finished  and  decorated  similarly  to 
the  stofa,  though  not  so  expensively.  The 
beds  were  of  various  descriptions.  Often, 
among  the  humble,  they  consisted  merely  of  sheepskins 
or  other  bedding  spread  out  upon  the  platform,  or  set, 
at  night,  but  kept  rolled  up  against  the  wall  in  the  day- 
time. More  commonly,  perhaps,  large  boxes  filled  with 
straw,  hay,  moss,  or  other  soft  material  were  placed 
upon  the  platform,  and  bedding  was  spread  in  them. 
Sometimes  the  boxes  were  built  upon  legs,  forming  a 
bedstead  (Fig.  12).    But  more  elaborate  bedsteads  were 


Fig.    12.     Plain   Wooden   Bedstead.      (From 
Gustafson's  Norges  Oldtid.) 

found  in  the  little  "lock-rooms"  partitioned  off  from  the 
remainder  of  the  skali.  Some  of  these  had  high  foot- 
and  head-boards ;  others  were  characterized  by  four  tall 
corner  posts;  while  still  others  combined  the  features 
just  mentioned.  Such  bedsteads  were  generally  orna- 
mented with  carving,  and  occasionally  with  paint,  the 

ilbid.,   186-191. 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD  149 

figure  of  Tlior  being  a  favorite  subject  of  the  deco- 
rator. 

Even  the  best  beds  were  perhaps  often  without  regular 
mattresses,  the  place  of  these  being  taken  by  having  the 
closed  bottom  of  the  bed-frame  filled  with  some  soft, 
springy  substance,  which  could  be  shaken  up  every  day; 
but  mattresses  and  bed  ticks  stuffed  with  sheeps'  wool 
or  feathers,  or  the  cheaper  materials  used  in  the  box- 
beds,  were  also  employed.  The  pillows  were  filled  with 
down  or  feathers.  Only  the  better  classes  made  use  of 
sheets,  which  were  of  white  wadmal  or  of  linen.  The 
bed-covers  of  the  poor  were  often  sheep  skins,  but  they 
also  had  heavj^  woolen  blankets  or  rugs;  and  the  more 
prosperous  kept  warm  by  the  latter  means,  and  also  by 
furs,  and  coverlets  filled  with  do^vn  or  the  best  feathers. 
In  the  finer  homes  the  beds  were  covered  with  spreads 
of  wool  or  silk,  woven  or  embroidered  in  bright  colors; 
and  about  them  were  draped  curtains  or  canopies  to 
match. 

The  movable  beds  w^ere  probably  placed  lengthwise 
of  the  wooden  platform  on  w^hich  they  stood,  leaving 
a  narrow  aisle  along  the  outer  edge;  but  the  box-beds, 
and  the  bed-steads,  could  be  set  crosswise,  and  doubtless 
w^ere  at  times,  even  when  the  raised  floor  was  but  six 
feet  wide,  or  less ;  for  in  the  Middle  Ages  the  beds  were 
shorter  than  now,  as  people  slept  in  a  half-sitting  posi- 
tion.^ 

Though  it  was  usual  everywhere  to  sit  upon  the  beds, 
or  upon  the  edge  of  the  set,  which  was  spread  with  cush- 
ions or  skins  for  the  purpose,  it  is  probable  that  the 
better  skalis  were  furnished  with  chairs  and  benches  of 
different   sorts.     These   perhaps   usually   stood   on   the 

5  Ibid.,  215-222;  Visted,  Kristofer,  Tor  Gamle  Bondekultur,  47;  Gus- 
tafson,  Norges  Oldtid,   114. 


150 


SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 


Chests 


earthen  floor,  though  sometimes  a  small  stool,  or  chair, 
on  which  to  put  the  outer  garments,  was  set  by  the  bed; 
but  the  clothes  were  doubtless  more  often  hung  on  pegs 
near  at  hand. 

Another  important  class  of  furniture  having  a  place 
in  the  sleeping-hall  was  the  chests  in  which  were  kept 
the  clothes,  trinkets,  jewelry,  and  money  of 
the  different  members  of  the  household, 
though  the  more  valuable  and  least  used  clothes  and  or- 
naments, were,  with  most  of  the  money,  often  locked 
away  in  the  store-house.  These  receptacles  were  usually 
made  from  hardwood,  and  were  at  times  metal  bound, 
and  decorated  with  nail-heads  (Fig.  14),  or  with  scroll- 
work of  bronze  or  iron;  but  more  frequently  they  were 
elaborately  carved  or  painted 
with  decorative  designs.  All 
chests  were  fitted  with  strong 
locks,  often  having  decorative 
plates  and  keys  (Fig.  13). 

The    Scandinavian 
'F^^  ,.      .       work  da}^  varied  with 

Scandinavian     ..  i     j      •. 

Work  Day        ^^®     SCaSOns,     but     it 

was  generally  long — 

especially  in  the  summer,  when 

the  daylight  was  almost  continu- 
ous, and  there  was  much  out-door 

labor  to  be  done  before  the  winter 

set  in.     During  this  season,  the 

household  was  perhaps  well  astir 

by  six  o'clock. 
Five  meals  were  eaten  during  the  day,  but  only  two 
of  these  were  hearty.     Promptly  upon  rising 
there  were  light  refreshments;  then,  after 

two  or  three  hours  of  work  the  household  gathered  for 


Fig.  13.  Bronze  Key  Or- 
namented with  Animal  De- 
sign. (From  Miiller's  Vor 
Oldtid.) 


Meal-Time 


Fitr.    14.     Jn.ii-lK.iiiul   Oaken   Chest   Ornamented    with   Nail;*.      (From   (ius- 
tafson's    Xorqes    OhJI'ul) 


Fig.   1.').     J?iKkct   with   Ornamental   Kars    Decorated    with   Fnaniel.      (From 
r.iigge's   \or(fcs   llistorie) 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD  151 

dagverdr,  the  heartiest  meal  of  the  day.  It  came  at 
dagmal,  and  corresponded,  in  time,  quite  closely  with 
the  English  or  American  breakfast;  but  in  its  nature, 
it  Avas  more  like  dinner.  At  mid-day  a  luncheon  was 
served,  and  another,  in  the  middle  of  the  afternoon. 
Ndttverdr,  the  last  meal  of  the  day,  came,  in  summer, 
at  ndttmal,  or  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening.  This 
was  not  so  hearty  as  dagverSr,  but  was  usually  more 
elaborate  and  lengthy,  for  there  was  now  more  time  for 
drinking  and  social  converse.  The  household  appears 
to  have  indulged  in  a  short  nap  some  time  in  the  after- 
noon during  the  summer;  and  all  probably  retired 
shortly  after  supper  was  finished." 

As  a  rule,  the  housewife  supervised  the  in-door  ser- 
vants, but  among  the  wealthy  this  was  sometimes  done 
by  a  head  slave,  or  a  hired  house-keeper.  Often  the 
mistress  of  the  house  herself,  with  the  aid  of  her  daugh- 
ters, did  all  of  the  domestic  work,  for  there  was  no  stigma 
attached  to  manual  labor  among  the  ancient  Northmen. 

Though  stone  or  clay  stoves  of  rude  fashion  were  early 
in  use,  most  of  the  cooking  was  done  over  a  small  open 
fire,  in  some  cases  raised  a  little  above  the 
surface  of  the  ground.  Turf,  peat,  wood, 
and  charcoal  w^ere  the  most  common  fuels,  which  were 
generally  ignited  by  means  of  various  primitive  devices ; 
but  the  coals  were  carefully  covered  at  night  in  order 
to  save  the  labor  of  making  new  fire.  The  cook  at  times 
set  the  kettles  and  skillets  directly  upon  the  stones  form- 
ing the  fireplace;  but  the  former,  if  large,  were  more 
often  suspended  over  the  fire  by  means  of  a  crane  or 
by  a  hook  upon  a  tripod  (Fig.  16).  In  some  instances, 
red-hot  stones  were  employed,  as  among  more  primitive 

6  Keyser,  Prk^ate  Life,  107,  111;  Schonfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bauernhof 
und  sein   Betreib   zur  Sagazeit,   65. 


152  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

peoples,  especially  for  the  heating  or  cooking  of  foods, 
— such  as  milk, — which  might  be  easily  scorched;^  and 
they  were  probably  in  quite  general  use  in  the  homes  of 
poverty,  for  here  the  chief  cooking  vessels  were  of  stone 
or  baked  clay,  which  did  not  stand  exposure  to  direct 
heat  very  well.  In  the  North  as  a  whole,  however,  metal 
cooking  utensils  were  the  rule.  These  were  made  of 
copper,  bronze,  or  iron,  at  times  ornamented,  and  in- 
cluded pots  and  kettles  of  different  sizes,  and  also  skillets 
(Fig.  17)  and  gridirons.  When  not  in  use,  utensils  were 
hung  from  pegs  in  the  eld-hiis,  or  placed  upon  the  shelves 
there.^ 

Though  some  of  the  baking  and  roasting  was  done 
before  the  open  fires  or  in  the  ashes,  the  housewife  also 
used  ovens  of  a  primitive  character  of  clay  or  of  unhe^vn 
stone  built  up  with  clay,  in  bee-hive  shape,  like  those 
now  found  among  the  Indians  of  the  southwestern 
United  States.  They  were  heated  by  a  fire  built  in  them, 
as  in  the  Scandinavian  brick  ovens  of  the  present  time, 
after  which  the  ashes  were  removed,  the  food  placed 
inside,  and  the  opening  closed  by  means  of  a  door  of 
stone  or  metal.  Such  ovens  may  still  be  seen  in  some 
old  country  houses  in  the  Scandinavian  North.^ 

Great  extremes  were  displayed  in  the  dishes  upon 
the  tables  of  the  very  wealthy,  and  those  which  did  serv- 
ice  for  the  extremely  poor ;  the  former  some- 
times ate  from  vessels  of  silver  and  gold, 
beautifully  chased,  while  the  latter  had  trenchers  or  little 
tubs  of  wood  (Figs.  18-19).  Vessels  for  the  table  were 
also  made  in  a  rather  poor  quality  of  pottery;  and  there 

7  Lj6svetninga  Saga,  198. 

8  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  153;  Gustafson, 
Norges  Oldtid,  114-117;  Rygh,  0.,  Norske  Oldsager,  ordnede  og  forklarede, 
23,  37. 

9Visted,   Vor  Gamle  Bondekultur,   34-39. 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD 


153 


were  individual  dishes  of  the  baser  metals  as  well.  But 
in  those  days,  even  among  the  most  refined,  several 
people  sometimes  ate  from  the  same  dish.  Because  of 
their  fondness  for  drinking,  the  Northmen  appear  to 
have  given  particular  attention,  to  the  construction  and 
ornamentation  of  the  vessels  in  which  their  beverages 
were  served.  Ox  horns,  variously  decorated,  were  quite 
common.  Sometimes  they  were  cai'ved 
with  designs  in  low  relief,  or  with 
runic  words  of  magic  import ;  usually 
the  edge  was  bound  with  metal,  and 
occasionally  the  vessel  was  supplied 
with  metal  feet,  enabling  it  to  stand 
alone  on  the  table.  Gold  and  silver 
were  frequently  employed  for  finish- 
ing the  horns,  and  such  mountings 
were  often  further  decorated  with 
enamel,  or  settings  of  precious  stones. 
Vessels  shaped  like  horns  were  made 
from  metals  also,  and  if  from  gold  or 
silver,  they  were  often  richly  chased ; 
but  in  addition  to  these  there  were 
cups,  goblets,  and  beakers  of  pottery, 
metal,  and  glass — the  latter  generally 
imported.^*' 

Fingers  served  as  forks  in  those 
days,  as  they  did  for  centuries  after- 
wards in  Western  Europe;  but  the 
knife  had  more  varied  use  then  than 
now  as  a  table  implement.  The  knives 
which  did  service  at  the  table  were  Spoon.  From  Monte- 
short,  with  sharp  points  and  wooden,   "^,1^:17'"'^""'' 

loMontelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  151-155;  Keyser, 
Private  Life,  112-114;   Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  Indfyldelse,   172-173. 


Fig.  20.    Carved  Horn 


154  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

bone,  or  horn  handles,  into  which  the  blades  sometimes 
folded.  They  were  carried  by  the  men  upon  their  per- 
sons,— in  their  wallets,  fastened  in  their  belts,  or  sus- 
pended by  chains  about  their  necks.  Spoons  were  usually 
of  wood,  horn,  or  bone,  ornamented  with  carving;  but 
some  were  made  from  brass,  bronze,  silver,  or  gold.^^ 

Cupboards  do  not  seem  to  have  come  into  use  before 
Christian  times ;  ^^  previous  to  this,  the  dishes  were 
probably  kept  upon  shelves  in  the  kitchen,  though  the 
more  showy  ones  may  have  been  exhibited  upon  racks 
or  shelves  in  the  dining-hall. 

Women  guests  generally  sat  with  the  men  at  banquets, 
and  the  whole  family  commonly  sat  down  to  meals  to- 
gether in  the  homes  of  the  rich;  but  in  humbler  circles 
the  men  usually  ate  alone  while  the  women  folk  served 
them.  In  addition  to  keeping  all  supplied  with  food  and 
drink,  the  duties  of  the  women  in  refined  households  in- 
cluded passing  around  basins  and  towels  before  and  after 
meals,  in  order  that  the  diners  might  wash  their  hands. 
Among  the  poor,  the  washing  probably  took  place  only 
before  eating,  if  at  all.  This  custom  of  thus  washing 
at  table  obviously  rose — in  the  absence  of  napkins  and 
finger-bowls — from  the  fact  that  the  fingers  were  much 
used  in  handling  the  food.^^ 

In  comparison  with  their  general  cultural  status,  the 
Foods  and  ancient  Scandinavians  enjoyed  a  large  vari- 
their  Prep-  ety  of  foods,  dishes,  and  beverages — a  fact 
aration  attributable  to  their  inherent  resourcefulness 

as  well  as  to  their  commercial  activities.     The  native 

11  Keyser,  Private  Life,  112;  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  612;  Saga  Library, 
II,    162,   217. 

12  Visted,   Vor  Gamle  Bondekultur,   52-54. 

13  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  157;  Keyser, 
Private  Life,  112,  115;  Schonfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bauernhof,  65. 


Fig.     17.     Skillet    with    Wmv    Long    Handle.      (From    Gustafsoirs    Xorges 

Ohltid) 


Fig.    18.     Decorated    Pitcher    of    Heavy    Earthenware.      (  From    Monteliiis's 
Kiilturyesch  ichte  t^ch  iredens  ) 


Fig.      19.     Vessels     of     Aliased     Silver.      (From     Steenstrup's     Danmarhs 

Hist  or  ie) 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD  155 

foods  included  meats  of  various  sorts, — the  flesh  of  the 
horse  as  well  as  of  other  domestic  animals, — and  also 
a  great  diversity  of  fish  and  game ;  eggs  from  wild  fowl 
in  addition  to  those  from  the  farm-poultry;  milk  and 
milk-products,  from  which  many  sorts  of  dishes  were 
prepared;  several  kinds  of  cereals;  a  few  varieties  of 
fruits,  nuts,  and  vegetables;  and  honey,  from  wild  and 
domestic  bees,  which  appears  to  have  been  the  only  sweet 
known  to  the  majority  of  the  population. 

Salt  was  not  considered  as  indispensable  as  at  present, 
perhaps  because  it  could  be  secured  only  by  laborious 
processes  and  Avas  quite  expensive.  A  fair 
amount  was  imported  from  abroad,  but  Den- 
mark, particularly  Jutland,  and  some  other  parts  of  the 
North  had  salt  springs,  from  which  the  best  quality  of 
*' white"  salt  was  made.  That  most  frequently  used, 
however,  especially  in  Iceland  and  Norway,  was  produced 
from  sea- water,  and  was  known  as  ''black"  salt.  The 
sea-salt  was  obtained  in  various  ways :  by  directly  evapo- 
rating the  water  by  exposure  to  sunshine  or  by  boiling; 
by  throwing  it  upon  hot  rocks  or  burning  wood;  and  by 
burning  sea-weed,  which  is  always  rich  in  salt — the  last 
method  being  the  common  one  in  Iceland.  Some  people 
made  their  livings  by  the  manufacture  of  salt  after  these 
primitive  modes;  but  it  was  a  very  poor  and  humble 
calling,  and  the  salt-burner  was  looked  upon  as  a  type 
of  the  person  lowest  in  the  social  scale. ^^ 

Some  kinds  of  meats,  particularly  fish,  were  eaten  raw 
after  being  dried,  smoked,  or  pickled.     There  were  two 
methods   of   pickling — laying   the   pieces    in 
brine,  which  was  perhaps  the  least  usual; 
and  putting  them  in  very  sour  whey,  which  did  service 

14  Weinhold,   Altnordisches   Leben,   00-01;    "Salt,"   in   Cleasby   and   Vig- 
fusson's    Dictionary. 


156         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

for  vinegar,  and  was  cheap.  Food  thus  treated  would 
keep  for  a  long  time.  Most  of  the  flesh  foods  were, 
however,  probably  cooked  before  being  eaten,  perhaps 
most  often  by  boiling,  though  they  were  also  roasted, 
fried,  and  broiled.  The  usual  sauce  appears  to  have 
been  butter,  which  was  especially  liked  with  fish,  but  it 
is  probable  that  gravies,  thickened  with  flour  or  meal, 
were  not  unknown.  Certain  vegetables,  as,  leeks  and 
angelica,  were  used  as  relishes  with  meat.^^ 

Eggs  were  usually  cooked  and  eaten  soon  after  being 
gathered,  but  there  were  doubtless  ways  of  keeping  them 
for  a  long  time  raw ;  and  they  were  also  pickled  in  whey, 
like  meats,  after  having  been  hard-boiled  and  shelled. ^^ 
The  milk  of  goats  and  sheep,  as  well  as  of  cows,  was 
used  as  food  in  ancient  Scandinavia.     While  sweet,  it 

was  drunk,  cold  or  hot,  by  young  and  old 
Milk  and  alike ;  and  when  sour  it  was  also  used  as  a 
Products         beverage.     Buttermilk  was  also  much  liked, 

but  the  most  common  milk  drink  appears  to 
have  been  whey,  which  was  relished  old  and  sour,  as  well 
as  fresh,  for  a  supply  of  it  might  be  kept  for  years.  When 
it  became  disagreeably  tart,  however,  it  was  diluted,  or 
blended,  with  water,  from  which  it  was  called  hlanda. 
The  Northmen  were  fond  of  clabbered  milk  raw,  but  it 
was  perhaps  more  often  eaten  after  being  made  into 
curds  by  the  application  of  heat,  very  much  like  * '  cottage 
cheese"  of  the  present  day.  In  the  latter  form,  it  was 
mixed  with  sweet  milk,  cream,  butter,  or  crushed  berries. 
A  great  variety  of  cheeses  were  made  from  the  three 
kinds  of  milk  used  and  the  dair}^  maid  increased  the 
diversity  by  the  employment  of  vegetable  flavorings,  as 

15  Gudmundsson  and  Kalund,  "Skandinavische  Verhiiltnisse,"  in  Paul, 
Grundriss  der  germanischen  PhiloJogie,  III,  448;  Schonfeld,  Der  islandische 
Bauernhof,  189. 

18  Olassen  and  Povelsen,  Reise  durch  Island,  I,  258. 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD  157 

well  as  by  different  processes  in  the  making.  Butter 
was  also  made  in  abundance,  and  used  very  freely  in  the 
preparation  of  various  dishes,  as  has  just  been  indi- 
cated; but  it  was  also  spread  upon  bread.  It  was,  how- 
ever, rarely,  or  never,  salted;  and  though  sometimes 
partaken  of  when  fresh  and  sweet,  it  was  more  often  per- 
mitted to  become  sour  and  rancid  before  using,  and  the 
more  sour  it  was,  the  better  it  was  liked.  After  becom- 
ing thus  old  and  seasoned,  it  would  keep  for  many  years, 
and  appears  to  have  been  especially  prized  as  a  sauce 
with  fish  and  other  foods.^^ 

All  of  the  common  cereals  were  gro\\m  in  Scandinavia, 
but  climate  permitted  greater  variety  and  abundance  in 
some  parts  than  in  others;  and  to  certain 
sections   wheat,    especially,   had   to    be    im-  Foods 
ported.     But   in  Iceland,   where   this   grain 
could  not  be  produced,  Nature  offered  compensations, 
for  here,  along  the  coasts,  grew  a  native  grass  some- 
what like  wild  oats,  the  seeds  of  which  could  be  used 
for  food  like  the  domesticated  cereals;  and  it  is  prob- 
able  that   the   nutritive   qualities   of   the   lichen   called 
''Iceland  moss"  which  grows  upon  the  highlands  had 
already  been  discovered  before  the  close  of  the  viking 
time. 

The  grains  were  ground  in  hand  mills  of  which  there 
were  two  or  three  styles.  The  ones  used  in  the  humbler 
households  were  quite  small,  and  shaped  of  stone  after 
the  simple  mortar  and  pestle  principle,  like  those  used 
by  the  American  Indians ;  but  the  larger  farms  had  more 
complex  structures,  made  from  two  heavy  stones,  the 
one  placed  upon  the  other,  and  the  top  one  supplied  with 
a  wooden  or  metal  handle.     This  latter  style  of  mill  was 

17  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  144;  Olassen  and  Povelsen,  Reise 
durch  Island,  I,  13;   Pinkerton,  Voyages  and  Travels,  I,  656,  749. 


158         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

usually  worked  by  two  persons,  as  a  rule,  women,  who 
turned  the  stones  to  the  accompaniment  of  special  mill- 
ing songs,  as  is  customary  in  Iceland  even  to-day.^* 

From  the  ground  cereals  the  women  made  various 
kinds  of  breads,  some  baked  in  thin,  flat  cakes,  similar 
to  the  present  Swedish  flat-bread,  before  the  open  fire, 
and  others  kneaded  into  loaves  and  baked  in  the  home- 
made ovens  already  described.  Whether  yeast  was 
used  is  not  evident,  but  it  probably  was,  since  the  fer- 
mentation principle  was  well  known  in  connection  with 
brewing  ale.  But  if  the  Scandinavian  housewives  had 
not  learned  thus  to  leaven  their  bread,  they  doubtless 
knew  how  to  make  it  light  by  means  of  sour  dough,  which 
had  fermented  and  ''risen,"  used  like  yeast — a  method 
quite  familiar  to  many  primitive  peoples.  They  prob- 
ably also  prepared  fancy  breads  from  their  leavened 
batter  by  the  addition  of  butter,  honey,  fruits  and  nuts. 

Much  of  the  home-milled  meal  was  used  for  porridge, 
called  grant, — a  favorite  dish  of  the  Northmen, — for  the 
cooking  of  which  an  unusually  large  kettle  was  provided. 
Barley,  oats,  rye,  and  wheat,  were  made  into  grant,  and 
probably  the  wild  grains  and  the  starchy  Iceland  moss 
already  mentioned  were  also  used,  for  they  are  so  em- 
ployed in  modern  times.  The  meal  was  cooked  in  milk 
as  well  as  in  water,  and  was  eaten  with  milk,  cream,  or 
whej^,  or  with  butter  or  berries  spread  over  it.  This 
porridge  perhaps  was  the  main  supper  dish  in  the  North 
a  thousand  years  ago,  as  it  is  now  in  many  parts  of 
Scandinavia.^® 

The  only  fruit  in  domestication  throughout  the  Scan- 
dinavian North  was  the  apple,  which  could  be  stored 
away  for  winter  use,  and  was  eaten  raw  or  cooked.    But 

18  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Siceden  in  Heathen  Times,   175. 

19  Schonfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bauemhof,  25 ;   Origines  Islandicae,  II,  612. 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD  159 

a  diversity  of  edible  berries  grew  wild  in  great  abundance, 
even  under  the  Arctic  Circle ;  these  included 
several  well-known  varieties,  as  well  as  some  ^^^^^  ^" 
kinds  peculiar  to  the  Far  North.     The  ber- 
ries,  perhaps   more   than  apples,  were   combined  with 
other  foods  in  preparation  for  the  table,  but  there  is 
no  evidence  that  the  people  had  learned  how  to  pre- 
serve them  for  winter  use.     The  hazel  shrub  grew  ex- 
tensively in  Scandinavia,  and  its  nuts  were  appreciated 
as  a  food ;  ^^^  the  same  was  true  of  the  nut  of  the  beech 
tree,  while  the  acorn  was  also  eaten,  at  least  among  the 
very  poor. 

There  were  a  number  of  vegetables  in  domestication  in 
the  North  even  in  the  heathen  days,  and  these  were  aug- 
mented in  the  early  Christian  time.  They  y^^^^^^^^^ 
included  some  members  of  the  cabbage  fam- 
ily, beans,  peas,  turnips,  leeks  and  angelica.  The  last  two 
were  largely  used  as  relishes,  but  angelica,  which  was 
grown  at  least  in  Iceland  and  Norway — probably  in  the 
remainder  of  Scandinavia  as  well — was  also  eaten  raw 
as  a  sort  of  salad,  and  was  likewise  cooked.  The  stalks, 
cut  in  small  pieces  crosswise,  appear  to  have  been  the 
part  of  the  plant  chiefly  used,  and  these  were  eaten  with 
butter.2i  Various  wild  plants  were  probably  boiled  in 
water  and  eaten  as  "greens";  and  in  Iceland  at  least 
one  uncultivated  plant,  the  sol,  or  samphire,  was  an 
important  article  of  diet,  and  was  stored  away  for  win- 
ter use.  This  plant  grows  on  the  coasts  of  the  island, 
generally  along  the  margin  of  the  water,  and  was  consid- 
ered so  valuable  as  a  food,  even  in  the  olden  time,  that 

20  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  276. 

2iNorges  Gamle  Love,  I,  205;  Valdemar  den  Andens  Jydskc  Lov,  274; 
Gudmundsson,  "Gartenbau,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon;  Olasaen  and  Povel- 
sen,  Reise  durch  Island,  I,  84-85. 


160         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

prohibitions  are  found  in  the  most  ancient  law-code  of 
Iceland  against  gathering  either  it  or  wild  berries  upon 
the  land  of  another.  The  leaves,  which  are  rich  in  sugar, 
are  the  edible  part,  and  were  eaten  raw,  when  fresh,  as  a 
relish  with  fish,  but  were  also  dried  and  packed  away 
in  kegs  or  vats,  for  winter  use.  After  this  treatment 
the  sol  was  cooked  as  a  separate  dish,  as  well  as  eaten 
with  butter  as  a  relish  for  other  foods.^^ 

As  is  still  the  case  through  almost  the  whole  of  Europe, 
water,  unmixed  with  anything  else,  was  rarely  used  as  a 

beverage  in  the  Scandinavia  of  the  Viking 
everages  ^^^  Milk  and  by-products  of  milk,  espe- 
cially whey — as  already  stated — constituted  the  com- 
mon daily  drinks  of  all  except  the  wealthy;  but  in  addi- 
tion there  were  alcoholic  beverages  of  various  sorts,  the 
most  common  of  these  being  ale,  for  the  making  of  which 
hops  early  came  to  be  cultivated  in  the  North.  The  most 
important  brewing  time  was  just  before  the  mid-winter 
feast.  Mead,  made  from  the  honey  of  the  bee,  was  much 
more  rare  than  ale ;  and  wine,  imported  from  the  South — 
particularly  from  France — could  be  afforded  only  by  the 
rich.^^ 

Except  upon  special  festive  occasions  and  during  the 
meals  eaten  when  there  was  not  sufficient  daylight,  the 

only  illumination  of  the  stofa  was  provided 
tjon  by   the    open   fire   burning   upon   the   long 

hearths.  But  occasionally  other  means  of 
illumination  were  employed  for  this  room,  and  for  the 
other  parts  of  the  house.     At  best,  however,  the  arti- 

?2Beeby,  W.  H.,  "Sol  and  Samphire,"  in  Saga  Book,  VI,  209-211; 
"Sol,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary;  Schonfeld,  Der  isliindische 
BoAiernhof,  38^0. 

23  Schonfeld,  Der  isliindische  Bauernhof,  66;  Steenstrup,  li  or  manner  ene, 
I,  185-186;  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  157; 
Horrebow,  Niels,  Natural  History  of  Iceland,  53. 


HOUSE-FURNISHINGS  AND  FOOD  161 

ficial  light  was  poor,  and  therefore,  very  little  fine  work 
was  attempted  in  the  evenings.  The  simplest  light  of 
all  was  the  torch  made  from  a  pine-knot,  or  from  a  piece 
of  pitchy  wood;  this  was  used  to  carry  about  the  dwell- 
ing as  well  as  for  illumination  of  a  certain  part.  Many 
of  the  poorest  people  living  in  the  interior  of  the  Scan- 
dinavian lands  knew  no  other  light,  and  it  was  also  very 
common  in  the  homes  of  the  wealthy,  but  in  parts  of  the 
North,  lamps — some  of  them  following  Roman  models 
— were  in  use  in  the  viking  period.  One  style  resembled 
that  now  seen  among  the  Eskimo,  w^ho  appear  to  have 
secured  their  ideas  for  it  from  the  Scandinavians  who 
settled  in  Greenland  in  the  tenth  century.^*  The  lamp 
in  question  was  an  open  dish,  without  burner,  and  had 
a  floating  wick  made  from  rushes  or  cloth — perhaps  most 
often  the  former.  Below  the  vessel  containing  the  oil 
was  another  of  the  same  shape,  used  for  catching  the 
drippings.  The  two  receptacles  were  fastened  together 
by  an  upright  piece  of  metal.  The  materials  used  for 
the  lamps  were  pottery,  soapstone,  brass,  copper,  bronze, 
or  iron;  and  the  oil  burned  in  them  was  generally  ob- 
tained from  fish,  or  from  sea-mammals,  such  as  the  whale 
and  the  seal.  Lamps  of  this  general  style  were  in  com- 
mon use  in  recent  years  in  the  Orkney  Islands  and  in 
Northern  Scotland.^^  Two  varieties  are  known  to  have 
been  used  by  the  ancient  Northmen,  the  one  had  a  hook 
or  handle  attached,  by  means  of  which  it  could  be  sus- 
pended, and  the  other  had  a  long  projecting  shaft  at  the 
side  which  could  be  thrust  into  crevices  in  the  walls. 

24  Tylor,  ''Old  Scandinavian  Civilization  amonj?  the  Modern  Eskimo," 
in  Jr.  Anthrop,  Inst,  of  Gt.  Brit,  and  Ire.,  XIII,  252-253;  Garson,  "Lamps 
from  the  Orkney  Islands,"  in  Jr.  Anthrop  Inst,  of  Gt.  Brit,  and  Ire., 
XIII,  275. 

25  Ihid.  These  were  known  in  Scotland  as  collie  lamps,  from  the  Old 
Norse  name,  kola. 


162  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

A  simpler  type  consisted  of  a  single  metal  cup  with  a 
spikelike  projection  for  holding  it  in  place. ^'^ 

Such  lamps  were  easily  transformed  into  lanterns  by 
surrounding  them  with  a  framework  set  with  pieces  of 
thin  horn,  or  covered  with  translucent  membrane  from 
an  animal,  such  as  was  used  for  windows.  Lanterns 
of  this  sort,  probably  from  English  models,  were  used 
in  Scandinavia  in  the  late  Viking  Age.^^ 

There  is  no  certainty  that  candles  came  into  use  in 
the  North  before  the  last  half  of  the  eleventh  century, 
though  it  is  probable  that  the  idea  of  making  them  from 
tallow  and  beeswax  was  introduced  from  the  south  of 
Europe  much  earlier  than  this.  Yet,  if  so,  they  cannot 
have  been  extensively  employed  for  illumination  in  the 
heathen  time.  But  with  the  adoption  of  Christianity 
and  the  use  of  candles  in  the  churches,  they  were  soon 
introduced  into  private  houses,  at  least  among  the  pros- 
perous. 

26Falk,  "Beleuchtung,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon;  Visted,  Vor  Oamle 
Bondekultur,  33-34;  Gustafson,  ^^orges  Oldtid,  107,  113;  Norges  Gamle 
Love,  III,  247. 

27  Norges  Gamle  Love,  II,  247. 


CHAPTER  X 

AGRICULTURE   AND   THE    ROUTINE    OF    FARM    LIFE 

Fair  is  the  Lithe;  so  fair  that  it  has  never  seemed  to  me  so  fair; 
the  grain  fields  are  white  to  harvest,  and  the  home  mead  is  mown; 
and  now  I  will  ride  back  home,  and  not  fare  abroad  at  all. 

Saga  of  Burnt  Njal. 

So  much  has  been  said  of  the  ancient  Scandinavians 
as  piratical  warriors  and  shrewd  foreign  traders  that 
the  fact  that,  after  all,  most  of  their  energy 
was  devoted  to  peaceful  pursuits  is  likely  to  importance 
be  overlooked.     The  most  important  of  the  ^^^^ 
domestic  occupations  was  agriculture,  which 
included  pasturage  and  tillage  of  the  soil.     But  in  the 
cultivation  of  his  acres  the  primary  object  of  the  farmer 
was  to  secure  feed  for  his  livestock,  upon  which  his  sub- 
sistence largely  depended  and  his  chances  for  acquiring 
wealth  rested.     In  other  words,  animal  husbandry  was 
of  more  importance  than  grain-growing.     The  former 
industry  especially  dominated  in  Iceland,  and  in  North- 
ern Sweden  and  Norway,  where  cereals  could  be  pro- 
duced only  with  difficulty.     And  even  in  Greenland  there 
were  sunny  slopes  and  sheltered  meadows  in  which  hay 
could  be  successfully  harvested,  for  in  this  bleak  land 
also  stock-raising  flourished  a  thousand  years  ago.^ 

Yet  the  diversity  of  agriculture  at  this  time,  even  in 
Iceland,  is  attested  by  the  fact  that  here,  as  upon  every 
fair-sized  farm  in  continental  Scandinavia,  were  found 

1  Nansen,  In  Northern  Mists,  I,  272,  276. 

163 


164          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

tracts  of  pasture,  hay-meadows,  hay-fields,  and  fields  for 
growing  cereals ;  and,  in  addition,  a  small  portion  of  the 
land  was  generally  set  apart  for  fruit-  and  vegetable- 
growing.  These  different  agricultural  units  of  the  farm- 
stead were  probably  set  off  from  one  another  by  hedges 
of  natural  shrubbery,  walls  of  stone  or  turf,  or  fences 
made  from  pickets  or  rails. 

But  the  existence  of  mountain  pastures  in  Iceland  and 
Norway,  and  to  some  extent  in  Sweden,  indicates  the 
emphasis  placed  upon  raising  livestock,  particularly 
cattle.  Here,  in  the  highlands,  were  the  community 
lands  already  mentioned  in  another  connection ;  but  every 
farmer  possessing  a  right  to  graze  his  livestock  in  these 
pastures  appears  to  have  been  permitted  to  set  apart 
a  small  tract  on  which  to  erect  sheep  folds  and  cattle 
pens,  and  buildings  for  dairy  purposes  and  for  tempo- 
rary dwellings.  Such  structures  were  very  rough  as  a 
rule,  for  they  were  not  looked  upon  as  homes,  but  as 
mere  makeshifts,  as  are  the  farming  camps  in  the  west- 
ern United  States  at  the  present  time;  they  were  gen- 
erally built  of  stone  and  turf,  like  the  sel  and  the  saetr 
still  found  in  the  mountains  of  Iceland  and  Norway. 

Several  kinds  of  crops  w^ere  grown  in  the  fields  of  the 
ancient  Northland,  including  oats,  barley,  rye,  and  wheat. 

Even  far  up  the  bleak  coast  of  Norway,  in 
Gram  and  ^^le  region  of  the  present  Tromso,  the  in- 
Farming         habitants   produced   some   grain,   for  home 

consumption;  but  this  did  not  include  wheat, 
which  was  largely  restricted  to  Denmark  and  southern 
Sweden;  and  the  bulk  of  the  cereal  output  of  Scandi- 
navia came  from  these  two  regions  as  well.  Vetches 
were  grown  for  fodder,  in  Iceland,  and  probably  else- 
where; and  here  the  straw  from  the  wild  strand-grass 
(melr)  previously  mentioned,  was  likewise  used  for  stock 


AGRICULTURE  AND  THE  ROUTINE  OF  FARM  LIFE        165 

feed.     In  other  parts  of  Scandinavia  were  different  kinds 
of  undomesticated  grasses  which  were  cut  for  hay.^ 

Besides  the  cereals  and  the  plants  grown  for  fodder, 
some  textile  plants  were  cultivated  in  the  Northland  even 
centuries   before  the  historical  period,  but  _     .. 

.         Textile 

not  in  sufficient  quantities  to  do  away  with  pjants 
the    necessity    for    importation.     These    in- 
cluded flax  and  hemp,  and  also  a  variety  of  burning 
nettle,  from  which  a  coarse  cloth  was  made.     The  plants 
mentioned  had,  in  general,  the  same  care  as  the  cereals.^ 

Only  the  best  land  was  cultivated,  and  even  this  in  the 
rock-bound  Scandinavian  peninsula,  and  to  some  degree 
in  the  remainder  of  the  North,  had  usually 
to  be  cleared  of  stones  before  it  could  be  Conditions 
plowed.     In  the  Far  North  the  farmer  se-  ^^'^pl^j^^^ 
lected   the  most   sheltered  places  in  which  ing 
to    plant    cereals    which    were    expected    to 
reach  maturity;  and  in  Iceland,  furthermore,  the  vicini- 
ties of  hot-springs  and  geysers  were  chosen  for  grain 
fields,  whenever  possible.     Each  field  was  divided  into 
a  number  of  strips  separated  by  furrows,  and  in  the 
best  agricultural  communities   these  were  given  three 
plowings,   one  in  the  autumn  and  two   in  the   spring. 
Seeding  time  ranged  from  the  last  of  April  to  the  last 
of  May,  according  to  the  location  and  the  severity  of  the 
weather  in  a  given  year;  rye,  however,  and  probably 
wheat  also,  was  occasionally  sovm  in  the  autumn."* 

The  agricultural  implements  were  simple  and  some- 
what crude,  but  they  satisfied  the  needs  of  the  time.  For 
the  preparation  of  the  soil,  the  husbandman  used  a  hoe 

2  Gudmundsson,  "Akerbau,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon;  Njdla,  292;  "Melr," 
in   Cleasby  and   Vigfusson's   Dictionary. 

3  Gudmundsson,    "Akerbau,"    in    Hoops,    Reallexikon. 

4  Ibid. 


166 


SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 


or  spade,  with  blade  of  hard  wood  or  iron,  or  a  plow,  of 

which  in  the  saga  time  there  were  two  kinds 

Agricul-  [j^  ijgg      rjr^Q  niore  primitive  was  called  an 

*"ents  "^^  ^'  (^^^^>  ^i^d  ^^^y  b^  ^^^^^  represented  upon 
the  ancient  rock-carvings.  The  implement, 
like  the  name,  was  Scandinavian  in  origin,  and  was  some- 
what of  the  nature  of  the  modern  grubbing  plow ;  but  the 
share,  or  cutting  edge,  was  as  a  rule  of  wood,  though 


Fig.  21.     Two  Types  of  Sickles,  and  a  Plow  Iron. 
Norges  Oldtid.) 


(From  Gustaf son's 


at  times  shod  with  iron  (Fig.  21).  In  some  cases  the 
arSr  was  probably  provided  with  wheels,  and  it  was 
drawn  by  two  animals,  generally  oxen,  for  the  latter, 
much  more  than  horses,  were  employed  in  agriculture. 
The  other  plow,  known  as  plogr,  was,  as  the  name  indi- 
cates, of  foreign  origin  or  influence,  and  probably  did 
not  come  into  use  in  Scandinavia  until  after  the  opening 
of  the  viking  period.     Just  what  was  its  nature  is  not 


AGRICULTURE  AND  THE  ROUTINE  OF  FARM  LIFE        167 

clear,  but  it  was  distinct  from  the  earlier  plow  and  was 
doubtless  an  improvement  upon  it.  Its  shape  was  prob- 
ably not  unlike  that  of  the  single  plows  used  at  the  pres- 
ent day.^  The  seed  was  scattered  by  hand  from  a  bas- 
ket carried  upon  the  arm,  or  by  means  of  a  small  hand 
seeder,  built  upon  the  sieve  principle;  and  it  was  cov- 
ered by  dragging  a  brushy  tree  or  tree  branch  over  the 
field,  or  by  the  use  of  a  simple  rake  or  harrow  of  wood. 

The  grain  and  hay  crops  were  cut  with  a  short,  curved 
sickle,  similar  to  those  now  seen  in  Scandinavian  harvest 
fields  of  the  remoter  parts  (Fig.  21) ;  and  they  were  gath- 
ered into  heaps  with  rakes  and  pitchforks,  sometimes 
of  iron,  but  more  frequently  of  wood. 

There  was  very  little  science  in  the  agriculture  of  the 
time ;  but  it  seems  likely  that  by  casual  observation  and 
experimentation  the  Scandinavians  had  learned  some- 
thing of  the  advantage  to  be  gained  from  the  rotation 
of  crops,  and  from  permitting  lands  to  lie  fallow.  The 
only  fertilizer  used,  as  far  as  is  kno\vn,  was  manure  from 
the  stables.  Generally,  rain  and  snow  supplied  suffi- 
cient moisture  directly  to  the  soil,  but  occasionally 
droughts  came,  and  then,  wherever  possible,  the  farmers 
irrigated  their  fields  by  damming  the  streams.® 

Haying  time  and  harvest  ranged  from  early  in  July 
to  late  in  September.  The  crop  in  the  infield  or  home- 
field  near  the  house,  which  was  usually  ear- 

„  ,  i       TP  ii       Harvesting 

liest  planted,  was  the  first  to  be  cut.     It  the 

meadows  and  grain  fields  lay  at  some  distance  from  the 
house,  to  save  time,  the  harvesters  set  up  a  temporary 
establishment  near  the  scene  of  their  labors  and  camped 

6  Ibid.;  Bugge,  Worges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  240;  "Argr"  and  "P16gr," 
in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 

0  Uudniundsson,  "Akerbaii,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon ;  Originea  Islandicae, 
1,   107. 


168         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

out  in  tents.  Most  of  the  planting  was  done  by  the  men, 
but  so  much  depended  upon  getting  the  crops  cut,  dried, 
and  under  shelter  while  the  weather  was  good  that  gen- 
erally the  whole  family  turned  out  to  work  in  the  har- 
vest fields ;  when  circumstances  demanded  it,  even  wives 
and  daughters  from  rich  homes  lent  their  aid.  The  men 
cut  the  grain,  and  women  and  children  bound  it  into 
sheaves,  raked  and  spread  the  hay,  and  helped  with  the 
pitching.  As  clear  summer  weather  is  very  uncertain  in 
Scandinavia,  every  effort  was  made  to  get  the  hay  dry 
as  soon  as  possible.  If  it  lay  upon  the  ground  it  was 
turned  once  or  twice  a  day;  but  it  seems  probable  that, 
as  at  the  present  time  in  the  Northland,  it  was  frequently 
placed  upon  racks  or  trays,  or  over  clothes-line-like  ar- 
rangements, or  bound  into  sheaves  and  then  spitted  upon 
sharp  sticks  stuck  in  the  ground,  in  order  that  the  air 
might  circulate  through  it  more  freely,  and  the  drying 
process  be  thus  hastened." 

When  dry,  the  hay  was  piled  upon  high  ground,  after 
which  it  was  placed  under  shelter  as  soon  as  possible.  If 
the  fields  were  not  far  from  home,  the  hay  and  grain 
were  hauled  there  upon  wagons  or  sleds  generally  drawn 
by  oxen ;  but  if  they  were  at  some  distance,  particularly 
in  Iceland,  it  was  tied  upon  the  backs  of  horses,  and  thus 
transported.  The  grain  was  stored  away  in  the  barns 
until  winter  brought  more  leisure,  when  it  was  threshed 
with  flails  upon  a  special  floor,  sometimes  by  the  aid  of 
artificial  light.  After  being  freed  from  the  chaff,  the 
seed  was  deposited  in  bins  or  sacks  in  the  granary. 
There  were  usually  barns  for  the  hay  also,  but  when  these 
were  filled  the  surplus  was  stacked  in  a  special  yard  sur- 

''  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  38;  Schonfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bauernhof,  121; 
Henderson,  Iceland,  I,  364. 


AGRICULTURE  AND  THE  ROUTINE  OF  FARM  LIFE        169 

rounded  by  high  walls,  and  the  tops  covered  with  boards, 
turf,  or  skins.* 

Shortage  of  hay  through  drought  or  from  its  being 
spoilt  by  rains  after  being  cut  was  a  very  real  calamity. 
If  such  a  scarcity  appeared  and  fodder  could  not  be  se- 
cured for  money,  it  was  necessary  to  kill  some  of  the 
livestock,  in  order  that  there  be  sufficient  feed  for  the 
remainder.  This  last  resort  sometimes  threatened  the 
food-supply  of  the  people  themselves  as  well  as  reduced 
their  incomes.  Therefore,  every  effort  was  made  to 
keep  the  animals  alive,  if  possible;  and,  in  consequence, 
they  were  taught  to  eat  quite  unusual  foods.  Dried  fish 
was  upon  occasions  the  fare  of  both  horses  and  cattle 
in  Iceland,  and  cattle  ate  even  fish-bones  after  they  had 
been  cooked  soft,  and  drank  the  water  in  which  fish  had 
been  boiled." 

Horticulture  was  much  less  advanced  than  grain-grow- 
ing.    Yet   a   beginning  had   been   made.     Close   to   the 
dwelling  house  of  the  Northman  stood  his  or- 
chard   and    his    vegetable    garden,    which,   ^^^^ 
though  they  contained  but  little  variety,  were 
of  so  much  value  to  their  o^^^lers  as  to  be  subjects  of 
protective  legislation.^"     The  common  vegetables  of  the 
North — perhaps    the    only   ones — were    cabbage,   beans, 
peas,  turnips,  leeks,  and  angelica,  and  the  Far  North 
probably  did  not  have  all  of  these.^^     Obviously,  the 
quality  must  have  been  in  most  cases  inferior  to  that  of 
the  same  vegetables  at  the  present  time. 

»Origines  Islandicae,  I,  65;  II,  110,  117;  Saga  lAhrarn,  II,  76;  IV,  35; 
Schonfcld,  E.  Dapobert,  Das  Pferd  im  Dicnste  des  IsIUndrrs  zur  Sagazeit, 
28;    Montelius.   Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen   Times,    175. 

0  Horreboic,  Xatural  History  of  Iceland,  52;  Nansen,  In  Xorthem 
Mists,  I,  276. 

10  Vorj/es  Gamie  Love,   I.  253;    Valdcmar  den  Andem  Jtidslce   Lov,   274. 

11  Ibid.;   Gudmundsson,   Valtyr,   "Gartenbau,"   in   Hoops,   Keallexikon. 


170         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

As  was  stated  in  the  last  chapter,  the  apple  was  the 
only  widely  distributed  domestic  fruit,  but  plums  were 
probably  grown  to  some  extent.  However,  such  culti- 
vated fruits  as  existed  in  the  North  were  doubtless  very 
mediocre,  for  we  have  no  evidence  that  the  growers  had 
as  yet  learned  to  improve  size  and  quality  by  means  of 
careful  selection  of  seeds  or  by  grafting.  Though  there 
appear  not  to  have  been  any  domestic  berries,  it  is  rea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  occasionally  wild  berry  plants 
were  included  in  the  gardens  of  people  living  at  a  dis- 
tance from  where  they  were  found  in  their  native  state. ^^ 

Also  near  the  house,  and  perhaps  within  the  protection 

of  the  orchard  wall,  stood  the  hives  where  the  bees  in 

the  summer  time  stored  awav  the  precious 

Bee 

_.    '  honey,  which  was  the  substitute  for  sugar  as 

well  as  sirup.  Bees  were  raised  in  southern 
Norway,  Denmark,  and  Sweden,  but  more  was  made  of 
the  industry  in  the  last-named  country,  for  the  province 
of  Vermland  was  early  famous  for  its  bee  culture.  Ice- 
land was  forced  to  import  her  honey,  as  did  Norway  to 
some  degree. ^^ 

The  superior  importance  of  animal  husbandry  in  Scan- 
dinavian agriculture  has  been  mentioned.     All  of  the 
common  domestic  animals  were  bred  there, 
nimal  -^^^  -^^  some  parts  certain  kinds  were  of  more 

Husbandry:  i  .  i 

Live  Stock  consequence  than  m  other  sections.  In  the 
northern  part  of  the  Scandinavian  peninsula 
the  people  of  Norse  blood,  as  well  as  their  Lapp,  or  Finn, 
neighbors,  raised  large  herds  of  reindeer;  in  southern 
Sweden  and  Denmark  a  value  was  attached  to  swine  which 
was  not  recognized  in  other  sections;  while  the  ancient 
saying  in  Iceland,  ''a  sheepless  household  starves,"  in- 

12  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  253. 

13  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  89. 


AGRICULTURE  AND  THE  ROUTINE  OF  FARM  LIFE        171 

dicates  the  importance  attached  to  the  sheep  in  that  place, 
where  some  farmers  owned  thousands  of  head.  In  Nor- 
way sheep  were  also  highly  regarded,  but  perhaps  cattle 
were  the  chief  domestic  animals  in  that  country.  And 
throughout  the  North,  as  a  whole,  cattle  and  sheep  were 
bred  in  the  largest  numbers  and  had  more  significance, 
commercially,  than  any  of  the  other  kinds  of  livestock. 
Goats  were  less  numerous  than  sheep,  but  were  also  less 
expensive,  because  of  the  inferiority  of  their  fleece. 
They  gave  more  milk  than  sheep,  however,  and  were 
consequently  a  great  boon  to  those  in  humble  circum- 
stances; he  who  could  not  afford  even  a  goat  was  poor 
indeed.  Horses  were  especially  beloved,  but  were  not 
thought  of  in  terms  of  wealth  to  such  a  degree  as  some 
of  the  other  animals ;  neither  were  they  so  indispensable, 
and  it  is  probable  that  the  possession  of  them  was  largely 
restricted  to  the  well-to-do. 

All  of  the  domestic  animals,  with  the  exception  of  the 
horse,  appear  to  have  been  of  rather  ordinary  breeds, 
similar  or  inferior  to  the  livestock  found  in  the  more 
backward  districts  of  the  Scandinavian  lands  in  modern 
times.  Some  of  the  horses,  however,  were  much  larger 
and  finer  than  the  common  ponies  now  used  in  Iceland 
and  Norway.  This  was  perhaps  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  Northmen  took  special  pride  in  fine-appearing  horses, 
and  were  also  fond  of  horse-racing  and  horse-fighting; 
and  hence,  the  animals  were  bred  for  points.  Southern 
Sweden,  in  particular,  was  famous  for  the  quality  of  its 
horses.^^ 

Domestic  fowls  of  the  usual  sorts  were  found  in  the 
North  also,  perhaps  the  most  important  being  geese, 
of  which  some  farmers  had  large  flocks,  cared  for  by 
herders,  usually  children. 

li  Ibid.,   47;    Xansen,   In   Xorthem   Mists,  I,   276. 


172         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

The  proportional  distribution  of  the  livestock  was 
largely  determined  by  the  question  of  feed.  The  rein- 
deer could  largely  shift  for  themselves,  and  subsisted 
upon  the  moss  and  the  meager  grass  supply  of  the  Arctic 
belt ;  but  the  other  animals  required  that  more  provision 
be  made  for  them.  However,  at  times,  even  in  Iceland 
they  were  permitted  to  forage  out  of  doors  in  the  winter 
during  the  day,  thus  supplementing  the  store  of  fodder 
in  the  barns.  This  was  especially  true  of  the  sheep, 
which  in  some  years  could  almost  support  themselves 
upon  the  grass  obtained  by  pawing  aside  the  snow;  but 
the  ancient  records  also  mention  lost  cows  and  pigs  that 
lived  out  in  the  open  for  many  years  and  throve  and 
multiplied. ^-^  Yet  even  when  the  snow  was  not  too  deep 
utterly  to  shut  the  wild  grass  away  from  the  animals, 
the  supply,  in  winter,  was  always  quite  inadequate  for 
the  needs  of  a  community.  Hence  the  importance  of  fill- 
ing the  barns  with  fodder  against  this  time  of  need. 

But  in  the  summer  it  was  quite  different,  for  then  the 
horses  and  cattle  were  turned  out  to  graze  in  the  com- 
mon or  private  pastures,  or  the  stubble-fields;  and  the 
swine  were  permitted  to  roam  in  the  forests  in  search 
of  grasses  and  roots,  and  the  more  prized  acorns  and 
beech  nuts.  Sometimes  a  herder — usually  a  slave — with 
the  aid  of  a  dog,  watched  over  the  animals  as  they  grazed 
in  the  community  pasture,  but  often  they  were  left  to 
themselves  during  the  entire  summer. 

As  soon  as  the  grass  was  high  enough  in  the  moun- 
tains, the  cows,  sheep,  and  goats — less  often 
TheMoun-  horses  and  swine — were  taken  up  there  to 
tures  ^  '  graze  upon  the  community  land.  Generally 
they  could  not  go  before  July;  but  if  hay  had 
been  made  from  some  of  the  grass  the  preceding  sum- 

15  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  30,  92,   129,  149. 


AGRICULTURE  AND  THE  ROUTINE  OF  FARM  LIFE        173 

mer  and  stored  away  in  the  mountain  barns,  the  transfer 
took  place  as  soon  as  the  snow  was  melted.  As  a  rule, 
only  a  part  of  the  household  moved  to  the  summer  camp, 
most  often  some  of  the  servants  under  the  supervision 
of  a  member  of  the  family;  but  sometimes  the  whole 
family  moved  up,  for  the  sake  of  the  change  of  environ- 
ment and  climate  as  well  as  for  the  purpose  of  aiding 
with  the  work.^*' 

Part  of  the  livestock  were  permitted  to  roam  freely 
in  the  mountain  pastures  the  whole  summer,  but  those 
which  gave  milk  were  supervised  by  herders  and  were 
brought  into  the  inclosures  at  the  sel,  or  mountain  camp, 
every  night  to  be  milked  by  the  w^omen.  The  women 
also  busied  themselves  with  making  and  caring  for  the 
butter  and  cheese,  while  the  men  appear  to  have  done 
most  of  the  herding,  and  mended  the  farm  buildings,  and 
made  hay. 

In  September  when  the  harvest  was  over  and  winter 
approached,  the  herdsmen  gathered  all  of  the  animals 
from  the  mountain  pastures  into  a  common  inclosure, 
and  afterwards  separated  them  into  private  herds  with 
the  aid  of  the  identification  marks  upon  them ;  the  women 
stowed  away  in  baskets  and  skin  bags  the  butter  and 
cheese,  curds  and  whey,  which  had  been  made  from  the 
summer  milk ;  these  supplies  were  then  loaded  upon  pack- 
animals  ;  the  sel  was  closed  for  the  winter,  and  the  whole 
household  returned  to  the  more  pretentious  and  comfort- 
able homes  in  the  lowlands. ^^ 

The  removal  of  the  much-prized  wool  from  the  sheep 
was  an  important  part  of  the  summer's  work,  and  prob- 
ably always  took  place  before  the  flocks  were  removed 

18  Schonfeld,  Das  Pferd,  26. 

17  Schonfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bauernhof,  8-10,  181-183,  205-206;  Saga 
Library,  III,  267. 


174         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

to  the  mountains.     Judging  from  the  methods  still  in 

use  in  Iceland  in  the  eighteenth  century,  the 
Piuckin  fleece  was  not  clipped  off,  but  was  plucked 

out  by  the  handful,  as  soon  as  the  animals 
began  to  shed  their  coats — a  laborious  method  which 
gave  much  discomfort  to  the  sheep. ^^ 

Many  regulations  concerning  domestic  animals  are  to 
be  found  in  the  ancient  law  codes,  and  these  show  strong 

common  sense  and  a  strict  regard  for  justice. 
Legisla-  The  owners  were  generally  responsible  for 

tion  Con-  damage  done  by  their  animals  to  persons 
mestic^Ani*-'  ^^^  property;  but  if  the  injury  was  caused 
mals  through  some  other  person 's  failing  to  fasten 

the  gate  to  the  inclosure  where  the  animals 
were,  that  person  must,  according  to  the  Norwegian  law, 
pay  the  damages.  Livestock  w^ere  apparently  marked  all 
over  Scandinavia,  but  special  emphasis  w^as  placed  upon 
identification  marks  in  Iceland,  perhaps  because  of  the 
importance  of  the  mountain  pastures  held  and  used  in 
common.  The  oldest  laws  of  the  land  made  any  person 
who  had  not  marked  his  j^oung  cattle  and  sheep  by  the 
close  of  eight  weeks  of  summer  liable  to  the  payment  of 
a  heavy  fine.  These  animals  must  be  marked  on  the  ear, 
as  must  pigs ;  and  geese  and  ducks  had  the  identification 
marks  of  the  owner  cut  upon  the  webs  of  the  f  eet.^^ 

It  was  the  dut}^  of  persons  to  whose  farms  stray  live- 
stock came  to  make  every  effort  to  find  the  owner.  This 
was  generally  done  by  means  of  an  announcement  at  the 
meeting  of  the  thing  or  at  the  temple  or  church,  and 
sometimes  the  law  required  that  the  finder  take  the  ani- 
mal to  these  gatherings  in  order  that  the  owner  might 

18  Olassen  and  Povelsen,  Reise  durch  Island,  I,  107;  Henderson,  Iceland, 
II,   157. 

19  Ordgds,  IV,  153-159,  186-187. 


AGRICULTURE  AND  THE  ROUTINE  OF  FARM  LIFE        175 

claim  it.  The  code  of  the  Island  of  Gotland  was  unusu- 
ally specific.  Small,  unmarked  animals  must  be  taken 
to  the  church  and  thing  meeting,  and  if  the  0A\Tier  was 
found  he  must  pay  the  costs;  larger  animals  need  not 
be  taken  to  the  church,  but  must  be  taken  to  two  local 
political  assemblies  and  one  general  one,  and  the  person 
who  brought  it  should  receive  pay  from  the  owner,  if 
found;  if  not  found,  the  people  of  the  parish  assessed 
the  value  of  the  animals,  sold  them,  paid  the  finder  for 
his  trouble,  and  divided  the  remainder  of  the  money 
among  themselves.^*^ 

The  Gotland  law  also  provided  that  purchasers  be 
given  a  period  of  a  few  days  in  which  to  test  the  qualities 
of  domestic  animals  which  they  bought,  at  the  expiration 
of  which  time  they  must  pay  for  or  return  them.^^ 

There  were  many  other  occupations  pursued  upon  the 
medieval  Scandinavian  farm  than  those  thought  of  as 
specifically  agricultural.     But  because  of  the 
climate  these  were  seasonal — summer  work   ?*^®^ 

_,-        -  ,  Summer 

and  wmter  work.  The  former  was  such  as  work 
must  be  done  out  of  doors ;  the  latter  included 
virtually  all  other  work.  Because  of  the  great  length 
of  the  days,  as  well  as  the  advantage  of  working  in  the 
daylight,  servants  in  Iceland,  though  hired  for  the  year, 
were  given  twice  as  much  pay  for  the  six  summer  months 
as  they  were  for  the  winter  months. ^^  And  it  is  prob- 
able that  the  other  countries  recognized  the  industrial 
advantages  of  summer  time  after  a  similar  fashion. 

The  out-door  tasks  included  washing  the  clothes ;  pre- 
paring and  bringing  home  the  year's  supply  of  fuel;  aug- 

20  Giita-Lagh,  78-81. 

21  Ibid.,  67-70. 

22  Schonfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bauemhof,  78. 


176          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

meriting  the  stores  of  food  obtained  from  field  and  dairy 
by  hunting  and  fishing  and  gathering  edible  wild  plants ; 
making  and  mending  fences  and  roads;  erecting  new 
buildings;  and  repairing  the  ravages  caused  by  the 
storms  of  winter  upon  the  old  ones. 

Though  some  clothes-washing  may  have  taken  place  in 
the  middle  of  the  winter,  in  preparation  for  the  Yule  fes- 
tivities, the  chief  laundering  time  was  the 
Laundry  summer,  as  is  still  true  in  the  remoter  parts 

Wf  ork 

of  Scandinavia.  With  the  coming  of  bright, 
dry  weather  and  the  disappearance  of  the  ice,  the  soiled 
clothes  which  had  been  stored  away  until  now,  were  taken 
out  by  the  women  and  carried  to  the  margins  of  streams 
and  lakes,  where  they  scrubbed  them  clean  aided  by  soap 
and  ash-lye. 

After  being  dried  by  spreading  upon  the  grass  or  racks 
erected  for  the  purpose,  or  upon  lines  in  a  drying  shed, 
the  garments  and  household  linen  were  smoothed  with 
implements  of  glass,  wood,  or  whalebone,  which,  evidently 
in  a  very  inadequate  manner,  did  the  work  of  the  modem 
flat  iron.^^ 

In  the  heavily-forested  parts  of  continental  Scandi- 
navia it  was  a  comparatively  easy  matter  to  secure  the 

year's  supply  of  fuel,  for  practically  every- 
Securing  body  owned  forest  land  or  a  share  in  a  forest, 
and  Pre-  g^^  jj^  scantily-wooded  regions,  like  Iceland 
p^gl  and    the    northern    parts    of    Norway    and 

Supply  Sweden,  to  secure  the  means  whereby  the 

food  might  be  cooked  and  the  dwelling  rooms 
kept  warm  was  often  a  difficult  task.  In  these  parts, 
such  shrubs  and  trees  as  were  too  small  for  building 
purposes,  or  were  not  desired  for  use  in  building,  were 
cut  for  fire-wood  direct,  or  converted  into  charcoal;  and 

?3Gustafson,  Norges  Oldtid,  107,  112;  Rygh,  Norske  Oldsager,  23-24. 


AGRICULTURE  AND  THE  ROUTINE  OF  FARM  LIFE        177 


in  places  where  no  wood  could  be  obtained,  various  sub- 
stitutes were  employed.  The  most  common  of  these  were 
turf  or  peat,  obtained  from  the  bogs  in  the  low  lands. 
The  former  was  cut  into  short  strips,  dried,  and  carried 
home,  in  Iceland,  in  baskets  placed  on  either  side  of  a 
pack-horse.  Where  both  forest  and  bog  were  lacking, 
the  people  were  forced  to  resort  to  the  use  of  dried  sea- 
weed and  other  unsatisfactory  materials. ^^ 

The  special  winter  occupations  included  spinning  and 
weaving  and  making  clothes,  threshing  grain,  tanning 
hides,  making  ropes  from  hemp  or  skin,  carv- 
ing wood,  and  working  in  metals.     Many  of 
these  tasks  were  probably  done  by  artificial  ^vinter 
light,  but  some  of  them  could  be  worked  at  Work 
by  the  mere  glow  from  the  fire. 


Fig.  22.     Anvil,  Casting  Ladle,  Hammers  and  Axes.      (From  Steenstrup's 
Danniarks  Historie.) 

The  different  varieties  of  indoor  work  mentioned  in 
the  preceding  paragraph  which  deserve  fur- 
ther consideration  are  given  more  detailed  j^g^^jg 
treatment     under     other    headings,     except 
metal-smithing,  which  w^ill  be  taken  up  here.     A  large 

2*  Olassen   and   Povelsen,   Reise  durch  Island,  I,  233. 


178         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

portion  of  the  metal  articles  used  in  the  North  were  home- 
made, and  showed  a  considerable  degree  of  skill.  Some 
of  these  were  wrought  from  native  red  iron  ore,  or  haema- 
tite, but  most  of  the  metal  used  by  native  workers  came 
from  abroad,  raw,  or  in  the  forai  of  objects  later  melted 
and  worked  over.^^  Upon  every  farm  of  fair  size  was  a 
special  smithy,  adequately  equipped  with  tongs,  files, 
chisels,  and  shears,  and  hammers  and  anvils  of  different 
sizes.  The  larger  anvils  were  shaped  from  stone,  and  the 
smaller,  from  iron.  The  bellows,  constructed  from  skin 
and  wood,  were  worked  with  two  handles,  like  the  small 
ones  now  used  for  blowing  open-grate  fires  in  dwelling 
houses  (Figs.  22-24) .-« 


Fig.  23.     Blacksmith's  Tongs,  Shears  and  other  Tools. 
Danmarks  Historie. ) 


(From  Steenstrup's 


Though  the  ancient  .^smiths  could  shape  iron  only  by 
forging  it,  they  cast  bronze  and  silver  and  other  soft 
metals  in  molds  of  clay,  stone,  and  iron,  but  the  labor 
required  for  shaping  the  molds  as  well  as  the  difficulty 
experienced  in  attempting  to  melt  the  metals,  probably 
discouraged  the  use  of  casting  to  any  large  extent,  for 
very  few  samples  of  cast  work  have  been  found. 


26  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  171. 
i^Ihid.,    168;    Egils    Saga,    93;    Rygh,    Norske    Oldsager,    fig. 
passim. 


388,   and 


CHAPTER  XI 

HUNTING,    FOWLING,    AND    FISHING 

I  launched  my  boat  in  Larg'o  Bay, 
And  fishes  caught  I  three; 
One  for  icad  and  one  for  hook, 
And  one  was  left  for  me. 

From  an  old  Scottish  ballad  showing  Scan- 
dinavian influence. 

A  THOUSAND  years  ago  the  Scandinavian  Avaters  teemed 
with  fish  to  an  even  greater  degree  than  at  present,  and 
an  abundance  of  game  was  found  in  virtually 
every  part  of  the  land.     Hence,  many  North-  impor- 
men  eked  out  their  larders  and  added  to  their  Jf""  °  . 

Wild  Ani- 

wealth  by  taking  toll  from  the  wild  life  about  mal  Life 
them.  And  the  humbler  people  in  the  more 
out-of-the-way  parts  lived,  in  many  instances,  entirely 
upon  hunting;  the  wild  land-  and  water-animals  sup- 
plied not  only  food  and  the  means  with  which  to  secure 
other  necessaries,  but  largely  clothing,  as  w^ell.  The 
Skridfinns,  or  Lapps,  were  probably  the  greatest  nimrods 
of  all.  They  pursued  the  chase  not  only  for  the  sake  of 
securing  a  livelihood  and  commercial  gain,  but  also  in 
order  to  pay  the  tribute  of  skins  and  furs  exacted  from 
them  by  the  Northern  chieftains  of  Germanic  blood  who 
lived  upon  their  frontiers.  These  nomadic  hunters  ap- 
pear to  have  especially  excelled  in  catching  sea  mammals, 
and  to  have  given  some  of  their  skill  to  their  blonde 
neighbors.^ 

1  Nansen,  In  Northern  Mists,  I,  224-225. 

179 


180         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Among  the  more  prosperous,  hunting  was  primarily 
a  summer  occupation,  and  the  special  hunter  whom  many- 
people  employed  was,  in  winter,  given  some 
un  mg  indoor  work.     But  those  to  whom  it  was  a 

means  of  livelihood  hunted  all  the  year  round,  pursuing 
their  quarry  by  following,  upon  skees,  their  tracks  in  the 
snow,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  tameness  to  which 
hunger,  caused  by  the  heavj'-  sheet  of  snow  and  ice,  re- 
duced the  game. 

The  animals  usually  sought  were  common  deer,  rein- 
deer, elks,  wild  hogs,  wolves,  martens,  otters,  sables, 
lynxes,  wild  cats,  squirrels,  hares,  brown  bears,  polar 
bears,  and  various  kinds  of  foxes.  Most  of  these  ani- 
mals were  found  in  continental  Scandinavia,  while  only  a 
few  were  native  to  Iceland.  The  white  bear,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  limited  to  Greenland  and  Iceland.  But  it  was 
only  a  temporary  visitor  to  the  latter  place,  to  which  it 
came  as  a  passenger  in  the  winter  and  springtime  upon 
floating  Greenland  ice.  And  such  visits  caused  consid- 
erable uneasiness  in  the  minds  of  the  Iceland  farmers, 
for  if  the  animals  once  landed  they  were  likely  to  work 
havoc  in  the  sheep-folds.  Consequently,  the  people  liv- 
ing along  the  north  and  west  coasts  kept  a  sharp  look- 
out when  the  icebergs  began  to  arrive,  and  if  a  bear  was 
kno\\ai  to  have  come  with  them,  a  hunt  was  immediately 
begun.- 

The  customary  hunting  weapons  were  the  bow — gen- 
erally made  from  the  w^ood  of  the  yew  tree — and  arrow, 
the  club,  and  the  spear;  the  last  being  employed  only 
for  large  game.  The  hunter  was,  in  addition,  always 
equipped  with  a  short,  sharp  hunting  knife,  which  he 
used  for  attacking  at  short  range,  especially  in  self-de- 

2  Olassen  and  Povelsen,  Reise  durch  Island,  I,  276;  Henderson,  Iceland, 
I,  355-356. 


HUNTING,  FOWLING,  AND  FISHING  181 

fense,  and  also  for  skinning  and  cutting  up  the  animals 
when  killed.  The  trained  hunting  dog  was  the  invaluable 
companion  of  the  Scandinavian  hunter;  he  scared  the 
game  out  of  its  hiding  place,  helped  his  master  by  chas- 
ing and  worrying  it,  and  brought  the  smaller  animals 
to  him  after  they  had  been  shot.  There  was  probably 
more  than  one  kind  of  dog  used  for  such  purposes.  In 
Dahlsland,  Sweden,  the  hunting  dog  was  especially  large 
and  powerful.  It  had  long  gray  hair,  with  dark  mark- 
ings, and  was  probably  related  to  the  Saint  Bernard. 
This  animal  was  also  highly  prized  in  Norway,  where 
it  had  been  introduced  from  Sweden;  while  in  Denmark, 
the  ancestors  of  the  breed  now  known  as  Danish  were 
probably  the  favorite  hunters.^ 

Animals  were  brought  down  not  only  by  means  of  the 
chase,  but  by  use  of  traps  of  various  sorts,  as  well ;  and 
the  latter  method,  as  the  simpler  and  easier  _ 

1  rapping 

of  the  two,  was  perhaps  the  more  common. 
Elks  were  caught  in  pits  dug  for  the  purpose;  smaller 
and  less  clumsy  game,  such  as  wolves  and  deer,  were 
often  lured  by  the  use  of  bait  into  high  inclosures  built 
of  strong  palings,  after  which  the  gate  was  closed  and 
the  animal  slaughtered.  The  Northmen  constructed 
spring  traps  of  one  sort  or  another,  especially  for  the  fox 
and  other  small  game;  and  fashioned  nets  and  spread 
them  on  the  forest  trails  frequented  by  the  prey.^ 

In  the  legislation  of  the  early  Christian  period  there 
were  laws  for  the  regulation  of  hunting,  many 
of  which  doubtless  originated  far  back  in  the   l  "^g^"^ 
pagan  time.     It  was  dangerous  to  walk  un- 
guardedly in  the  forests,  lest  one  fall  victim  to  the  de- 

3  Weinhold,    Altnordisches    Lehen,    54-56;     Miiller,    Vor    Oldtid,    G56; 
Schonfeld,  Der  isUindische  Bauernhof,  271. 

4  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Lehen,   65. 


182         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

vices  laid  for  the  capture  of  wild  prey;  but  the  likeli- 
hood of  injury  was  reduced  to  some  extent  by  the  fact 
that  in  many  places  those  laying  traps  or  snares  in  a 
careless  manner  were  held  responsible  by  the  law  for 
damages  done.  Other  laws  determined  the  o^\^lership  of 
dead  game.  In  some  sections,  the  animals  belonged  to 
the  persons  killing  or  capturing  them,  regardless  of  who 
owned  the  soil;  in  others,  persons  were  entitled  only  to 
game  taken  upon  their  own  land,  or  upon  the  territory 
of  another,  if  the  pursuit  of  it  was  started  upon  one's 
own  land  and  continued  upon  the  property  of  another 
with  the  latter 's  permission. 

Hunting  in  the  community  forests  was  free  to  the  whole 
population,  except  for  the  restrictions  imposed  by  the 
legislation  for  the  protection  of  the  game,  which  seem 
to  have  been  in  force  pretty  well  throughout  the  North, 
though  the  most  numerous  instances  are  found  in  the 
Swedish  law  codes.  In  most  of  the  provinces  of  this 
land  the  squirrel  and  hare,  both  of  which  were  useful 
for  flesh  and  fur,  had  several  months  of  grace  each  year. 
These  generally  came  in  the  spring  and  summer,  though 
the  time  varied  somewhat  in  different  parts.  Punish- 
ment for  the  violation  of  the  protective  laws  was  as  a  rule 
in  the  form  of  fines,  sometimes  as  high  as  three  marks 
— or  twenty-four  ounces  of  silver.^ 

The  laws  of  Sweden  were,  however,  just  as  insistent 
that  all  make  war  upon  the  wolf,  man's  greatest  en- 
emy in  eastern  Scandinavia.  Every  Westgothlander  pos- 
sessed of  forest  land  was  required  to  maintain  both  wolf 
snares  and  wolf  traps.  Others  must  at  least  own  a  wolf 
net,  which  the  law  demanded  be  shown  to  public  officers 
who  passed  through  the  province  four  times  per  year 

5  Ihid.,  66-67  ;  Guta-Lagh,  84-85. 


HUNTING,  FOWLING,  AND  FISHING  183 

for  the  purpose  of  inspecting  them.     East  Gotland  had 
similar  laws  regarding  the  possession  of  wolf  nets.® 

Animals  caught  in  traps  were  generalh^  killed  upon 
being  found;  the  skin,  if  of  value,  was  saved,  and  the 
flesh,    if    edible,    was    preserved    by    being 
frozen,  salted,  or  dried.     When  the  hunter  ^^^  ^"' 

'  '  mals  as 

had  a  goodly  supply  of  meat,  furs,  and  skins  pets 
on  hand,  he  piled  it  upon  a  sledge  or  loaded  it 
on  the  back  of  a  pack  horse  and  thus  took  it  out  to  the 
settlements  where  he  disposed  of  his  load  to  private  in- 
dividuals or  sold  it  at  the  markets  generally  held  along 
the  coasts.  But  sometimes  the  animals,  if  uninjured, 
were  permitted  to  live  in  captivity,  especially  if  they 
were  young ;  and  were  kept  as  pets,  or  were  sold  for  the 
same  purpose.  This  seems  to  have  been  particularly  the 
case  with  bears,  for  which  there  was  a  fad.  Polar  bears, 
for  instance,  were  regarded  as  a  worthy  gift  for  nobles 
or  kings,  for  they  were  not  known  in  Europe  until  the 
settlement  of  Iceland,  and,  hence,  were  quite  a  curiosity.^ 
But  brown  bears  from  the  forests  were  also  domesticated. 
The  tame  bears  were  known  in  Iceland  as  *' house  bears," 
and  were  so  common  there  that  the  law  took  cognizance 
of  them.  Bro^^^l  bears  were  not  native  to  the  island; 
but  some  were  imported  and  became  such  a  nuisance  that 
their  further  importation  was  absolutely  prohibited. 
Owners  of  white  or  forest  bears  already  in  the  island, 
like  the  owners  of  dogs,  were  liable  to  punishment  if 

8  Weinhold,   Altnordisches  Lehen,   6.5. 

7  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  128.  The  droll  and  charming  ancient  little 
story  of  AuStin  tells  how  AuSun,  the  happy-go-lucky  hero  of  the  tale, 
brought  a  polar  bear  from  Greenland,  and  after  one  or  two  disappoint- 
ments in  an  effort  to  bestow  it  as  a  gift  to  his  own  advantage,  finally 
found  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  king  of  Denmark  by  giving  it  to  him,  and 
was  enriched  to  such  a  degree  by  the  king  that  he  was  able  to  establish 
himself  in  Iceland  as  a  man  of  importance. 


184         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

their  pets  injured  the  persons  or  property  of  others.* 

It  seems  likely  also  that  the  wild  cat  or  marten  cat, 
was  often  made  a  pet,  for  some  of  the  passages  in  the 
ancient  sources  seem  to  apply  to  this  animal,  rather  than 
to  the  small  domestic  cat.  Indeed,  there  has  been  some 
question  as  to  whether  the  common  cat  had  been  domesti- 
cated in  the  North  as  early  as  the  Viking  Age,  though  it 
was  a  household  animal  by  the  twelfth  century,  even  in 
Iceland.'' 

Bird  life  was  very  abundant  in  Scandinavia.  Among 
the  land  birds  which  were  hunted  were  partridges,  wood- 
cocks, grouse,  capercailzies,  hawks,  falcons, 

^  ^  ^  and  eagles.     Sea-fowl  were  particularly  nu- 

merous, especially  along  the  coasts  of  Norway  and  Ice- 
land and  the  smaller  islands  to  the  south.  This  class 
of  game  included  tern,  swans,  geese,  and  ducks,  all  of 
them  were  sought  by  the  fowler,  particularly  the  eider 
duck,  which  was  found  upon  the  island  coasts  and  also 
along  western  Norway. 

Birds  of  the  forest  were  taken  by  means  of  nets  and 
snares,  and  bows  and  arrows,  as  were  the  water  fowl, 
but  the  fowlers  sometimes  climbed  up  the  rugged  cliffs, 
or  lowered  themselves  from  their  tops,  to  the  nests,  and 
seized  the  birds  with  their  hands.  And  the  feathered 
prey,  particularly  land  birds,  w^re  also  caught  with  the 
aid  of  hawks  and  falcons,  which  were  occasionally  used 
in  hunting  small  quadrupeds,  such  as  hares,  as  well. 
Hawking  was,  however,  rather  the  sport  of  the  rich  than 
the  serious  work  of  the  fowler,  who  could  better  and  more 
quickly  secure  his  prey  by  other  means. 

Birds  which  were  fit  for  food  were,  if  taken  in  large 
numbers,    preserved   by   pickling   like    other   meat,    or 

8  SchOnfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bavemhof,  278-286. 

9  "Kottr,"   in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 


HUNTING,  FOWLING,  AND  FISHING  185 

smoked  or  dried,  after  being  salted.  Then  they  were 
stored  away  for  the  fowler's  own  use  or  sold  for  local 
consumption.  In  Iceland,  and  the  small  islands  to  the 
south,  probably  more  than  in  other  parts  of  the  Scandi- 
navian North,  birds  were  used  for  food,  because  larger 
game  was  not  so  plentiful  here  as  upon  the  continent. 

Representatives  of  the  haAvk  family  were  especially 
valuable  commercially,  because  of  the  demand  for  them 
in  the  countries  to  the  south,  where  much  was 
made  of  the  sport  of  hawking.     Norway,  in  impor- 
particular,  was  famous  for  its  hawks  and  f al-   Hawks  and 
cons,  large  numbers  of  which  were  exported ;    Falcons 
but  some  of  the  birds  for  foreign  trade  also 
came  from  Sweden,  Iceland,  and  Greenland.     The  Nor- 
wegian king  had  the  monopoly  of  these  birds  within  his 
dominions,  and  might  hunt  for  them  in  all  forests,  regard- 
less of  private  OAvnership.     In  some  instances,  owners  of 
land  were  required  to  pay  him  tribute  in  hawks,  and  to 
offer  for  sale  to  him — over  and  above  the  tribute — any 
additional  ones  which  he  wished.     But  in  most  parts  of 
Scandinavia  the  hunting  of  all  birds  was  unrestricted, 
and  in  Iceland  where  considerable  attention  was  paid  to 
catching  the  sparrow  hawk,  the  fowlers  made  large  sums 
from  the  sale  of  these  birds  to  Danish  merchants.^*^ 

Many  of  the  sea  fowl  were  valuable  for  their  eggs  as 
well  as  for  their  flesh,  feathers  and  doA\m.  People  living 
along  the  coasts  often  had  definitelv  limited   „ 

jgorgg    of 

"egg-fields,"  in  the  ownership  and  protec-    sea-Fowl 
tion  of  which  they  were  defended  by  the  law. 
In  Iceland,  for  example,  it  was  illegal  to  fire  within  bow- 
shot of  the  bird-nesting  places  0A\nied  by  another.^ ^     The 
birds  nesting  in  these  egg-fields  w^ere  not  domesticated, 

loWeinhold,  Altnordisches  Lehen,  64-65. 
ii/6id.,  66-67. 


186  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

but  the  person  claiming  the  land  did  everything  possible 
to  make  conditions  favorable  for  the  birds,  in  order  to 
induce  them  to  come,  and  to  stay.  In  addition  to  the  eggs 
gathered  by  private  individuals  who  OAvned  the  fields  on 
which  they  were  laid,  great  quantities  were  taken  from 
the  nests  claimed  by  no  one,  along  the  steep  cliffs  and 
upon  the  rocky  bird  islands  off  the  coasts  of  the  larger 
islands.  Often  these  could  be  secured  only  by  hard 
climbing,  but  at  times  women  could  easily  gather  them 
from  boats  rowed  along  the  coasts  to  the  shelvy  places 
where  the  nests  had  been  built. 

In  view  of  the  importance  attached  to  the  possession 
of  egg-fields,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  the  Northmen — 
especially  those  living  on  the  islands — not  only  knew  how 
to  keep  eggs  for  a  long  time  by  pickling  after  they  were 
cooked,  but  that  they  also  were  familiar  with  methods 
of  presei^ing  them  raw  for  winter  use.  In  the  eight- 
eenth century  the  Icelanders  packed  away  eggs,  which 
had  been  found,  by  testing,  to  be  fresh,  in  layers  of  cer- 
tain kinds  of  ashes,  and  thus  kept  them  for  several 
months ;  ^-  and  it  is  probable  that  the  same  procedure 
was  followed  many  centuries  before  this  time. 

Sea  mammals  also  made  a  valuable  contribution  to 

the  comfort  and  prosperity  of  the  ancient  Scandinavians. 

Common    seals    were    numerous    along    the 

Sea 

Mammals  northern  coasts,  as  were  also  dolphins  and 
walruses.  These  animals  were  at  times  se- 
cured by  being  clubbed  to  death  in  the  rookeries,  or 
caught  in  nets  in  the  creeks  and  inlets  along  the  shore, 
but  perhaps  more  often  they  were  hunted  in  boats  with 
the  harpoon.^ ^     Whales,  too,  were  hunted  thus,  but  much 

12  Olassen   and   Povelsen,   Reise  (lurch   Island,   I,   258. 

13  Orijrincs  Islandicae,  II,  2G7;  Horrebow,  Natural  History  of  Iceland, 
89. 


HUNTING,  FOWLING,  AND  FISHING  187 

more  frequently  the  Northmen  obtained  them  throup:h 
sick  or  dead  animals  being  washed  ashore.  These  drift 
whales  were  the  subject  of  specific  legislation,  which, 
however,  varied  in  different  countries.  In  Iceland  the 
carcass  went  to  the  owner  of  the  strand,  unless  it  was 
a  harpooned  whale,  in  which  case,  the  hunter  received 
half ;  "  but  sometimes  the  owner  divided  up  with  the  one 
who  found  the  drift  whale.  In  monarchies  like  Norway, 
Sweden,  and  Denmark,  the  kings  came  in  for  the  lion's 
share  of  stranded  whales,  if  they  were  large,  as  well  as 
of  all  flotsam.  But  the  finders  and  the  owners  of  the 
strand  also  were  given  a  small  portion.  Small  whales 
and  other  small  sea  mammals,  and  also  fish,  were  divided 
up  between  the  finder  and  the  man  to  w^hom  belonged 
the  strand  upon  which  they  were  washed.  ^^ 

Because  of  the  profit  to  be  gained  from  drift-whales, 
drift-wood,  and  flotsam,  it  often  happened  that  persons 
whose  homes  were  in  the  interior — especially  in  Iceland 
— o^^^led  rights  to  certain  strands,  while  having  no  claim 
to  the  grass  land  beyond  them. 

The  sea  animals  which  have  been  considered  seem 
not  to  have  been  much  used  for  food,  unless  the  need 
was  great,  as  in  Greenland,  but  all  were  most  valuable 
for  the  oil  which  they  yielded;  seals  were  highly  prized 
for  their  fur ;  the  skins  of  the  other  animals  were  used 
for  various  purposes;  the  ivory  of  the  walrus  was  in 
demand  for  making  small,  fine  articles,  like  combs,  dice, 
and  chessmen;  and  in  the  western  islands  the  bones  of 
the  whale  came  in  handy  for  building  purposes,  as  pre- 
viously mentioned. 

Fishing  was  the  most  important  industry  connected 

liGrdgds,  IV,   122-129. 

i5]Sforges  Oa7n1e  Love,  I,  59;  Gnta-Lagh,  87;  Valdemar  den  Andens 
Jydske  Lov,  276,  278;  Kong  Erics  Sjellandske  Lov,  308-314. 


188         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

vdth  wild  animal  life  in  the  Viking  Age.  At  that  time, 
though  the  population  was  much  smaller 
than  now,  most  varieties  of  fish  were  prob- 
ably more  abundant,  and  they  formed  an  exceedingly  im- 
portant article  of  foreign  commerce,  as  \vell  as  a  standard 
article  of  diet  at  home.  Hence,  the  yearly  catch  was 
very  considerable.  Salmon,  trout,  herring,  cod,  mack- 
erel, sturgeon,  perch,  and  pike  were  the  kinds  commonly 
sought  by  the  fishermen.  Salmon  and  trout  were  found 
in  most  of  the  rivers,  and  formed  the  staple  food  of  the 
poor  along  many  parts  of  the  coasts ;  herring  were  plenti- 
ful in  most  of  the  surrounding  waters,  and  were  very 
important  commercially;  cod  were  taken  in  large  num- 
bers around  the  vrestern  islands,  but  the  center  of  the  cod 
industry  was  the  Lofoten  Islands,  off  the  northwest  coast 
of  Norway,  on  which  w^as  Vaagen,  the  great  fishing  mar- 
ket, visited  annually  not  only  by  whole  fleets  of  boats 
belonging  to  the  population  of  northern  Norway,  but 
also  by  merchants  and  fishermen  from  much  greater  dis- 
tances.'^*^ 

Thousands  of  people  dwelling  along  the  coasts  made 
their  whole  livelihood  by  fishing,  and  in  some  parts  they 
were  thus  occupied  throughout  the  year.  But  the  far- 
mers living  near  the  seashore  generally  fished  onlj"  in  the 
summer  time,  and  then  merely  for  their  own  use.  Peo- 
ple whose  homes  were  in  the  interior  also  often  possessed 
fishing  stations  or  camps  along  the  coasts,  to  which  they 
came  in  the  summer. 

Sea-fishing  at  a  certain  distance  from  the  strand  was 
free  to  all,  but  in  most  countries  river-  and  lake-fishing 
were  perhaps  governed  by  law.     Persons  owning  the  land 

16  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  68;  Bugge,  Alexander,  "Die  Nor- 
deuropaischen  Verkehrswege  im  friihen  Mittelalter,"  in  Vierteljahrschrift 
fur  Social   und   Wirtschafts   Geschichte,   vol.   IV,   pt.    II,   p.   230. 


HUNTING,  FOWLING,  AND  FISHING  189 

bordering  upon  these  places  had  special  fishing  rights 
there. ^^ 

Boats  having  but  one  pair  of  oars  were  frequently 
employed  for  fresh-water  fishing,   and   also   along  the 
coasts.     For  the  former  use,  the  vessels  were  ^^^^ 
often  short  and  somewhat  blunt,  in  order  Fisher 
that  they  might  the  more  easily  be  propelled  man^s 
upon  winding  streams.     But  the  usual  fish-  ^quip- 
ing-boat  generally  held  two  or  three  men.     it 
was  also  propelled  by  oars ;  but  large  vessels  fitted  with 
sails  were  used  for  fishing  upon  a  more  extensive  scale 
or  at  a  greater  distance  from  home. 

The  Scandinavian  fishermen  wiiile  upon  the  water 
were  dressed  in  skin  clothes,  put  on  over  their  other  gar- 
ments. These  clothes  somewliat  resembled  those  worn 
by  the  modern  Eskimos  while  in  their  boats,  and  were 
made  in  two  pieces,  a  jacket,  and  trousers  with  which 
were  combined  socks.  The  skins  used  were  generally 
from  goats,  sheep,  or  seals,  and  were  made  completely 
water-proof,  as  well  as  soft  and  pliable,  by  being  well 
smeared  with  fish  oil.^^ 

For  gathering  his  harvest  of  the  sea,  the  fisherman 
used  a  simple  equipment,  including  nets  and  lines  of  yarn 
or  rawhide ;  hooks  of  metal  or  bone ;  sinkers  of  the  same 
materials,  or  of  stone ;  spears  and  harpoons ;  and  a  broad, 
heavy  knife  with  which  to  kill  the  fish  after  drawing  it 
in.  If  the  fishing  was  done  by  hook  and  line,  bait  in  the 
form  of  worms  or  small  fish  was  carried  along;  and  also 
baskets  in  which  to  carry  the  catch  home.  The  smaller 
fish  were  taken  by  hooks  or  nets,  but  large  ones,  like  sal- 
mon and  sturgeon,  were  generally  speared. 

Much  of  the  fishing  was  done  by  individuals,  working 

17  Origines  Islandicae,  I,   129,  203. 

18  Henderson,   Iceland,   I,   3G0. 


190         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

for  themselves,  but  the  better-to-do  farmers  often  em- 
ployed men  to  fish  for  them,  just  as  they  employed  hunts- 
men. Many  fishermen  of  means  also  hired  others  to 
work  on  their  boats  with  them;  and  still  other  groups 
of  men  fished  in  partnership,  dividing  the  catch  in  pro- 
portion to  the  interests  invested  in  the  enterprise,  the 
owner  or  owners  of  the  boat  receiving  considerably  more 
than  those  who  contributed  only  labor. 

The  fish  were  cured  by  being  pickled  or  salted,  and 
then  smoked  or  dried.  Some, — cod,  for  example, — were 
spread  upon  flat  rocks  along  the  coast  to  dry  in  the  sun, 
while  others  were  dried  in  the  shade,  in  open  sheds,  or 
''wind  houses,"  near  at  hand.  The  preserving  process 
being  completed,  the  fish  were  stored  away,  for  private 
consumption  in  the  winter,  or  until  the  fishing  season  had 
ended,  after  which  they  were  marketed. 

The  ancient  fishermen  of  the  North  had  an  interesting 
method  of  counting  their  catch,  in  determining  whether 
it  paid  them  for  their  exertions.  A  paying  catch,  for 
instance,  must  yield  one  fish  to  pay  for  the  boat,  one  for 
the  hook,  one  for  the  line,  and  one  for  the  angler  himself. 
This  quaint  method  of  reckoning  the  count  has  been  used 
in  modern  times  by  the  fishermen  in  some  parts  of  North- 
ern Britain,  where  Scandinavian  influence  lingered;  and 
the  same  idea  is  reflected  in  the  stanza  from  an  old  Scot- 
tish ballad  placed  at  the  head  of  this  chapter. 


CHAPTER  XII 

TRANSPORTATION:   INTERNAL.   TRAVEL;    SHIPS   AND 
NAUTICAL  SCIENCE 

He  who  trusts  in  his  wallet  is  glad  when  the  night  sets  in.  Short 
are  ship's  berths.  An  autumn  night  is  changeable.  The  weather  often 
changes  in  five  days,  but  oftener  in  a  month. 

Song  of  Saws. 

The  Viking  Age  in  Scandinavia  was  characterized  by 
a  great  amount  of  activitj^  not  only  externally, — dis- 
played by  commercial  journeys  and  warring 
expeditions  to  foreign  lands, — but  also  within  Unusual 
the  borders  of  the  different  countries  of  the  ^"^0""^  of 
Scandinavian    North.     Here,    all   who    were  ^j^^  viking 
freemen  moved  absolutely  without  any  of  the  Age 
various  restrictions  which  hampered  them  in 
the  later  Middle  Ages.     Most  of  the  traveling  was  done 
in  the  summer,  and  at  this  time  many  varieties  of  people 
were  seen  going  to  and  fro.     There  were  skalds  and  for- 
tune-tellers ;  vagabonds — women  as  well  as  men ;  ^   la- 
borers looking  for  work ;  law-makers  and  judges  on  their 
way  to  the  thing;  merchants  and  traders;  people  bound 
upon  special  business  errands ;  and  others  of  more  leisure, 
journeying  to  visit  relatives  and  friends.     The  unusual 
mobility  of  the  population  made  the  question  of  transpor- 
tation facilities  one  of  importance. 

Considerable  attention  was,  consequently,  paid  to  in- 
ternal improvements  along  this  line ;  and,  in  view  of  the 
earliness  of  the  period,  a  goodly  amount  of  progress 
was  evident  in  response  to  the  various  needs.     The  un- 

1  Njdla,   98,   99 ;    Origines  Islandicae,  II,   53. 

101 


192         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

even  surface  of  the  ground  in  Iceland,  and  the  extensive 
tracts  of  swamp  discouraged  road-building 
Roads,  here  on  any  large  scale ;  therefore,  the  routes 

ernes,  ^^   travel   were   largely  marked   by  bridle- 

Bridges  paths,   or  trails.     But   upon   the   continent, 

where  conditions  were  more  favorable,  the 
law  in  some  instances  required  that  wagon-roads  of  a 
certain  width  be  constructed  through  every  farm,  and 
that  they  be  so  built  as  to  be  equally  good  in  dry  and 
in  wet  weather.- 

Travelers  often  crossed  streams  in  winter  by  riding 
or  driving  over  the  thick  ice  covering  their  surfaces,  and 
in  summer,  by  fording  them,  at  special  places  kno^^^l  to 
be  safe;  but  even  in  Iceland  during  heathen  times  many 
bridges  and  ferries  were  in  existence.  Throughout  the 
North,  these  were  usually  owned  and  cared  for  by  private 
individuals.  At  the  ferries,  passengers  and  goods  were 
transported  over  the  water  in  simple  rowboats,  by  the 
owners  of  the  boats,  whose  homes  were  placed  near  where 
the  roadway  met  the  margin  of  the  water.  For  the 
services  rendered,  the  ferryman  charged  a  toll,  or 
fee. 

The  word  ** bridge"  (bru)  among  the  ancient  North- 
men had  two  meanings,  and  included  bridges  in  the  pres- 
ent day  sense,  and  also  causeways.  Perhaps  it  was  most 
frequently  employed  in  the  latter  sense,  for  during  the 
period  considered  the  areas  of  undrained  land  were  much 
greater  than  at  present,  and  in  many  cases  the  only  way 
in  which  transportation  across  them  could  be  made  pos- 
sible was  by  means  of  high,  artificial  roadways  made 
of  layers  of  stone  and  gravel,  edged  by  large  heavy  stones 
held  in  place  by  long  ones  standing  on  end,  or  by  a  sup- 

2  Norges   Gamle  Love,  I,   44. 


TRANSPORTATION  193 

port  of  wood.^  But  bridges  in  the  present  meaning  of 
the  term  were  also  built.  These  were  of  wood,  though  at 
times  upon  stone  foundations,  and  some  of  them  spanned 
deep,  wide  streams.*  No  charge  appears  to  have  been 
made  for  their  use,  but  the  law  protected  the  owners 
against  damage  done  to  them.^ 

The  coming  of  Christianity  gave  an  impetus  through- 
out the  North  to  road-making  and  the  building  of  cause- 
ways, bridges,  and  ferries;  for  wayfarers,  like  the  sick 
and  the  poor,  were  regarded  as  fit  objects  for  pity  and 


Fig.  24.     Engraving  from  Rune  Stone  from  a  Memorial  Bridge.      (From 
Steenstrup's  Danmarks  Ilistorie. ) 

assistance.  Hence,  pious  men  and  women  constructed 
free  public  aids  to  traveling  for  the  good  of  their  own 
souls,  or  for  the  benefit  of  the  spirits  of  departed  rela- 
tives or  friends.  These  were  known  as  *' soul-roads," 
''soul-ferries,"  and  ''soul-bridges";  and  in  Sweden,  at 
least,  they  were  marked  by  monumental  stones  bearing 
explanatory  inscriptions.  The  famous  Sigurd  Fafnes- 
bane  runestone  (Fig.  24),  which  dates  from  the  first  half 
of  the  eleventh  century,  is  such  a  memorial  stone,  and  it 
was  used  to  mark  a  bona  fide  bridge.^ 

3  Lindqvist,   Sune,   "Ramsundsbron   vid    Sigurdsristningen   och   en   Stor- 
bondesliikt   fran   Missionstiden,"    in    Fornviinnen,    1914,    p.    203. 
*Ihid.,  204-205. 

5  \orf!es    (lamle    Love,    T,    106. 

6  "Bri'i,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary;   Lindqvist.  "Ramsunds- 
bron vid  Sigurdsristningen,"  in  Fornviinnen,   1914,  203-204.     The  inscrip- 


194         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Since  there  were  no  towns  in  the  Northland,  where 
public  places  for  the  care  of  travelers  could  always  be 

found,  and  since  there  were  no  roadside  inns, 
Entertain-  ^^le  entertainment  of  the  wayfarer  was  also 
Travelers        almost  exclusively  a  private  matter.     Most 

persons  who  traveled  in  the  more  settled 
parts  of  the  land,  found  a  welcome  at  private  houses, 
for  the  conditions  of  the  time  made  hospitality  one  of 
the  cardinal  virtues.  In  Sweden  there  was  no  greater 
shame  than  to  refuse  shelter  to  a  wayfarer,"^  and  in  Ice- 
land the  well-to-do  felt  such  pride  in  the  fact  that  they 
kept  open  house  that  some  made  an  enterprise  of  hos- 
pitality. One  instance  of  this  altruistic  zeal  is  a  woman 
who  built  a  house  across  the  roadway  and  served  re- 
freshments to  all  who  came.^  The  guest-houses  which 
at  times  formed  a  part  of  the  homestead  group  have 
already  been  mentioned  in  another  connection.  They 
were  intended  definitely  to  take  the  place  of  public  inns, 
and  were  for  the  temporary  entertainment  of  travelers 
who  were  strangers  to  their  host — especially  those  be- 
neath him  in  social  rank.^  Strangers  who  were  persons 
of  prominence,  and  all  friends,  even  though  uninvited, 
were  entertained  in  the  parts  of  the  dwelling  occupied 
by  the  members  of  the  family.  Frequently  strangers 
spent  the  whole  winter  at  a  private  house;  but  this  was 
only  by  special  invitation,  or  as  a  result  of  definite  un- 
derstanding; otherwise,  it  was  regarded  as  impolite  to 
stay  more  than  three  days ;  ^°  and  persons  possessing 

tion  upon  the  Sigurd  runestone  is  as  follows:  "Sirid,  Alrik's  mother  and 
Orm's  daughter,  erected  this  bridge  for  Holmger's,  Sigrod's  father's  and 
her  husband's,  soul." 

7Adam  of  Bremen,  191. 

8  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  57,   70. 

^Ibid.,   II,   53. 

loKeyser,  Private  Life,  128.  The  same  attitude  is  taken  in  Scotland 
still — probably  a  survival  of  Scandinavian   influence  there. 


TRANSPORTATION  195 

proper  pride  were  careful  not  to  wear  out  their  welcome 
by  tarrying  longer. 

As  a  rule,  no  money  was  taken  by  the  well-to-do  for 
the  entertainment  of  strangers;  and  rarely  were  food 
and  shelter  refused  by  even  the  poorest,  whether  com- 
pensation seemed  forthcoming  or  not,  for  such  a  refusal 
might  mean  the  death  of  the  wayfarer  from  hunger  or 
cold.  To  guard  against  such  a  tragedy  as  this,  in  some 
of  the  provinces  of  Sweden  the  laws  required  that  the 
country  people  supply  travelers  who  were  in  need  of 
these  things  with  food  for  themselves  and  fodder  for 
their  horses ;  and  to  prevent  the  exaction  of  extortionate 
compensation,  the  prices  of  such  accommodations  were 
fixed  by  law.^^  The  laws  of  Iceland  seem  to  have  been 
equally  strict,  and  until  well  down  into  the  Middle  Ages 
they  required  that  the  farmers  provide  shelter  and  en- 
tertainment for  two  special  classes  of  travelers — legis- 
lators, on  their  way  to  the  meeting  of  parliament,  and 
bridal  parties  journeying  to  the  home  of  the  groom. 
In  the  case  of  the  latter,  every  peasant  must  shelter 
at  least  six  of  the  travelers,  if  the  bride  or  groom  w^as 
in  the  group.  To  refuse  to  do  so  made  him  liable  to 
punishment  by  lesser  outlawry.^^ 

Persons  journeying  in  an  unsettled  part  of  the  land, 

however,  or  where  the  distances  between  houses  were 

great,  had  largely  to  shift  for  themselves; 

but  as  such  travelers  were  generally  familiar   ^^^}^^ 

.,,,,,  „  ^-  °,  -^  Shelters 

witli  the  lay  oi  the  country,  they  were  usually 

prepared  to  do  this.     If  the  weather  was  good,   they 

camped  out  by  the  wayside,  and  cooked  food  which  they 

brought  along,  or  they  subsisted  upon  wild  food  obtained 

from  the  forests  and  streams.     Sometimes  they  spent 

11  Swerikes  Rikes  Lagh-Boker,  29-30. 

12  "BrtiSferd"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 


196          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  night  under  the  open  sky  wrapped  in  their  heavy 
cloaks  or  in  blankets,  or  tucked  away  in  leather  sleep- 
ing bags ;  but  many  travelers  carried  tents  of  skin,  wad- 
mal,  or  linen  with  them,  and  pitched  them  wherever  they 
stopped  for  rest.^^  Yet  during  cold  or  stormy  weather 
such  persons  were  likely  to  fare  ill,  and,  in  recognition 
of  this  fact,  philanthropic  persons  early  erected  public 
shelter  houses  in  out-of-the-way  places.  This  seems  to 
have  been  done  especially  in  Norway  and  Iceland,  where 
the  population  was  more  sparse  than  in  Denmark  and 
Sweden.  And  later  such  shelters  were  built  in  Norway 
at  public  expense,  by  order  of  the  king,  and  stood  within 
at  least  a  day's  journey  of  one  another.  These  struc- 
tures appear  to  have  been  simply  huts  giving  protection 
from  the  weather,  and  supplied  with  dry  wood  for  fuel 
and  straw  for  beds.  They  were  open  to  all  comers,  but 
in  the  event  of  a  shortage  of  room,  any  person  who  had 
been  sheltered  in  such  a  wayside  haven  for  three  nights 
must  depart.  In  some  cases,  the  law  required  that  lots 
be  cast  to  decide  who  should  go ;  and  if  the  person  whose 
duty  it  was  to  make  way  for  a  later-comer  failed  to  do 
so,  he  had  to  pay  a  thief's  fine  to  the  king;  and  if  the 
traveler  entitled  to  his  space  in  the  inn  died  from  ex- 
posure, the  man  whose  selfishness  caused  his  death  was 
forced  to  pay  full  wergeld  for  the  dead  man.^^ 

The  Scandinavians  traveled  in  various  ways.     Some 

went  on  foot,  the   simplest  method,  and  virtually  the 

only  one  left  to  the  extremely  poor.     In  the 

/*  °  ^,         summer  time,  the  pedestrian  carried  his  pro- 
of Travel  .    .  -i?  i  i  .  , 

Visions — II  he  possessed  any — m  a  pack  on 

his  back,  and  helped  himself  along  with  a  staff;  in  win- 
ter, when  the  ground  was  covered  with  snow,  walking 

13  Schonfeld,    Der   isUindische   Bauernhof,    191. 

14  Norges   Gamle  Love,  I,   47. 


Via.  -■"'.      r>ruii/.('    I'iiiishiii'i  for  lliiriicss 


Fig.    -ir,.      Itichly    Dec-orated    Spur    of    (Jolil.      (From    (iu^tafson's    Xorges 

0 kit  id) 


TRANSPORTATION  197 

was  easier,  for  the  Northman  shod  himself  with  skees 
or  snow-shoes,  and  could  readily  carry  a  supply  of  pro- 
visions or  commodities  upon  a  sledge  or  sled  which  he 
dragged  behind  him. 

The  most  common  method  of  travel  for  any  consider- 
able distance  was  by  horseback  riding,  which  was  espe- 
cially favored  in  Iceland,  because  of  the  poor 
roads.     Upon  every  large  farm  in  the  Scan-  ^o^^eback 

-v-r        1  Riding 

dmavian  Aorth  were  several  saddle-horses, 
the  pride  of  their  owners.  White  was  the  favorite  color 
in  horses,  but  black  and  sorrel  horses  were  also  much 
liked.  A  close  comradeship  existed  between  the  horse 
and  his  o^\^ler,  and  if  the  latter  was  a  person  of  some 
social  importance,  the  taste  and  expense  displayed  in  the 
equipment  and  decoration  of  the  animal  were  intended 
to  reflect  the  master's  wealth  and  position. 

While  the  poor  man  rode  his  horse  bareback  or  with 
only  a  blanket  of  wadmal  or  a  cushion  of  straw  strapped 
to  his  back,  and  guided  his  steed  by  means  of  the  most 
simple  reins  of  rope  or  skin,  the  wealthy  chieftain  had  a 
richly  decorated  saddle  and  bridle.  The  framework  of 
the  former  appears  to  have  been  always  of  wood,  which 
in  the  native  saddles  was  carved  and  painted  in  bright 
colors,  and  often  upholstered  with  embroidered  cloth  or 
with  skins ;  but  saddles  of  fine  carved  leather,  and  much 
superior  to  native  work,  were  also  imported  from  Spain 
and  Portugal. ^"^  The  saddles  used  by  the  women  were 
quite  different  in  style  from  those  of  the  men,  and  were 
shaped  like  chairs,  as  is  still  true  in  Iceland.  The  mount- 
ings and  stirrups  of  the  best  saddles  were  of  metal  and 
some  were  handsomely  wrought ;  gilded  bronze  and  sil- 
ver were  not  unusual  for  these  parts.     Under  the  saddle 

15  Bugge,  Testerlandenes  Indflydelse,  184. 


198          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

were  spread  brightly-colored  or  gaily  embroidered 
blankets.  The  spurs  and  parts  of  the  bridle  were  fre- 
quently also  of  precious  metal  (Fig.  26),  particularly  of 
silver;  and  this  was  sometimes  inlaid  with  gold  and 
enamel  and  set  with  precious  stones. ^*' 

The  comfort  and  individual  appearance  of  the  saddle 
horses  as  well  as  their  equipment  and  trappings  received 
the  attention  of  their  masters.  Their  coats  were  rubbed 
smooth  and  glossy  and  their  manes  and  forelocks  and 
tails  were  kept  trimmed.  Blankets  of  skins  or  wadmal 
were  thrown  over  them  for  protection  against  the  cold, 
and  their  feet  were  shielded  when  traveling  over  rough 
ground  by  iron  shoes,  not  nailed  to  the  horse's  hoof,  as 
now,  but  made  with  parts  projecting  over  the  sides  of 
the  hoof  by  which  the  shoes  were  strapped  to  the  foot.^^ 

People  taking  a  journey  of  some  distance  or  going  upon 
a  visit  were  usually  accompanied  by  horses  with  pack 
saddles  bearing  chests  of  clothes  and  other 
r^^^  supplies  securely  strapped,  or  tied,  on.     Mer- 

chants and  traders  also  carried  their  goods 
upon  pack  horses  led  in  a  string,  sometimes  of  a  dozen 
or  more.^^  The  method  of  fastening  the  animals  to- 
gether was  probably  the  same  as  that  employed  recently 
in  Iceland,  a  rope  being  tied  around  the  lower  jaw  of 
each  horse  and  attached  to  the  tail  of  the  preceding  one.^^ 
By  this  means  one  man  alone  could  manage  a  very  long 
pack  train. 

The  Northmen  also  traveled  in  sledges,  sleds,  and 
wagons,  even  in  Iceland.     The  sledges  in  the  Far  North, 

18  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  94 ;  Schonfeld,  Das  Pferd,  42 ;  Corpus  Poeticum 
Boreale,    I,   45;    Weinhold,    Altnordisches   Leben,    310. 

17  Schonfeld,  Das  Pferd,  41;   Schonfeld,  Der  islandische  Bauemhof,   136. 

18  Origines  Islandicae,  I,   147. 
10  Henderson,  Iceland,  I,  25. 


TRANSPORTATION  199 

especially  on  the  borders  of  regions  occupied  chiefly  by 
Lapps  and  Finns,  were  made  partially  of  raw-  y^j^j^j^g 
hide,  drawn  over  wooden  frames  and  fitted 
with  runners  of  hard  timber — in  imitation  of  the  ve- 
hicles used  by  the  more  primitive  part  of  the  population. 
But  vehicles  of  native  construction  as  a  whole  were  made 
almost  entirely  of  wood ;  often  richly  carved.  A  number 
of  sledges  have  been  found  in  ancient  tombs  (Fig.  27). 
All  of  these  are  small  affairs  of  rather  simple  and  clumsy 
lines,  but  carved  in  elaborate  patterns.  The  wheeled 
vehicles  were  also  of  rather  primitive  style.  Two  or 
four  wheels,  made  with  a  few  heavy  spokes,  and  with 
thick  wooden  rims,  seldom,  or  never,  protected  by  metal 
tires,  were  used  upon  the  vehicles.  The  Northmen  em- 
ployed poles  rather  than  shafts  for  drawing  them,  but 
at  times  a  single  animal  drew  the  lighter  carts  or  wagons 
(Fig.  28). 

The  wheeled  vehicles  were  evidently  built  after  models 
seen  in  the  Roman  Empire  or  other  lands  to  the  south; 
and  some  of  these  foreign  wagons,  which  were  quite 
superior  to  the  ones  of  Scandinavian  manufacture,  were 
also  taken  into  the  North  and  used  there. 

Reindeer,  as  a  rule,  drew  the  sledges  of  the  Far  North, 
w^hile  the  other  vehicles  were  dra"\\ni  by  oxen  or  horses, 
perhaps  most  commonly  the  latter.  For  the 
heavier  draft  animals  the  harness  was  of 
very  simple  construction  made  from  ropes  of  hair  or 
hemp  or  strings  of  rawhide;  but  for  the  more  sho^vy 
horse-drawn  vehicles,  the  harness  displayed  considerable 
artistic  skill.  For  this,  leather  was  used  instead  of 
cheaper  materials,  and  also  considerable  metal,  which, 
as  in  the  equipment  of  the  saddle  horses,  was  sometimes 
silver  or  gold,  or  baser  metals  silver-plated  or  gilded, 


200  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

frequently  wrought  into  handsome  designs   (Fig.  28). ^'^ 

The  fact  that  most  of  the  Scandinavian  settlements 

were  upon  small  islands,  or  bordered  rivers  or  lakes,  or 

the  coasts  of  the  larger  land  areas,  made  the 
Scandi-  waterv/ays  the  most  usual  as  well  as  the  best 

hTshi"^^^^^      and   cheapest  highways.     And   as   a   conse- 
Building  quence  of  the  prevalence  of  water  travel,  the 

Northmen  paid  much  attention  to  the  con- 
struction of  water  craft,  and  gained  a  skill  in  this  line 
scarcely  equalled  by  any  other  contemporary  European 
peoples.-^  Ship-building  was  an  honorable  calling  which 
gave  employment  to  many.  The  master  ship-smith,  in 
particular,  was  a  person  of  importance.  In  the  construc- 
tion of  a  large  ocean  vessel  many  men  worked  under  his 
supervision,  each  one  doing  a  special  type  of  labor."- 

There  were  vessels  of  various  styles,  according  to  the 
use  to  which  they  were  to  be  put.  The  row-boats  used 
upon  the  internal  water-ways  have  been  considered 
briefly  in  connection  with  the  subject  of  fishing;  and  their 
nature  will  be  made  clearer  in  connection  with  the  fol- 
lowing description  of  ocean-going  vessels.  The  latter, 
as  being  more  complex,  require  more  detailed  treatment. 
Scandinavian  ships  differed  from  those  of  other  con- 
temporary lands  chiefly  in  that  they  were  narrower  and 

were  pointed  at  both  ends;  also,  bow  and 

General  stern  rose  much  higher  above  the  water  than 

t  r\  did  the  vessel  amidships.     Though  varving 

of   Ocean-  ^  ^  o  »       o 

going  considerably  with  reference  to  size,  all  sea- 

Vessels  going  craft,  whether  intended  primarily  for 

20  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  194;  Gud- 
mundsson  and  KSlund,  "Skandinavische  Verhiiltnisse,"  in  Paul,  Grundriss, 
III,  450. 

21  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  182;  Bugge, 
Vesterlandenes  Indflydelse,   199. 

^2  Saga   Library,   III,   322,   343. 


TRANSPORTATION  201 

commerce  or  for  war,  were  of  much  the  same  shape,  even 
in  the  eleventh  century.-^  In  fact,  it  was  not  until  after 
the  opening  of  the  Viking  Age  that  the  war  vessel,  as 
a  special  type,  was  developed  at  all;^*  and  even  after 
it  appeared,  vessels  of  commerce  and  of  war  were  fre- 
quently used  interchangeably,  as  merchants  took  to  piracy 
and  warriors  temporarily  forsook  martial  enterprise  for 
peaceful  trade. 

Trading  craft  were  higher  than  those  built  chiefly  for 
fighting;  and  they  were  likewise  heavier  and  broader,  in 
order  to  give  greater  capacity  for  cargoes, 
for   which   reason   they   were   also    without   Character- 
decks    amidships.     Built   as   they   were   for  ^^^^^^  °^ 
strictly    practical    use,    less    attention    was  ^^^  y^^^_ 
given    to    their    decoration.     They    differed  Vessels 
from  the  war  ships  also  in  that  they  were 
largely  propelled  by  sails,  while  the  war  vessels,  though 
supplied  with  sails,  were  generally  driven  through  the 
water  by  the  use  of  oars.     This  last-mentioned  distinc- 
tion appears  to  have  been  also  due  to  adjustment  of  the 
merchant  vessel  to  better  practical  service ;  for  oars  seem 
to  have  been  placed  only  near  the  prow  and  near  the 
stern,  while  there  were  none  amidships  where  room  was 
desired  for  the  cargo."^ 

Oak  was  the  wood  most  frequently  used  for  ship  con- 
struction, and  the  ''clinch"  method  was  employed  in  plac- 
ing the  boards  together;  that  is,  the  slender, 
elastic  strips  of  timber  which  were  curved    ^^*P 
over  the  framework  to  form  the  body  of  the   ^j^^^ 
vessel  were  so  arranged  as  slightly  to  over- 
lap from  the  gunwale  down.     The  edges  were  fastened 

23  Gudimindsson,  Valtyr,  X ordhoei-nes  ^kibe  i  Vikinge-  og  Sagatiden,  7. 
2*  Bugge,  Xorges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  222. 
25  Gudmundsson,  X ordhoemes  Skihe,  7-9. 


202  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

with  rivets  or  bolts  of  bronze  or  iron ;  and  the  seams  were 
calked  with  pitch,  sometimes  mixed  with  cows'  hair  or 
sheeps'  wool. 

Trading  vessels  were  fitted  with  half  decks  in  the  stern 

and  bow,  and  in  the  largest  merchant  ships  there  was  a 

narrow   deck   or  passageway   on   each   side 

^  ^^  ^  which  united  the  two.  The  remainder  of  the 
ship  was  simply  an  open  hold  with  floor  boards  laid  upon 
the  foundation  timbers.  Consequently,  the  cargo  had 
to  be  covered  with  sail  cloth  or  skins  to  keep  out  spray 
and  rain.'*^  War  vessels,  on  the  other  hand,  had  a  deck 
over  the  whole  length  of  the  interior  below  the  gunwale, 
and  two  platform-like  ones  above  this,  at  either  end  of 
the  ship.  The  short  deck  in  the  stern  was  called  loftingen 
and  that  in  the  bow,  forstavnsdaek.^'^  The  main  deck  in 
the  war  craft  was,  however,  so  low  amidships  that  it 
afforded  no  shelter.  Therefore,  a  tent  roofing  was  at 
times  spread  over  this  part  of  the  vessel,  for  protection 
against  the  Aveather,  the  edges  of  the  covering  material 
being  permitted  to  hang  over  the  railing,  to  which  they 
were  fastened  by  means  of  small  wooden  pegs  thrust 
in  holes  made  for  the  purpose.-^ 

One  tier  of  oars  on  each  side  was  the  rule  in  Scan- 
dinavian vessels,  but  biremes  were  not  entirely  unknowTi. 
When  there  were  two  rows  of  oars,  the  war 

Oars  . 

ship  stood  higher  above  the  water."^  The 
oars  were  long,  and  in  the  case  of  the  large  Avar  vessels, 
in  particular,  Avere  thrust  through  holes  along  the  gun- 
Avale  when  in  operation.  These  oar-openings  were  fitted 
Avith  little  sliding  shutters  which  covered  them  when  the 

28  Falk,     Hjalmar,     "Altnordisches     Seewesen,"     in     Kulturhistorisches 
Zeitschrift,  IV,  48. 

27  Gudmundsson,   yordboemes  Skibe,   15. 

28  Ibid. 
ZBlbid.,  21. 


TRANSPORTATION  203 

oars  were  not  being  used.  Smaller  craft  often  had 
simple  oar-locks,  or  rests,  of  rawhide,  hardwood,  or  iron. 
In  small  vessels  the  rowers  sat  upon  benches  made  merely 
of  planks  M'hich  extended  completely  from  one  side  to 
another;  but  in  the  large  sea-going  craft  there  were  in- 
dividual benches,  evidently  of  the  nature  of  chests  or 
lockers,  in  some  instances,  in  which  the  seamen  kept  their 
belongings. ^"^ 

In  Scandinavia  the  words  ''boat"  and  "ship"  were 
used  rather  loosely  and  gave  little  indication  of  the  maxi- 
mum or  minimum  size  of  the  vessel  to  which 
they  were  applied.  In  Iceland,  for  example,  vessels 
a  vessel  having  but  eight  oars  was  called  a 
''ship"  {ski2)),  but  in  other  parts  the  smallest  "ships" 
were  somewhat  larger.  Mention  of  the  number  of  oars 
or  pairs  of  oars  possessed  by  a  vessel  was  a  much  more 
definite  way  of  indicating  size,  and  was  the  one  generally 
used,  unless  actual  dimensions  were  given.  The  smallest 
seacraft,  outside  of  Iceland,  described  by  their  number 
of  oars  in  the  ancient  records  were  twenty-six  oared, 
while  the  largest  ancient  ship  of  which  there  is  mention 
had  one  hundred  and  twenty  oars,  or  sixty  pairs;  but 
the  last  size  referred  to  was  perhaps  quite  unusual,  for 
the  example  in  question  was  the  "long  ship"  of  King 
Canute  the  Great.^^  The  average-sized  ocean-going 
ships  seem  to  have  possessed  from  twenty  to  thirty  pairs 
of  oars.^-  A  vessel  having  twenty  pairs  was  probably 
about  ninety  feet  long;  one  of  thirty  pairs,  one  hundred 
and  sixty  feet.^'^     The  viking  ship  from  Gokstad,  Nor- 

^0  Ibid.,     19;     Falk,     "Altnordisches     Seewesen,"     in     Kulturhistorisches 
Zeitschrift,  IV,   71-73. 

31  Gudmundsson,    Nordhoernes   Skibe,    10. 

32  Falk,  "Altnordisches  Seewesen,"  in  Kulturhistorisches  Zeitychrift,  IV, 
98. 

83 /bid.,   100. 


204 


SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 


way,  which  was  discovered  towards  the  close  of  the  last 
century,  was  built  for  fifteen  pairs  of  oars  and  was  about 
sixty-six  feet  long.  The  width  was  a  little  more  than 
one  fourth  as  great  as  the  length;  and  these  proportions 
were  perhaps  representative  of  the  average  war  vessel. 
The  "long  ships"  or  "dragon  ships"  of  the  latter  part 
of  the  viking  period  were  probably  even  more  narrow 
as  compared  with  their  breadth. 

The  Scandinavian  ship — in  the  more  distinctive  sense 
of  the  word — was  really  a  large  row  boat  to  which  a  mast 

had  been  added.     The  mast  was  generally 
Mast  and        made  from  the  trunk  of  a  fir  or  pine  tree,  and, 

in  the  case  of  the  larger  vessels,  its  foot  was 
sunk  in  a  wooden  socket  fastened  to  the  foundation  tim- 


Fig.   29.     Plans   of   a   Viking   Ship.      (From   Gudmundsson's    Nordboernes 

Skibe.) 

a.  Breast-beam.  c.  Cross    beam    forming   frame 

b.  Rower's  bench.  work  of  vessel. 

ddd.  Supports  for  tent  covering. 

bers  in  the  middle  of  the  ship.  This  receptacle,  which, 
because  its  ends  were  shaped  like  the  tail  of  a  fish,  was 
called  the  "mast-fish," — was  so  constructed  that  the  mast 


TRANSPORTATION  205 

could  be  lowered  without  first  being  raised  out  of  the 
hole  which  received  the  foot  (Fig.  29).^^  The  mast  sup- 
ported a  single,  square  sail  of  linen  or  woolen  cloth,  held 
in  place  by  means  of  ropes,  usually  made  of  skins,  par- 
ticularly walrus  hide."'^ 

In  some  of  the  war  vessels  there  was  at  the  head  of 
the  mast  a  top-castle  of  small  size  in  which  two  warriors 
stood  in  time  of  battle,  to  secure  a  different  vantage 
point  from  which  to  attack  the  enemy,  as  well  as  for 
lookout  purposes. '^'^ 

The  earliest  type  of  anchor  was  merely  a  large  stone, 
grooved  or  perforated  in  such  a  manner  that  a  rope  might 
be  tied  to  it.  Such  weights  were  commonly 
used  in  the  early  Middle  Ages  for  holding 
small  boats.  Another  primitive  form  of  anchor  was  com- 
posed of  a  frame,  generally  of  wood,  containing  several 
stones;  but  the  two-armed  iron  anchor  of  conventional 
type  was  copied  from  the  Eomans  before  historic  times 
and  was  in  common  use  in  Scandinavia  for  large  vessels 
in  the  Viking  Age.'^' 

All  of  the  larger  vessels  carried  a  windlass  which  was 
employed  for  weighing  the  anchor  and  hoisting  the  sail, 
and  probably  also  for  raising  the  mast.^^ 

The  rudder  resembled  a  short,  broad  oar,  supplied 
with  a  handle  or  pin  at  the  upper  end,  by  which  it  was 
moved,  and  was  fastened  to  the  right  side  of   „  ^^ 

,  .        .  ,      .  .,,  ,    ,,        Rudder 

the  stern,  whence  this  side  is  still  called  the 
"starboard,"  or  " steerboard. "  ^^ 

What  their  riding  horses  were  to  the  Northmen  on 

s*  Ibid.,  55-61. 

35  Gudmundsson,  yordboernes  Skibe,  23. 

36  Ibid. 

37  Falk,  ''Altnordisches  Seevvesen,"  in  Kulturhistorisches  Zeitschrift, 
IV,  78-81. 

3S  Ibid.,  81-82. 
39  Ibid.,  73-78. 


206         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

land,  their  ships  were  to  them  on  the  water — particu- 
larly if  war  ships.     They  loved  their  ' '  steeds 
Ornamenta-     ^f  ^]^g  billows,"  as  the  sea-craft  were  called 
Ships*  ^y  their  poets/*^  and  took  as  much  interest 

and  pride  in  their  decoration  as  they  did  in 
the  equipment  and  trappings  of  their  riding  horses. 
Carved  wooden  figures,  shaped  like  the  heads  of  men  or 
of  animals,  placed  on  the  ends  of  the  vessel  and  remov- 
able at  will,  were  a  favorite  form  of  adornment.  The 
ancient  records  tell,  for  instance,  of  a  ship  called  the 
Carl's  Head,  on  the  bow  of  which  was  a  carved  repre- 
sentation of  the  Scandinavian  king  Carl;^^  on  the  fore- 
part of  another  vessel  was  displayed  the  figure  of  a 
steer's  head;  •*-  while  decorating  a  ship  called  the  Vulture 
was  a  model  of  the  bird  of  that  name."*^  But  the  favorite 
animal  of  the  Scandinavian  mariner  in  the  embellishment 
of  his  ship  was  the  dragon,  which  played  such  an  impor- 
tant role  in  the  hero  tales  and  the  myths  of  the  North. 
Sometimes  a  dragon's  head  appeared  at  both  ends  of  the 
vessel,  but  more  frequently,  perhaps,  when  a  head  deco- 
rated the  prow,  a  twisted  dragon's  tail  finished  off  the 
stern.  This  favorite  design  was  so  generally  used  upon 
the  "long  ships,"  or  larger  vessels  of  war,  which  appear 
to  have  come  into  use  in  the  tenth  century,  as  to  cause 
them  to  be  called  habitually  "dragons,"  regardless  of  the 
model  of  their  figure  heads.'*^  These  decorative  pieces 
were  usually  given  as  fierce  an  expression  as  possible  by 
the  carver,  and  were  painted  in  colors,  sometimes  touched 
up  with  gilt ;  or  the  whole  was  richly  gilded.'*^ 

40  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  I,  167. 

41  Saga  Library,  IV,  55. 

42  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  219. 
*3Njdla,  180. 

44  Gudmundsson,  Nordhoemes  Skibe,  9. 

45  Falk,    "Altnordisches    Seewesen,"    in    Eiilturhistorisches    Zeitschrift, 
39-42. 


TRANSPORTATION  207 

In  many  other  ways  the  sea-craft  were  adorned.  At 
times,  elaborate  borders  were  carved  along  the  gunwales, 
as  is  shown  by  the  vessel  found  at  Oseberg,  near  Chris- 
tiania,  in  1903  (Fig.  30).  The  sides  of  the  ship  appear- 
ing above  the  water's  edge  were  generally  kept  black  by 
coatings  of  tar,  but  were  occasionally  painted,  in  solid 
colors,  or  in  stripes.  For  display  purposes,  as  when  a 
viking  fleet  was  entering  an  enemy  harbor,  the  vessel  was 
decorated  amidships  by  placing  the  brightly  painted 
shields  of  the  warriors  in  an  overlapping  row  on  either 
side,  where  they  stood  out  in  gay  contrast  to  the  black 
backgrounds.  Perhaps  the  most  decorative  feature  on 
a  handsome  vessel  was  the  sail,  which  was  sometimes 
of  linen,  but  was  usually  of  heavy  wool,  and  was  always 
gaily  colored.  Occasionally  solid  colors  were  displayed, 
particularly  blue,  red,  or  green,  but  more  often  the  canvas 
showed  broad  stripes  of  bright  contrasting  shades ;  and 
on  the  sails  of  rich  chieftains  and  kings  there  were  at 
times  facings  of  silk,  or  elaborate  borders  embroidered 
in  silk  and  wool,**''  There  often  flew  from  the  mast  head 
when  the  ship  was  in  motion  the  war  chieftain's  pennant 
or  banner,  which,  like  the  sail,  was  bright  of  color ;  upon 
it  was  embroidered  or  painted  the  owner's  personal  em- 
blem, frequently  the  figure  of  a  raven  or  of  some  other 
animal."*" 

These  Scandinavian  ships,  with  their  carved  and  gilded 
figure  heads  flashing  and  glittering  in  the  sun,  their  richly 
colored  outspread  sails  suggestive  of  the  wings  of  the 
dragon,  and  the  overlapping  shields  in  resemblance  of 
the  scaly  sides  of  the  mythical  monster,  presented  a 
splendid  as  well  as  terrifying  spectacle  when  they  ap- 

46  Worsaae,  De  Danskes  Kultur  i  Vikingetiden,  18. 

47  Falk,  "Altnordisches  Seewesen,"  in  Kulturhistorisches  Zeitschrift,  IV, 
55-61. 


208  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

peared  in  large  numbers  within  an  enemy  harbor  (Fig. 
31). 

The  regular  crew  of  a  merchant  ship  consisted  of  the 
captain,  the  steersman,  or  mate,  and  common  sailors,  the 
number  of  the  latter  usually  varying  with 
The  Ship's  ^j^^  number  of  oars  used  upon  a  given  vessel. 
Some  of  the  smaller  merchantmen  probably 
had  no  more  than  ten  or  twelve  men.  Before  the  eleventh 
century  there  was  no  special  ship's  cook,  and  each  of  the 
seamen — at  least  those  below  the  officers — served  as  cook 
in  regular  order;  or  they  decided  their  turns  by  lot.'*^ 

But  unless  the  ship  could  land,  no  cooking  was  done, 

for  it  was  impossible  to  build  in  the  vessels  the  open 

fires  of  the  period  for  the  purpose  of  prepar- 

Cookingand    jj^g  j^q|^  JqqJ  f^j.  h^q  crew.     When  practica- 

Seamen  ^^^'  ^^^^  steersman  kept  close  to  the  coast,  in 

order  that  landings  might  be  made  for  this 
purpose,  and  also  for  obtaining  fresh  water.  The  sea- 
men had  two  meals  each  day,  very  simple  fare,  even 
when  it  was  possible  to  land  and  cook.  Porridge,  cooked 
in  a  large  kettle  carried  along  for  the  purpose,  was,  as  a 
rule,  the  only  hot  dish.  Besides  the  coarse  meal  used 
in  the  porridge,  the  common  provisions  found  on  a  ship 
were  butter,  cheese,  dried  fish — generally  cod — and,  at 
times,  bread.  Ale  was  occasionally  carried  along,  but 
the  customary  beverage  of  the  mariner  while  on  duty  was 
water,  the  cask  for  which  stood  beside  the  mast."*^  Some- 
times instead  of  landing  to  renew  the  supply  of  fresh 
water — or  when  it  was  impossible  to  go  ashore, — the  cask 
was  replenished  by  catching  rain  in  the  awnings  or  tent 
cloths  of  the  vessel."'*^ 

48  Gudmundsson,  Nordhoernes  Skibe,  25-26. 

*^  Ibid.,    26;     Falk,     "Altnordisches     Seewesen,"     in     Kulturhistorisches 
Zeitschrift,  TV,  7. 

50  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  21. 


Fig.    ."JO.     The    Oseberg    Sliij).      (From    pliotograiili    bv    N'aeriiig, 
C'liristiania) 


Fig.     '.]] .      Diawii 


il'     a      Dragon      Sliip.      l'"roiii      (:uilinun(l-->()irs     Xurd- 
li()<riii.s  Sl.'ilic] 


TRANSPORTATION 


209 


Frequently  the  sliipmen  spent  the  night  on  shore  in 
tents  pitched  for  the  occasion;  but,  if  it  was  impossible 
to  land,  they  slept  under  tents  stretched  over 
the  vessel  as  it  rested  in  some  sheltered  place.  Sleeping  Ar- 
The  tents  used  aboard  ship  or  on  shore  were  ^^^^e""^"^^ 
often  of  black  material,  and  were  in  shape  seamen 
very   much   like    present-day   structures    of 
the   same   sort.     But  the   ridge   pole   from  which  they 
were  suspended  was  supported  at  the  ends  by  decorated 
boards,  resembling  the  vindskei- 
dar    found    on    the    gable    ends 
of    contemporary    Scandinavian 
houses  (Fig.  32).=^ 

Though  sleeping  hammocks 
were  not  unknown,  bags  made  of 
skins  as  a  rule  took  the  place  of 
beds.  Each  seaman  must  come 
supplied    w^ith    such    a    sleeping 

bag,-as  well  as  with  a  chest  in  ,»,,f IflJtnJlX.r' 
which    to    keep    his    sea-clothes, 

which  were  also  usuallv  of  skin,  well  oiled.  The  regular 
sleeping  quarters  were  under  the  decks,  but  goods  were 
often  stored  here  upon  merchant  vessels  when  space  for 
the  cargo  was  limited;  consequently  the  men  appear  to 
have  at  times  spent  the  night  on  the  rowers'  benches  in 
their  sleeping  bags.^- 

There   were,    obviously,    no    special    passenger    ships 
in  the  Northland  of  the  olden  time.     Hence, 

„     ,     .      Accommoda- 

people  who  did  not  possess  vessels  oi  their  tio^  of  Pas- 
own,  but  wished  to  journey  from  one  place  sengerson 
to  another  took  passage,  when  opportunity  Ships 

51  Falk,  "Altnordisches  Seewesen,"  in  Kulturhistorisches  Zeitschrift,  IV, 
10-12. 

52  Ibid.,  9-12. 


Fig.  32.     Vindskeidar  from 


210         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

offered,  on  war-  or  merchant-ships— usually  the  latter. 

Women  were  always  given  quarters  below  decks,  but 
they  probably  never  traveled  by  ship  unless  in  the  com- 
pany of  a  man.  Passengers  as  a  rule  furnished  their 
own  bedding,  and  their  own  food,  which  they  cooked 
themselves.^2  Travelers  generally  paid  directly  for 
their  accommodations  upon  the  ship  by  means  of  goods 
or  money,  but  occasionally  men  who  were  able  to  pay 
performed  service  as  sailors  in  return  for  their  passage, 
if  they  were  anxious  to  reach  a  destination  at  a  given 
time.  And,  in  some  cases,  in  order  to  secure  passage 
aboard  a  crowded  merchantman,  they  would  hire  them- 
selves out  as  regular  sailors  mth  the  intention  of  desert- 
ing the  ship  when  it  reached  the  desired  port.  But  in 
order  to  prevent  captains  from  embarrassment  and  loss 
from  such  happenings,  and  also  from  desertion  by  hotia 
fide  seamen,  the  laws  of  some  countries,  as  Norway,  pro- 
vided for  the  punishment  of  sailors  who  deserted  the 
captain  before  their  term  of  service  had  expired.^^ 

Since  the  vessels  of  the  Northmen  were,  after  all,  small 
and  frail  as  compared  with  those  of  the  present,  the  mat- 
ter of  making  harbor  was  of  great  impor- 
Harbors  tance.     Consequent!}^,  marks  for  indicating 

Landings  harbors  were  early  in  use  throughout  the 
North;  and  their  erection  was  required  in 
some  of  the  countries  of  continental  Scandinavia  hy  or- 
der of  the  kings.  The  first  harbor  marks  were  some- 
times a  stone  pillar  or  cairn,  sometimes  a  pillar  of  wood, 
plain,  or  carved  in  the  figure  of  a  man,  but  after  the  in- 
troduction of  Christianity,  the  customary  beacon  was  a 
wooden  cross. 

If  the  landing  place  was  an  inferior  one,  the  vessel 

53  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  120. 
64  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  98. 


TRANSPORTATION  211 

was  anchored  out  in  the  water  and  those  aboard  disem- 
barked by  means  of  small  boats,  one  or  two  of  which  were 
carried  in  every  sea-going  vessel;  but  if  the  haven  was 
good,  they  landed  directly  with  the  aid  of  one  or  two  mov- 
able bridges  or  piers  which  formed  part  of  the  ship's 
equipment.  The  pier,  known  as  a  hryggja,  was  of  small 
size  and  resembled  rather  closely  a  gang-plank,  or  a  rude 
ladder  or  stairway. 

As  a  rule,  no  wharves  in  the  present  sense  existed  and 
there  were  no  harbor  pillars  standing  out  in  the  water 
to  which  vessels  might  be  tied ;  but  upon  the  shore,  close 
to  the  water's  edge,  were  generally  posts  to  which  vessels 
might  be  made  fast  with  a  cable,  if  it  was  possible  to 
approach  close  to  the  strand.^^ 

Generally  speaking,  the  sailing  season  lasted  for  a  half 
year, — from  the  beginning  of  April  to  the  beginning  of 
October.     In  the   autumn  when  the  annual 
period  for  voyaging  was  ended,  the  vessel  L^""<^"*"S 

,  .        n     ,  3n(l  Lsnd- 

was  stripped  of  its  fittings,  taken  ashore  on  ing  Vessels 
rollers,  tarred,  and  stored  for  the  winter  in 
a  shed  built  for  the  purpose  near  the  harbor.^*'  When 
a  vessel  was  to  be  taken  ashore  or  to  be  launched,  the 
ship 's  captain  had  the  right  to  demand  aid  of  the  persons 
dwelling  near.  He  called  for  assistance  by  blowing  a 
horn,  and  those  who  failed  to  respond  were  subject  to 
punishment.^" 

Though,  for  the  sake  of  comfort  and  convenience,  the 
Northmen  generally  followed  the  coasts  quite  closely  in 
their  voyages  about  Europe,  they  were  by  no  means 
afraid  to  sail  boldly  out  to  sea  when  an  incentive  to  do 

55  Falk,  "Altnordisches  Seewesen,"  in  Kulturhistorisches  Zeitschrift,  IV, 
21-26. 

5a  Ibid.,  19,  27-28;   King's  Mirror,   83-84. 

57  Ibid.,  28 ;   Gudmundsson,  Nordboemes  Skibe,  27. 


212          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

SO  offered.  As  is  well  known,  they  were  the  most  daring 
as  well  as  the  ablest  navigators  of  their  time. 
Skill  of  the  Their  fearlessness  may  be  explained  by  their 
fs^NaT"  optimistic  fatalism.  If  the  Norns  had  al- 
gators  ready    and    arbitrarily    decreed    when    the 

Northman  should  meet  his  bane,  why  be  cau- 
tious? And  their  superiority  as  navigators  came  rather 
as  a  result  of  their  greater  experience  and  their  daring 
than  because  of  any  special  excellence  in  nautical  science. 

Though  they  early  understood  how  to  sail  on  the  wind, 
which  other  Europeans  did  not,^^  they  were  otherwise 
restricted  to  the  primitive  nautical  devices  of  the  time. 
If  a  vessel  shipped  the  sea,  the  sailors  were  forced  to 
bail  out  the  water  laboriously  with  buckets;  for  pumps 
were  not  introduced  into  the  North  until  the  early  modern 
period.  Also,  since  the  compass  was  not  known  in  Eu- 
rope until  the  century  of  Columbus,  the  Scandinavian 
mariners  had  largely  to  sail  by  the  sun  and  stars  when 
far  from  land.^^  If  the  heavens  became  obscured  and 
the  vessel  was  driven  out  of  its  course  by  storms,  they 
were  obliged  to  flounder  about  in  unknown  seas  until  the 
weather  cleared  again,  for  they  could  place  very  little 
trust  in  the  direction  of  the  wind. — But  it  was  while  thus 
storm-driven  that  the  Northmen  discovered  new  lands. 

Measurements  of  distance  in  traveling,  whether  by 
land  or  by  sea,  were  somewhat  indefinite  throughout 
Scandinavia  in  those  ancient  days,   and  the   distances 

58  Falk,  "Altnordisches  Seewesen,'  in  Kulturhistorisches  Zeitschrift,  IV, 
19. 

59  The  Icelandic  Landndmahok  states  that  before  setting  out  for  Iceland 
a  Norwegian  named  Floki  made  a  great  sacrifice  and  "hallowed  three 
ravens,"  which  he  let  loose  when  out  to  sea.  One  of  the  three  flew  directly 
towards  Iceland,  thus  guiding  the  voyager  to  the  desired  land.  (Origincs 
Islandicae,  I,  17-18.)  This  was,  however,  certainly  a  very  exceptional 
case,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  conclude  from  it  that  any  general  use  of  this 
sort  was  made  of  birds. 


TRANSPORTATION  213 

given   seem   to   have   been  the   result   of   estimates   or 
guesses,   rather  than   of  accurate  measure- 
ments.    There  was  also  variation  caused  by  Measure- 
the  fact  that  the  time  necessary  to  cover  the   ™f"ts  of 
space   between   two   points   was   taken   into   j^  j^^^^ 
consideration.     The  rast,  by  way  of  exam-  and  Water 
pie,  was  the  time  unit  employed  in  measur-   Travel 
ing  land  travel,  and  this  unit  probably  corre- 
sponded roughly  to  the  modern  Scandinavian  mile,  or 
about  seven  English  and  American  miles;  but  the  rast 
differed   in   length   according   to   whether   the    country 
traversed    was    mountainous    or    level,    like    the    Swiss 
stunde  of  the  present  time.     The  rasts  in  land  where 
progress   was    slow   were,   however,    sometimes    distin- 
guished as  short  rasts,  but  not  always.     The  rast  was 
less  commonly  used,  though,  than  the  day's  journey,  in 
giving  an  idea  of  distance ;  and  this  latter  measure  per- 
haps   corresponded    roughly    to    five    Scandinavian    or 
thirty-five  English  miles.''" 

The  unit  of  measure  in  water  travel  was  the  vika, 
which  is  still  commonly  employed  in  Iceland.  The  an- 
cient vika  was  perhaps  somewhat  longer  than  the  land 
rast.  But  it  was  not  the  only  measure  of  sea-travel, 
for  very  frequently  distances  were  indicated  in  terms  of 
days'  sailings,  one  day's  sailing  being  something  like 
twenty-four  or  twentj^-five  Scandinavian  land  miles.^^  A 
day's  rowing,  which  was  less  of  ten -mentioned,  was,  ob- 
viously, considerably  shorter,  and  perhaps  varied  from 
six  to  nine  Scandinavian  miles.®^ 

Days'  sailings  and  days'  rowings,  used  as  measures  of 
distance,  were  based  upon  average  speed,  for,  naturall}^ 

60  Petersen,    G ammel-y ordiske    Geografi,    132-133. 

61  Ibid.,  135 ;  Falk,  "Altnordisches  Seewesen,"  in  Kulturhistorisches 
Zeitschrift,  IV,   17-18;   Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  367. 

62  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  367. 


214  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  progress  made  at  sea  varied  greatly,  because  of  de- 
pendence of  the  mariner  upon  the  winds,  and 
Sea^Travel  ^^®  general  influence  of  the  weather.  With 
conditions  unusually  favorable,  the  distance 
between  Trondhjem,  in  Norway,  and  Iceland  could  be 
covered  in  four  days;  and  that  between  Denmark  and 
England,  in  three.  The  time  by  sea  from  Scania,  south- 
ern Sweden,  to  Birka  and  Sigtuna  in  the  eastern  part, 
with  the  best  winds,  was  five  days;  while  the  journey 
between  these  points  when  made  by  land  consumed  a 
whole  month.*' ^ 

63  Ibid.,  133-134. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

TRADE   AND   COMMERCE 

On  returning  to  your  lodgings  examine  your  wares,  lest  they  sufifer 
damage  after  coming  into  your  hands.  If  they  are  found  to  be  injured 
and  you  are  about  to  dispose  of  them,  do  not  conceal  the  flaws  from 
the  purchaser :  show  him  what  the  defects  are  and  make  such  a  bargain 
as  you  can;  then  you  cannot  be  called  a  deceiver.  Also  put  a  good 
price  on  your  wares,  though  not  too  high,  and  yet  near  what  you  see 
can  be  obtained;  then  you  cannot  be  called  a  foister. 

King's  Mirror. 

The  old  Northmen  were  unusually  shrewd  and  success- 
ful traders.     In  their  interest  in  mercantile  affairs  and 
in  the  part  which  they  played  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  commodities,  they  excelled  all  other  Commercial 
contemporary     peoples     of     Europe.     And  tjfg"s°an. 
wherever  they  went  they   stimulated  those  dinavians 
with  whom  they  came  into  contact  to  greater 
attention  to  trade.     Commercially,  they  were  to  their 
time  what  the  Phoenicians  were  to  the  Eurasian  lands 
of  a  thousand  years  earlier. 

Within  the  units  of  the  Scandinavian  lands  themselves 
the  population  to  a  considerable  degree  was  occupied 
in  a  mercantile  way.     Traders  and  peddlers, 
very  similar  to  those  who  still  make  their  Trade 
rounds    in   the   more   remote   parts    of    the 
United  States,  went  about  from  place  to  place  carrying 
wares  of  various  sorts.     Women  as  well  as  men  occa- 
sionally made  a  living  in  this  manner.^     Perhaps  the 
merchants  of  this  class  usually  traveled  on  horseback, 

iNjdla,  110. 

215 


216  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

carrying  their  wares  in  saddlebags,  or  upon  pack-horses ; 
but  where  the  roads  were  good,  some  went  about  in 
wagons ;  while  others  followed  the  streams  and  sea-coasts 
in  boats;  and  a  few  went  on  foot  carrying  their  goods 
in  packs  upon  their  backs,  or  drawing  them  upon  hand- 
sleds  or  sledges. 

The  character  of  the  goods  was  determined  by  the 
needs  of  the  district  traversed  and  by  the  nature  of  the 
commodities  obtainable  at  wholesale  by  the  wandering 
tradesmen.  Iceland  is  an  example  of  this.  The  men 
of  the  interior,  or  those  living  along  the  more  fertile 
parts  of  the  coasts,  supplied  those  of  other  sections  with 
grain, — when  they  had  a  surplus, — with  dairy  products, 
wool,  wadmal,  and  woolen  articles;  while  the  coast  peo- 
ple sent  sol,  fish,  eggs,  and  salt  to  the  population  living 
farther  inland.  Other  commodities  of  local  Icelandic 
trade  mentioned  in  the  ancient  writings  are  smith 's  work 
and  other  hardware,  and  poultry,  a  dealer  in  which,  Hen 
Thore,  is  remembered  through  having  his  name  attached 
to  one  of  the  sagas. ^ 

Of  more  significance  than  the  local  trade  which  took 
place  within  the  territorial  units  of  Scandinavia  was  the 
commerce  in  home  produce  which  was  car- 
Trade  Be-        i-ied  on  brisklv  and  peacefully  between  the 
tweenScan-     (jiff^rent  Scandinavian  lands.     The  Goths  of 

dinavian  ,    i     •     i  •  i^  i 

Countries  Sweden  secured  their  herrmg,  salt,  and  some 
of  the  other  necessaries  of  life  from  Nor- 
way ;  ^  Iceland  imported  grain  and  timber,  in  particular, 
from  the  continent,  and  sent  to  the  other  Scandinavian 
countries  raw  w^ool,  wadmal,  coarse  clothing,  dried  fish, 
and  dairy  produce;  Denmark  received  sheep  products 
from  the  Faroes;  and  she  and  southern  Sweden  drew 

2Njdla,  51-52;   Origines  Islandicae,  II,  415. 
3  Petersen,  Gammel-Nordiske  Geografi,   111. 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  217 

upon  Lapland  and  Greenland  for  ivory,  furs,  and  other 
Arctic  supplies.'* 

The  foreign  trade  was,  however,  of  more  importance 
still ;  and  to  it  may  be  attributed  to  a  considerable  degree 
the  remarkable  prosperity  which  was  en- 
joyed by  the  North,  not  only  during  the  ninth.  Honor  Con- 
tenth,  and  eleventh  centuries,  but  for  a  long  pQ^^eign^ 
time  previous  and  for  many  hundreds  of  Trade 
years  afterwards.^  To  this  foreign  com- 
merce were  attached  special  honor  and  glory,  and  in  it 
chieftains  and  kings  took  part.^  Humbler  persons,  by 
the  laws  of  King  Canute,  might  be  raised  to  the  dignity 
of  nobles  if  they  could  show  that  at  their  o^^^l  expense 
they  had  made  three  voyages  over  the  seas."  The  stimu- 
lus to  commercial  ventures  in  foreign  lands  and  the 
reputation  resulting  from  having  gone  on  long  trading 
voyages  was  largely  due  to  the  high  esteem  in  which  the 
warrior  was  held ;  for  the  militaiy  aggressiveness  which 
characterized  the  Viking  Age  and  the  piratical  activity 
which  gave  the  period  its  name  were  closely  identified 
with  the  commercial  development  of  the  time.  The  mer- 
chant trading  in  foreign  lands  occasionally  descended  to 
piracy — for  from  time  immemorial  the  foreigner  was  con- 
sidered legitimate  prey,  and  the  viking  corsair  now  and 
then  abandoned  plunder  for  peaceful  trade.  But  the 
Scandinavian  was  not  merchant  and  pirate  at  one  and 
the  same  time ;  he  alternated  the  two  occupations,  as  will 
be  made  clear  later. 

Through  their  mercantile  and  piratical  activities,  the 
Northmen  were  known  to  every  people  of  Europe  as 

4Schonfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bauernhof,  118,  186-187. 

5  Worsaae,  Danskes  Kultur,  80. 

6  Falk,  "Altnordisches  Seewesen,"  in  Kultiirhistorisches  Zeitschrift,  IV, 
4;   King's  Mirror,  80-81. 

7  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leien,   115. 


218         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

well  as  to  those  of  Western  Asia.^  The  expeditions  to 
foreign  lands  generally  took  place  twice  a  year — in  the 
spring  after  the  seed  was  sown,  and  in  the  autumn  when 
the  crops  were  all  harvested.^  If  the  destination  was 
a  near-by  land,  the  party  would  often  return  home  for 
the  winter,  if  it  started  early  in  the  season ;  but  when  the 
travelers  ventured  far  afield — into  the  eastern  Mediter- 
ranean, for  instance — they  might  spend  several  years 
abroad,  buying  and  selling,  plundering  and  fighting. 
But  three  years  was  perhaps  the  average  time  spent  away 
from  home  on  a  single  voyage.^" 

All  parts  of  Scandinavia  contributed  to  the  army  of 
merchant  adventurers;  and  perhaps  of  those  whose  er- 
rands were  primarily  mercantile,  each  unit 

Trade  ^^  ^j^^  ^^^^  contributed  about  equallv,  in  pro- 

Routes  .  .  1      ii 

XJortion  to  population.     But,  as  a  rule,  the 

routes  taken  by  those  from  different  sections  of  the 
North  were  distinct.  The  British  Isles  and  the  western 
part  of  the  mainland  of  the  continent  to  the  south  came 
more  directly  under  the  influence  of  the  Danes,  Norwe- 
gians, and  Icelanders;  while  the  Swedes  bent  their  ac- 
tivities more  definitely  towards  the  East,  their  destina- 
tions being  the  trade  centers  situated  upon  the  internal 
waterways  of  the  present  Slavic  lands,  or  the  Eastern 
Empire — particularly  its  capital,  called  Micklegaard  in 
the  North.  The  traders  always  went  well  armed,  and  to 
a  considerable  extent  they  carried  their  food  supplies 
with  them.  Those  whose  commercial  interests  were  to- 
wards the  Orient  were  sometimes  forced  to  travel  by 
land,  and  when  this  was  necessary,  they  usually  went 
in  groups,  for  mutual  protection.     But  whenever  pos- 

8  Steenstrup,   'N ormannerne,   I,    1. 
» Keyser,  Private  Life,   105. 
loKSlund,   "Familielivet    p&   Island,"    in   Aarboger,    1870,   p.   290. 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  219 

sible  they  journeyed  by  water,  where  more  rapid  prog- 
ress could  be  made,  and  where  there  was  less  danger 
from  robbers.^ ^ 

The  routes  leading  to  the  East  and  South,  where  boats 
could  be  used  much  of  the  distance,  were  numerous. 
These  followed  quite  closely  the  courses  of 
the  many  long  rivers  rising  in  the  central  Jj^g^g^g^^ 
part  of  the  continent.     But  at  several  points  g^^  south 
the  merchants  were  forced  to  drag  their  ves- 
sels over  land  past  rapids  and  waterfalls,  or  to  dispose 
of  them  and  to  build,  hire,  or  buy  other  boats,  as  the 
nature  of  the  waterways  changed.^^     a  favorite  route  in- 
cluded the  Gulf  of  Finland,  the  River  Neva,  Lake  Ladoga, 
the  River  Volkhof ,  Lake  Ilmen,  the  Dnieper,  and  the  Black 
Sea.     But  many  going  farther  east  preferred  the  more 
direct  route  furnished  by  the   rivers  flowing  into  the 
Caspian  Sea.^^     And  sometimes  a  highway  starting  much 
farther  to  the  west  was  chosen,  especially  by  merchants 
from  Western  Scandinavia,  in  which  case  they  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  long  rivers  of  Germany,  then  continued 
by  land  to  some  Italian  port,  and  went  the  remainder  of 
the  way  through  the  Eastern  Mediterranean.     Still  an- 
other course  traveled  to  the  East— taken  by  those  who 
wished  to  trade  with  many  lands— was  by  water  all  the 
way,  and  ran  along  the  Atlantic  coast  of  Europe  and 
through  the  length  of  the  Mediterranean. ^^     Not  uncom- 
monly, one  route  was  followed  upon  the  outward  journey 
and  another  on  the  return. 

The  most  important  route  opened  up  by  the  Nonve- 

11  Petersen,    Gammel-Nordiske   Geografi,    118-119. 

i^IUd.,    118;    Bugge,    Alexander.   "Seafaring   and    Shipping    during   the 
Viking  Age,"  in  Saga-Book,  vol.  VI,   pt.  I,    If). 

13  Peterson,  Gammel-Nordiske  Geografi,  119-123;  Bugge,  "Seafaring  and 
Shipping,"  in  Saga-Book,  vol.  VI,  pt.  I,  18. 

14  Petersen,  Gammel-Nordiske  Geografi,  75. 


220          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

gians  was  that  to  the  White  Sea  region,  reached  by  sail- 
ing around  the  North  Cape.     Vessels  plied 
^°'"*^'  back  and  forth  between  this  fur-producing 

RouteT  section  of  the  Arctic  Circle  and  Sleswig  in 

southeastern  Jutland,  via  Oresund.  Other 
highways  uniting  this  part  of  the  continent  ran  from 
Sleswig  along  the  shore  of  the  present  northern  Germany 
to  the  Gulf  of  Finland;  from  Norway  through  Oresund 
to  Bornholm,  and  on  to  Esthonia ;  from  Denmark  to  the 
island  of  Gotland,  and  thence  to  the  Gulf  of  Finland;  and 
from  Kibe  in  western  Jutland  along  the  shores  of  the 
present  Holland,  Belgium,  and  France,  and  across  to 
England. 

Another   route   requiring   bolder   sailing,   which   was 
especially  well  known  to  Norwegians  and  Icelanders,  led 
from  the  home  ports  to  the  Faroes  and  Ork- 
es  em  neys,  thence  along  the  coast  of  Scotland  to 

Man,  Wales,  and  Ireland. ^^  From  the  Brit- 
ish Isles,  and  directly  from  Scandinavia  itself,  the  North- 
men also  followed  the  west  coast  of  Europe  southward 
to  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  then  across  to  Northern 
Africa,  where  they  conducted  a  flourishing  trade  with  the 
Arabs. 

Generally  speaking,  the  Scandinavian  North  supplied 
the  remainder  of  Europe,  and  to  some  extent  the  Orient, 
with  all  of  the  raw^  materials  produced  which 
she  did  not  require  for  herself,  and  from 
these  foreign  parts  she  received  in  turn  manufactured 
necessaries  and  luxuries.  Great  quantities  of  furs  were 
sent  south,  especially  from  northern  Norway  and 
Sweden,  Iceland,  and  Greenland.  Most  of  the  furs  used 
in  England  in  the  year  1000  probably  came  from  Scan- 

i5iMd.,    115-116.- 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  221 

dinavia.i'^     With  the  furs  from  the  Far  North  came  also 
the  ivory  and  hides  of  walruses,  and  whale  oil  as  well.^^ 
From  farther  south  were  sent  the  hides  of  sheep,  cattle, 
and  horses,  raw  wool,  wadmal,  and  coarse  woolen  gar- 
ments, the  larger  part  of  the  wool  and  wool  products 
being   products    of   the   western   part    of    Scandinavia. 
Norway  and  Iceland,  in  particular,  also  exported  a  large 
surplus  of  fish,  especially  dried  cod,  but  fish  was  an  im- 
portant commodity  in  the  export  trade  of  the  whole  of 
Scandinavia.^^     From     continental     Scandinavia     went 
salt ;  ^^   and  the  whole  Northland  exported  butter  and 
cheese.     Amber  from  the  Baltic  shores  was  an  impor- 
tant article  of  commerce,  but  not  so  important  as  it  was 
some  centuries  before ;  and  it  played  a  lesser  part  than 
did  the  trade  in  furs.^^     Sweden  exported  large  numbers 
of  her  famous  horses,-^  and  Norway  and  Iceland  sup- 
plied   the    Southern    lands   with   hawks    and   falcons. ^^ 
Doubtless  there  was  some  foreign  demand  for  feathers 
and  down  from  the  sea-birds  of  Norway  and  the  western 
islands,  but  at  this  early  time  the  products  of  the  eider 
duck  were  by  no  means  valued  abroad  as  they  have  been 
in  modern  times,  and  eider-down  was  not  then  regarded 
in  Iceland  as  an  article  of  importance  commercially.^^ 

The  Northmen  were  great  slave  traders.  A  goodly 
proportion  of  the  human  chattels  in  which  they  trafficked 
were  bought  or  kidnapped  abroad,  or  secured  in  foreign 

18  £(71  Zs   Saga,    43-45,    51-54;    Fornmanna   Sogur,    III,    135. 

17  Weinhold,   Altnordisches    Leben,    110. 

18  Schonf eld,  Der  isldndische  Bauemhof,  118;  Weinhold,  Altnordisches 
Leben,    110. 

19  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  91. 

20  Ibid.,  99. 

21  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,   192. 

22  Weinhold,    Altnordisches   Leben,    112. 

23  Ibid.,  102;  Schonfeld,  Der  islandische  Bauernhof,  118;  Cf.  "Dfln"  in 
Cleasby   and   Vigfusson's   Dictionary. 


222  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

lands  as  prisoners  of  war.  Many  of  the  slaves  were, 
however,  born' in  the  North,  and  were  probably  made  up 
largely  of  Lapps  and  Finns,  though  the  Northmen  ap- 
pear to  have  occasionally  sold  their  fellow  Scandinavians 
into  foreign  bondage.-^ 

From  the  south  and  east  were  imported  manufactured 
goods  and  the  raw  materials  which  the  Northland  could 
not  produce,  or  did  not  supply  in  sufficient 
Imports  quantities    to    satisfy    home    needs.     From 

England  came  wheat,  honey,  and  malt,— especially  for 
use  in  Iceland  and  Norway, — and  also  linen ;  from  France 
and  the  Rhine  lands,  wine,  and  from  the  former,  finely 
woven,  brightly  colored  fabrics.-^  Spain  and  Portugal 
also  sent  fine  woolen  goods,  home-produced  silk,  and  the 
high-grade  leather  saddles  already  mentioned,  as  well  as 
various  trinkets.^*'  "Russian"  hats  were  well-knoA\Ti  ar- 
ticles of  foreign  headgear  worn  in  Scandinavia,  and  were 
evidently  purchased  from  the  Slavs  of  eastern  Europe.^^ 
Foreign  slaves,  already  referred  to  in  more  than  one 
connection,  were  perhaps  largely  obtained  from  the  Cel- 
tic parts  of  the  British  Isles,  particularly  Ireland.  Out 
of  the  remoter  Orient  were  imported, — sometimes  by  the 
Northmen  directly,  but  oftener  through  Eastern  Euro- 
peans acting  as  middlemen, — many  commodities,  such  as 
damasked  swords,  superior  to  anything  that  could  be 
obtained  in  Europe,  jewels,  silks  and  embroideries,  richly 
colored  rugs  and  hangings,  and  numberless  other  ar- 
ticles of  luxury.-^ 

Very  commonly  merchants  owned  a  share  in  the  ships 

24  Montelius,   Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  92 ;    Weinhold, 
Altnordisches  Lehen,   102. 

25  Egils  Saga,  52,  59. 

28  Petersen,   Gammel-N ordiske  Oeografi,   184. 

27  Oudmundar  Saga,  117. 

28  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  192. 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  223 

in  which  they  carried  their  goods;  if  not,  they  engaged 
space  in  other  merchant  vessels,  for  which 
they  paid  a  definite  price.     Their  interests  Regulations 
were  carefully  guarded  by  laws  which  early  Regarding 

•    i.  •    i  T      -VT  i»  the  Trans- 

came  into  existence.     In  Norway,  tor  exam-        .  ^■ 

"  I  portation 

pie,   if   a  trader  had   reserved   in   advance  of  Mer- 
space  for  his  goods,  and  at  the  time  of  sail-  chandise 
ing  the  cargo  proved  too  heavy,  the  captain 
must  leave  his  own  merchandise  behind,  in  order  to  make 
room  for  others.     Next  after  the  captain  the  person  who 
last  engaged  space  must  give  it  up,  but  the  laws  required 
that  the  captain  compensate  him.^^     In  case  of  shipwreck, 
the  law  secured  to  each  trader  his  wares,  regardless  of 
who  owned  the  land  upon  which  they  might  drift,  if  he 
could  prove  his  ownership  of  them  by  means  of  wit- 
nesses.^" 

In  most  Northern  harbors  also  merchants  had  special 
rights  which  developed  from  the  desire  to  stimulate  com- 
merce ;  but  trade,  even  for  the  native  merchants,  was  not 
completely  free,  for  persons  owning  the  place  of  landing 
were  permitted  to  lay  toll  upon  merchant  ships ;  ^^  and 
traders  from  abroad  were,  in  addition,  required  to  pay 
special  fees  to  the  king  for  commercial  rights  within  the 
land.  ^2 

Throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  as  well  as  during  the 
long  stretch  of  centuries  preceding,  war  was,  as  we  know, 
the  rule  in  Europe,  and  peace,  the  exception. 
Consequently,  in  order  to  make  trading  pos-  "^/^^  ^,^^' 
sible,  a  special  merchants'  truce  was  neces-  Peace 
sary.     And  so  important  was  foreign  trade 
to  all  European  countries,  and  in  such  high  regard  was 

29  Xorges  Gamle  Love,  I,  58. 

30  Ihid. 

31  Fldamanna  Saga,  58. 

82  SchUck,  Henrik,  Birka,  25. 


224         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

commerce  held,  that  such  a  peace  was  as  a  rule  readily 
established  by  Scandinavian  merchants  when  they  ap- 
proached a  foreign  market-place  where  they  desired  to 
trade.  The  signal  given  to  indicate  that  the  mission  of 
the  newcomers  was  commercial  and  not  military  was 
generally  the  hoisting  of  the  ''white  shield  of  peace." 
This  ''white"  shield  was  perhaps  merely  the  painted 
wooden  shield  of  the  warrior  reversed  so  that  the  un- 
painted  light-colored  wood  was  in  view.  If  the  mer- 
chant was  on  land  and  was  alone,  he  signified  his  in- 
tentions by  holding  his  shield  in  his  hand  high  above  his 
head;  but  a  group  of  merchants  usually  raised  a  single 
shield  aloft  on  a  pole;  if  on  board  ship,  the  token  was 
fastened  to  the  mast  near  its  head,  so  as  to  be  plainly 
visible  from  the  shore.^^  The  special  significance  of  this 
hoisting  of  the  shield  was  that  by  thus  exposing  his  per- 
son to  the  attacks  of  the  enemy  the  trader  showed  his 
good  faith.  When  held  aloft  as  a  token  of  truce,  how- 
ever, the  shield  was  not  always  reversed;  sometimes  the 
brightly  colored  side  was  exposed  to  the  enemy ;  but  the 
fact  of  its  being  raised  in  such  a  manner  as  to  leave  the 
body  unprotected  was  regarded  as  sufficient.  Occa- 
sionally, also,  peaceful  intent  was  indicated  by  other 
tokens. 

When  the  commercial  transactions  were  completed,  the 
shield  of  truce  was  lowered,  or, — if  fastened  to  the  mast, 
— its  bright  side  was  turned  outward,  or  some  other  sign 
was  given  that  peace  was  at  an  end ;  and  the  recent  buyers 
and  sellers  often  transformed  themselves  into  fiercely 
battling  warriors. ^^ 

In  some  cases,  the  merchants'  peace  was  of  a  more 

33  Lehmann,  Karl,  "Kauffriede  und  Friedensschild,"  in  Germanistische 
Abhandlungen  zum  LXX.  Gehurtstag  Konrad  von  Maurers,  54,  60. 

34  Ibid.,  60. 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  225 

comprehensive,  stable,  and  lasting  nature, — though,  at 
best,  the  period  of  its  duration  was  veiy  brief ;  for  with 
the  governments  of  some  countries  groups  of  Scandi- 
navian merchants  made  a  general  truce  or  trading  peace ; 
in  return  for  commercial  privileges  they  agreed  not  to 
levy  warfare  against  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  as  a 
whole. 

The  weights  and  measures  employed  in  early  medieval 
commerce  varied  at  different  times  and  in  different  Scan- 
dinavian countries.  It  is  therefore  impossi- 
ble to  tell  in  even  a  comparative  manner  what  ^^^s^ts 
some  of  the  terms  used  in  dividing  commodi-  Measures 
ties  signify.  Most  of  them  are,  however, 
fairly  clear.  For  determining  w^eight  two  kinds  of  ap- 
paratus— both  borrowed  from  the  Romans — were  in  com- 
mon use.  These  were  the  small,  symmetrical,  double- 
armed  balance,  used  for  weighing  precious  metals  and 
small  objects  (Fig.  33),  and  the  long-armed  steelyard,  for 
heavier  and  more  bulky  wares.  The  largest  unit  of 
Vv^eight  appears  to  have  been  the  lest,  or  ship's  cargo, 
which  evidently  marked  the  capacity  of  the  average 
ocean-vessel.  It  was  made  up  of  twelve  '^ship-pounds," 
but  the  equivalent  of  the  ship-pound  {skip-pund)  in  mod- 
ern terminology  is  not  known.  Another  large  unit  of 
weight,  common  in  Iceland,  was  the  vaett,  or  weight, 
which  was  equal  to  eighty  marks,  or  about  forty  pounds, 
modern  English  measure.  Twenty  marks'  weight  made 
a  f'jordnng.  The  pound  {pund),  probably  introduced 
from  England,  was  also  used  to  some  slight  extent,  espe- 
cially in  the  late  Middle  Ages. 

In  the  ancient  records  one  reads,  however,  much  more 
of  the  weights  used  more  especially  for  weighing  money. 
These  were  very  similar  to  the  Roman,  and  were  evi- 


226         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

dently  introduced  into  the  North  by  traders  who  became 
familiar  with  them  in  the  Eastern  Empire.  This  Ro- 
mano-Scandinavian system  included  the  mark  {mork), 
eyrir,  or  ounce,  the  ortog,  and  the  penningr.  The  mark 
was  generally  one  half  of  the  modern  sixteen-ounce  pound 
in  weight,  and  was  made  up  of  eight  ounces,  or  aurar ;  the 
eyrir  generally  included  three  oretogs,  but  the  number  of 
''pennies"  in  the  oretog,  varied  greatly,  thus  causing 
confusion  in  the  monetary  sj^stem.^^  For  instance,  thirty 
pence  were  counted  to  an  ounce  in  Norway  at  one  time, 
while  in  Iceland,  sixty  at  one  time,  and  ten  at  another. 

Measures  of  capacity  as  well  as  measures  of  length 

were  in  common  use,  and  the  former  were  employed  for 

liquids  as  well  as  for  solids.     The  said  was  a 

Measures        large  measure  used  for  corn,  ale,  and  other 

of  Capacity         ,,°         ,         .,  ,^  •      i      j.  •  i. 

thmgs,  but  its  present  day  equivalent  is  not 
known.  A  graded  system  commonly  employed  in  Nor- 
way for  liquids  included  the  ashr,  the  hlotbolli,  and  the 
justa.  Four  justur  made  one  ''bowl,"  as  a  rule,  and 
two  bowls,  one  askr.  This  system,  or  one  very  similar, 
was  doubtless  in  use  throughout  Scandinavia. 

Measures  of  length  were  chiefly  needed  for  the  sale 
of  cloth  and  clothing.     The  finger,  foot,  and  arm  were 

the  original  standards  of  measure  in  Scandi- 
^  L^^'^^h        navia,  as  in  most  other  places ;  ^^  and  it  is 
^"^*  probable  that  the  "foot,"  which  was  as  long 

as  the  average  man's  foot  was  used  to  some  degree  in 
the  Viking.  Age,  as  was  also  a  measure  corresponding 
to  the  modern  inch,  the  standard  for  which  was  the  first 
joint  of  the  thumb, — whence  the  word  tomme,  meaning 

35  Seebolm,  Tribal  Custom  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law,  233;  Weinhold,  AUnor- 
disches  Lehen,   118-119. 

38  Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  Indflydelse,  306. 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  227 

inch  in  modern  Danish.  But  by  far  the  most  common 
measure  of  length  known  to  commerce  was  the  ell  {alin), 
based  upon  the  length  of  the  forearm  from  the  tip  of 
the  second  finger  to  the  elbow.  The  ell  employed  in 
Iceland  before  the  thirteenth  century  was  just  eighteen 
inches  long;  and  that  used  in  other  parts  of  the  North 
was  probably  virtually  the  same;  but  in  the  year  1200 
by  a  new  Icelandic  law  was  introduced  the  stika,  or  double 
ell,  the  exact  length  of  the  modern  yard.  And  to  pre- 
vent dishonesty  and  inaccuracy  in  measurement,  a  lawful 
stika,  or  yard,  to  be  used  as  the  standard,  was  marked 
upon  the  walls  of  the  churches,  especially  the  church  at 
the  meeting  place  of  the  general  parliament  or  Althing.^^ 
It  is  very  probable  that  earlier,  in  the  heathen  days, 
the  standard  ell  w^as  exhibited  in  the  temples  or  at  the 
political  assemblies  in  a  similar  manner. 

Most  of  the  traffic  carried  on  by  the  Northmen,  espe- 
cially that  done  on  a  small  scale  in  the  remoter  parts, 

was  of  the  nature  of  barter;  but  out  and   _ 

,,.  .,  ,  1    Currency 

out  buying  and  selling  was  quite  usual,  and 

even  in  the  case  of  commerce  carried  on  by  exchange  of 
commodities,  the  goods  which  changed  hands  w^ere  quite 
regularly  spoken  of  in  terms  of  currency.  For  in  the 
Scandinavian  lands  there  were  several  well-recognized 
forms  of  currency,  or  media  of  exchange,  the  most  usual 
being  cattle,  textile  wares,  and  precious  metals.  In  Ice- 
land, and  to  some  extent  in  Norway  and  the  other  North- 
ern lands,  the  cow^  passed  as  a  unit  of  value,  the  law  of 
Iceland  requiring  that  the  standard  animal  be  one  with- 
out blemish  and  between  three  and  ten  years  old.^^  The 
laAvs  of  various  Northern  lands  also  fixed  the  value  of 

37  "Alin,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary;   Grdgds,  TV,  191. 

38  Grdgds,  IV,  192. 


228         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

other  domestic  animals  and  of  many  common  commodi- 
ties in  terms  of  cow-value,  or  of  money,  making  it  easily 
possible  for  them  to  be  used  as  currency .^^ 

But  the  most  general  Northern  product  used  in  the 
Scandinavian  lands  as  currency  was  wadmal,  the  plain, 
home-woven,  woolen  cloth;  this  was  a  standard  of  all 
value  and  payment  in  all  parts  of  the  North  until  metal 
coins  came  into  use.  Even  at  the  present  time,  in  some 
portions  of  Scandinavia  the  value  of  land  is  theoretically 
reckoned  in  terms  of  wadmal.^*^  The  recognition  as  cur- 
rencj^  of  a  material  as  easily  produced  as  wadmal  was  a 
great  boon  to  the  poor,  and  made  for  independence  and 
thrift,  for  there  was,  so  to  speak,  a  mint  on  virtually 
every  farm;  the  currency  was  coined  on  the  hand-loom. 
The  unit  of  measure  in  wadmal  was  a  piece  one  ell  long 
and  two  wide."*^  Two  qualities  of  cloth  were  commonly 
used,  brown-  or  brown-striped  and  plain  white,  the  for- 
mer being  more  valuable  than  the  latter."*  ^  Later,  linen, 
imported  as  well  as  home-woven,  measured,  like  wadmal, 
by  the  ell,  came  in  as  a  medium  of  exchange.''^  Rugs, 
too,  passed  as  currency  to  some  extent,  their  value  being 
fixed  according  to  size  and  thickness  of  the  nap.'** 

Precious  metals,  however,  seem  to  have  formed  the 
most  common  commercial  medium  in  Scandinavia  as  a 

whole  during  the  early  Middle  Ages.  Silver 
M^etai°"^  played  a  more  important  part  than  gold,  and 

most  payments  were  probably  made  in  it. 
As  has  already  been  indicated,  the  metals  were  carefully 
weighed  out  in  balances.     In  general,  the  gold  mark  had 

39  Weinhold,   Altnordisches  Leben,   51-53. 

40  Annandale,  Nelson,  The  Faroes  and  Iceland,   136. 
*i  Schonfeld,  Der  isldndische  Bauemhof,  223. 
*2lbid.,  223-224. 

*3  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,   121. 
4*  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  120,  395. 


Fio;.    '.i'-i.     Bronze    JJalances.      (From    Uustafson's    Xorges    Oldtid) 


Fig.  .■^4.     Weights   for   Halances,  Silver  Uars,  and  Pieces  of  Loin.      i  l'"rom 
Steenstrup's  Danmarks  Historie) 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  229 

eight  times  the  value  of  the  same  weight  of  silver.  The 
silver  in  large  amounts — and,  to  a  lesser  extent,  the  gold 
— was  carried  in  the  form  of  bars  which  had  been  cast 
in  molds ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  making  smaller  change, 
it  was  drawn  out  in  the  shape  of  spirals,  or  long,  thick 
wires,  from  which  small  parts  could  be  cut  or  broken 
and  weighed  (Fig.  34).''^  Gold  and  silver  in  jewelry, 
like  those  metals  in  bullion,  were  weighed  and  passed 
out  as  money,  careful  note  being  made  of  the  degree  of 
purity  of  the  metals  used.^*'  Foreign  coins  of  gold  and 
silver,  which  were  used  in  the  North  centuries  before  a 
native  coinage  came  into  existence,  were  likewise 
weighed.  The  original  reason  for  this  was  that  when 
first  introduced  their  use  was  not  clearly  understood; 
hence,  they  were  looked  upon  merely  as  bullion,  as  is 
made  quite  clear  by  the  fact  that  in  order  to  get  exact 
weight  the  foreign  coins  were  cut  into  pieces,  just  as 
were  the  unstamped  metals  regularly  used  in  bulk."*^  By 
the  close  of  the  Viking  Age,  great  quantities  of  the  pre- 
cious metals  in  the  form  of  foreign  coins — especially 
those  bearing  the  stamps  of  English,  French,  German, 
Byzantine,  and  Arabian  mints — were  in  circulation  in 
Scandinavia."*^  But,  because  coin-clipping  was  common, 
the  custom  of  reckoning  by  weight  was  continued  long 
after  the  principle  of  coinage  was  entirely  familiar. 

The  introduction  into   Scandinavia  of  a  real  native 
coinage  was  a  gradual  process.     The  first  step  in  this 
direction  was  taken  in  the  last  part  of  the  Native 
ninth  century  when  King  Halfdan  the  Black  Coinage 
had    coins    struck    in    England,    largely    after    British 

*^  Ibid.,  156;   Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,   119. 
*6  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  117-118. 

47  Ibid. 

48  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,   192;   Gustafson, 
Norges  Oldtid,  126;  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  98. 


230  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

models,^^  for  use  in  Norway.  Next,  mints  were  erected 
in  the  North,  but  with  English  w^orkmen  in  charge.  This 
transition  took  place  in  Denmark  first,  about  the  year 
1000,  and  in  Sweden  perhaps  a  quarter  of  a  century 
later.^°  But  the  earliest  coins  struck  in  Scandinavia 
were  almost  exclusively  modeled  after  foreign  ones;  as 
in  the  previous  stage.  English  money  was  copied,  but 
the  **Carolus"  coins  minted  in  Dorestad,  in  Utrecht,  in 
the  time  of  Charles  the  Great  were  also  favorite  models.^  ^ 
Finally,  a  genuine  native  coinage  was  developed:  the 
coins  were  made  in  the  Scandinavian  kingdoms,  from 
models  originating  with  native  artists,  and  generally  bore 
the  name  of  the  king  in  whose  reign  they  were  struck. 

Each  of  the  Scandinavian  coins  contained  as  a  rule  a 
definite  amount  of  metal,  corresponding  to  the  weights 
used  for  gold  and  silver,  and  they  were  generally  known 
by  the  name  of  their  weight,  as  mark,  penny,  and  so  on. 
But  they  did  not  pass  entirely  upon  their  assumed  face 
value,  for,  because  of  the  coin-clipping  already  mentioned 
as  well  as  of  other  abuses,  this  was  not  always  safe; 
hence,  the  scales  were  continued  in  use  for  the  purpose 
of  verifying  the  value  of  the  coins ;  as  well  as  for  weigh- 
ing the  bullion  which  also  continued  to  pass  as  money. 

In  the  early  days  before  a  domestic  coinage  came  into 

use,  as  well  as  after  its   establishment,  dishonesty  of 

various  sorts,  besides  the  paring  away  of  a 

oun  er-         part  of  the  coin,  existed  in  connection  with 

the  currency.     The  most  common   of  these 

were  counterfeiting  of  coins  and  passing  as  pure,  metal 

in  other  shapes  containing  alloy.     Consequently,  the  old 

laws  which  fix  values  carefully  distinguish  between  pure 

49  Bugge,   Vesterlandenes  Indflydelse,   273. 

50  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  120;  Montelius,  Civilisation  of  Sweden 
in  Heathen  Times,  189. 

51  Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  Indflydelse,  265. 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  231 

metal  "which  could  stand  to  go  into  fire,"^^  ^nd  that 
mixed  with  alloy;  and  when  bargains  were  made,  the 
sellers  were  also  careful  to  make  stipulations  as  to  the 
purity  of  the  metal  which  they  were  to  receive  in  pay- 
ment. The  mixing  of  baser  metals  with  gold  and  silver 
was  not  the  only  form  of  counterfeiting,  and  it  was,  seem- 
ingly, not  even  the  most  usual  one;  for  the  more  com- 
mon device  of  the  swindler  appears  to  have  been  to  cover 
with  thin  coatings  of  precious  metal  coins  made  entirely 
of  cheap  metal.  In  the  same  way,  bars  and  wires  made 
largely  of  copper  were  at  times  passed  off  as  being  en- 
tirely of  silver  or  gold.^^  Consequently,  it  was  custom- 
ary to  test  coins  and  bullion  for  purity  by  cutting  into 
them. 

Another  form  of  cheating  sometimes  practiced  was  the 
filing  away  of  part  of  the  surface  of  the  bronze  or  iron 
weights  belonging  to  the  balances  in  which  the  precious 
metals  were  weighed;  but  this  was  sometimes  guarded 
against  by  coating  the  weights  with  a  thin  layer  of  an- 
other metal.^^ 

The  great  diversity  in  character  of  the  currency  doubt- 
less caused  considerable  confusion,  but  most  of  the  Scan- 
dinavian countries,  recognizing  this,  tried  to 
prevent  injustice  in  business  transactions  by  p|^"' 
interpreting  the  value  of  one  commodity  in 
terms  of  another,  and  currency  in  a  like  manner,  and  by 
giving  a  definite  price  in  weights  of  gold  and  silver  for 
the  most  common  commodities.     For  instance,  the  Ice- 
landic law  fixed  the  value  of  six  standard  ells  of  white 
wadmal  as  one  eyrir,  silver,  while  five  ells  of  the  coarse, 
striped  wadmal,  which  was  more  expensive,  had  the  same 

52  Grdgds,  IV,   192. 

53  Montelius,   Civilization  of  Stceden  in  Heathen  Times,   192. 
i*Ibid.;  Rygh,  yorsle  Oldsager,  26. 


232         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

value.  Four  hundred  and  twenty  ells  of  plain  wadmal 
were  worth  ''one  hundred  in  silver."  The  hundred 
meant  was  the  long  hundred,  or  one  hundred  and  twenty 
aurar,  or  ounces,  which  w^as  clearly  understood;  and  the 
silver  referred  to  was  minted  silver,  which  contained 
some  alloy;  hence,  the  larger  proportional  number  of 
ounces  than  in  the  case  of  the  price  given  for  one  yard.^^ 
But  the  fluctuation  of  prices  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
in  the  year  1000  in  Iceland  the  hundred  in  silver  was 
valued  at  eight  marks  of  pure  silver,  or  sixty-four  ounces 
of  the  same.^^  Linen  was  much  more  expensive  than 
wadmal,  a  piece  of  the  linen  imported  from  England  two 
ells  long  and  of  the  same  width  being  equal  in  value  to 
two  ounces  of  silver.  In  Icelandic  law  also  the  value  of 
the  cow  was  definitely  fixed  in  terms  of  other  currency .^^ 
The  law,  in  addition,  gave  in  considerable  detail  the  value 
of  the  standard  cow  in  terms  of  other  animals.^^ 

A  specific  illustration  of  the  manner  in  which  the  price 
of  common  articles  of  trade  was  at  times  fixed  is  supplied 
by  the  statement  in  the  old  Icelandic  law  that  six  fox 
skins  were  equal  in  value  to  an  ounce  of  silver,  as  Avere 
also  six  lamb  skins  with  the  wool  on,  six  wether  skins 
Avithout  the  wool,  and  three  skins  of  a  year-old  cat.'^^ 

Similarly,  but  with  less  detail  than  in  Iceland,  so  far 
as  the  records  show,  the  just  price  of  commodities  was 
fixed  by  law  in  the  other  parts  of  the  North.*'^ 

Business  transactions  were  occasionally  conducted  on 
credit  in  the  ancient  days ;  and  during  the  heathen  period 
and  in  the  early  Christian  time, — ^until  prohibited  by  the 

36  Ordgds,  IV,  191-192. 

58  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,   121. 

^T  Ibid.,    51-52. 

^»Grdg6s,  IV,   192-194. 

^^  Ibid.,    192. 

00  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  51-53. 


TRADE  AND  COMMERCE  233 

pope, — interest  was  apparently  paid  upon   such  debts. 
It  was  quite  customary  also  in  this  period 
to  lend  money  at  interest,"^   as  well  as  to   practices 
charge  rent  for  the  use  of  goods  or  prop- 
erty; but  in  Iceland  the  law  prohibited  charging  any  rent 
in  excess  of  ten  per  cent,  of  the  value  of  that  w^hich  was 
rented.*^  2 

There  was  no  system  of  written  numbers  regularly  in 
use  in  the  heathen  period ;  consequently,  merchants  were 
not  burdened  with  account  books.  The  only  record  kept 
appears  to  have  been  the  tally-  or  score-stick  {skoru- 
kefli).  Upon  this  a  cut,  or  score,  was  made  for  every 
twenty  units  counted — whence  the  origin  of  the  word 
** score,"  meaning  twenty — and  the  stick  was  split  length- 
wise, in  such  a  manner  as  to  leave  a  record  on  the  two 
parts,  one  of  which  was  retained  by  each  party  to  the 
transaction. 

All  important  bargains  were  made  in  the  presence  of 
witnesses,  and  were  solemnly  sealed  with  the  handshake 
(handsal) — still  exchanged  at  the  conclusion  of  bargains 
in  Scandinavia — and  as  the  breaker  of  faith  was  de- 
spised, the  terms  of  the  contract  were  not  often  violated. 
But  if  such  a  breach  of  trust  took  place,  the  injured 
party  could  secure  justice  through  the  law  courts,  if  he 
had  sufficient  evidence  of  his  rights.*' 

All  fraud  or  deception  in  business  transactions  was 
also  liable  to  punishment,  whether  such  consisted  of 
verbal  misrepresentation  or  the  passing  off  of  worthless 
goods  for  those  having  value.  The  laws  of  Norway  are 
an  example  of  this.  And  in  their  effort  to  make  clear 
what  should  be  regarded  as  fraud  they  throw  interesting 

oiNorges  Gamle  Love,  I,  20  ff;   Origines  Islandicae,  II,   19-20. 

^2Grdg<is,    IV,    138   ff. 

63  Norges   Gamle  Love,  I,   21,  passim. 


234         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

light  upon  the  tricks  of  ancient  trade — practices  which 
sound  strangely  modern.  "If  one  sells  sand  or  shav- 
ings for  meal  or  butter,  that  is  fraud,"  says  the  quaint 
old  law.^"*  And  for  such  dishonesty  one  might  be  re- 
quired to  pay  a  fine  of  three  marks,**^  which  was  a  heavy 
punishment,  in  view  of  the  purchasing  power  of  the 
amount. 

6i  Ibid.,  24. 
65  Ibid. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

MARKETS    AND   TOWNS 

Whenever  you  are  in  a  market  town,  or  wherever  you  are,  be  polite 
and  agreeable;  then  you  will  secure  the  friendship  of  all  g-ood  men. 
...  If  you  are  unacquainted  with  the  traffic  of  the  town,  observe  care- 
fully how  those  who  are  reputed  the  best  and  most  prominent  mei*- 
chants  conduct  their  business. 

King's  Mirror. 

Though  buying  and  selling  took  place  whenever  mer- 
chants arrived  in  a  community  with  commodities  which 
were  in  demand,  the  bulk  of  the  Scandinavian 
trade  was  carried  on  at  special  markets  or  gn^  Fairs 
fairs  which  were  held  quite  regularly  in  fa- 
vorable locations.     The  largest  of  these  special  commer- 
cial gatherings  usually  came  but  once  a  year, — as  a  rule 
in  the  summer  or  autumn — and  lasted  for  several  weeks. 

The  great  markets  were  generally  held  along  some 
highway,  or  at  an  important  cross-road.  Frequently, 
even  in  the  eleventh  century,  by  which  time  a  few  towns 
had  risen  in  the  land,  they  were  often  still  found  in  the 
open  country,  far  from  the  centers  of  settlement.  The 
sites  chosen  were  usually  in  the  vicinity  of  noted  temples, 
or  of  political  assemblies ;  at  the  mouths  of  rivers,  or  on 
other  harbors;  in  the  neighborhood  of  good  fishing 
grounds ;  or  on  the  borders  of  the  richest  fur-producing 
regions.^ 

Whether  held  in  to^^'n  or  country,  the  annual  commer- 
cial assemblies  were  very  similar  in  character.     Here 

1  Bugge,   "Handel,"   in   Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

235 


236  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

gathered  people  from  all  over  Scandinavia,  to  buy  and 
sell,  and  make  other  business  arrangements. 
Character  ^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^j^^  sights  and  amusements  fur- 
nua?Fatr"'  nished  as  a  rule  at  every  large  gathering, 
to  meet  old  friends  and  make  new  ones. 
And  here  were  also  found  people  from  many  foreign 
lands,  with  strange  manners  and  strange  garb,  on  hand 
for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  native  products  or  of 
disposing  of  wares  brought  with  them  and  largely  un- 
known to  the  North. 

Some  of  the  more  important  visitors  to  the  annual 
commercial  gatherings  perhaps  had  permanent  buildings 
on  the  grounds,  which  they  renovated  and  fitted  up  for 
occupancy  every  year,  but  as  a  rule  the  structures  found 
at  the  markets  and  fairs  were  of  a  temporary  nature,  and 
were  merely  booths  or  tents  of  linen,  coarse  wool,  or  skins, 
subdivided  by  means  of  curtains.  Within  such  shelters 
the  people  lived  while  the  traffic  lasted ;  and  in  the  front 
part  of  them  were  exhibited  in  chests  and  bales  and  skins 
and  baskets  the  wares  which  they  had  to  offer. 

At  a  short  distance  from  the  aggregation  of  dwellings 
belonging  to  the  traffickers  was  the  common  pasture 
land,  where  the  beasts  of  burden  which  had  carried  most 
of  the  merchandise  to  market  were  permitted  to  graze 
after  being  tethered  or  hobbled,  or  placed  in  the  care 
of  herders. 

All  who  came  to  these  Northern  commercial  centers 
enjoyed  the  special  merchants'  peace  provided  by  law, 
vvithout  which  little  trafficking  could  take 
The  Market  i^^^  YoT  the  violation  of  the  law  unusu- 
ally  severe  punishments  were  provided.  In 
Denmark,  any  one  wounding  or  murdering  another  in 
the  market  place  must  pay  the  regular  fine,  or  wergeld, 
and  forty  marks  in  addition,  for  breaking  the  market 


MARKETS  AND  TOWNS  237 

peace ;  in  Sweden  and  Nonvay  any  man  striking  a  death- 
blow upon  the  market  place  in  the  forenoon  when  trade 
was  most  active  was  required  to  pay  a  double  wergeld.^ 

Iceland's  foreign  commerce  was  almost  entirely  indi- 
rect, and  was  carried  on  largely  through  the  ports  of 
northern  Norway;  consequently  most  of  the 
merchants  wrho  appeared  upon  the  island  Markets 
were  Scandinavians.  But  there  was  no  lack 
of  buying  and  selling.  Much  of  this  took  place  on  a 
small  scale,  however,  at  booths  or  tents  erected  upon  the 
shore  by  merchants  of  single  ships  upon  arriving  in  the 
harbor;  or  at  markets  held  in  connection  with  the  local 
political  assemblies  or  religious  gatherings;  but  at  the 
meeting  of  the  Althing  in  the  summer  time  much  more 
extensive  trafficking  occurred.  And  there  was  at  least 
one  special  market,  sufficiently  large  to  correspond  to 
some  extent  to  the  great  commercial  gatherings  in  the 
older  Scandinavian  lands.  The  place  for  this  market 
was  called  Gazar  and  was  situated  north  of  the  present 
Akureyri.^ 

In  several  parts  of  Norway  were  important  markets, 
the  oldest  known  being  Skiringssal,  situated  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  a  great  temple  near  the  present 

T^  ..       .,         rr^i  1  1    ^  Norwegian 

Larvik.     There      were      several      much-tre-   j^a^kets 
quented  markets  farther  north  also,  some  in 
the  Lapp  country,  where  the  traffic  was  largely  in  skins 
and  furs,  and  others  along  the  coasts,  where  the  com- 
modities dealt  in  were  chiefly  fish,  and  the  skins  and  other 

2  Lehmann,  "KauflFriede  und  Friedensachild,"  in  Germanistische  Abhand- 
lungen,  49.  The  Bjarkeyjarrettr,  or  Birka  laws  of  Sweden,  were  for  the 
protection  of  the  merchant  while  engaged  in  his  peaceful  calling.  They 
seem  to  have  had  their  origin  in  special  regulations  for  the  defense  of 
some  Northern  market  upon  an  unknown  birch-forested  island — whence 
the  name,  meaning  '"birch  island."  Later  these  laws  were  improved  in 
various  ways  and  extended  to  other  market  places.     Ibid.,  53,  Gl,  62. 

8  Bugge,  "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 


238         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

products  of  sea-mammals.  The  greatest  commercial 
center  of  the  Far  North  was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Lofo- 
tens,  near  Kabelvaag,  and  was  called  Vagastefna.  Dur- 
ing the  fishing  season  this  was  thronged  with  merchants 
from  far  and  near.^ 

The  largest  markets  of  rural  Denmark  appear  to  have 

been  situated  upon  the  eastern  and  western  coasts  of 

Jutland,    where    the    chief    land    highways 

Danish  crossed :  but  some  were  on  the  desirable  har- 

]nl3.rk6ts 

bors  of  the  adjoining  islands. 
Here  and  there  in  continental  Sweden,  generally  upon 
the  lakes  or  rivers  or  harbors  of  the  coast,  large  assem- 
blages of  merchants  gathered  and  trafficked 
Swedish  .^^  ^j^^  wares  which  they  brought;  the  most 

important  of  these  country  markets  was  at 
Uppsala  which  was  the  site  of  a  very  famous  heathen 
temple  to  which  people  gathered  from  all  over  Sweden 
for  worship.  But  the  island  of  Gotland  off  the  Swedish 
coast  attained  to  a  greater  commercial  prosperity  than 
any  other  part  of  Scandinavia  during  the  Viking  Age; 
and  this  trade  was  almost  without  exception  carried  on 
in  country  markets;  for  Wisby,  the  earliest  municipal 
center  of  the  island,  scarcely  came  into  any  prominence 
until  the  twelfth  century.  This  unusual  mercantile  ac- 
tivity was  due  to  the  fact  that  towards  the  close  of  the 
viking  period  the  trade  between  East  and  West  was  car- 
ried largely  across  Gotland,  though  routes  of  lesser  im- 
portance crossed  the  islands  of  Oland  and  Bornholm, 
farther  to  the  south.^  On  various  parts  of  Gotland  were 
held  large  markets  or  fairs,  where  the  commodities  of 
the  different  parts  of  Europe  changed  hands.  The  great 
volume  of  the  trade  carried  on  at  these  places  is  indicated 

4  Ibid.,  424. 

5  Ibid.,  421;  Worsaae,  Industrial  Arts  of  Denmark,  80. 


MARKETS  AND  TOWNS  239 

by  the  fact  that  the  total  amount  of  ancient  foreign  coins 
found  on  the  island  up  to  a  few  years  ago  was  sixty-seven 
thousand,  exactly  one  half  of  the  foreign  mintage  un- 
earthed in  the  whole  of  Scandinavia.**  And  how  far-ex- 
tending into  the  Orient  were  the  commercial  interests 
of  the  Gotlanders  is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  a  vessel 
with  ornamentation  of  Buddhistic  design  has  been  found 
in  the  island." 

As  a  result  of  their  extensive  contact  through  trade 
with  the  peoples  of  many  lands,  the  population  of  Got- 
land during  the  early  Middle  Ages  attained  to  a  degree 
of  artistic  and  material  culture  superior  to  that  found 
in  any  other  part  of  the  Scandinavian  North  during  this 
period.* 

In  spite  of  the  persistence  of  country  markets  at  a 
distance   from   municipal    centers,    commercial    activity 
served  as  a  powerful  stim-ulus  to  the  growth 
of  towns,  and  many  of  them  came  into  ex-  influence 
istence  during  the  viking  period.     Most  of  °^  ^°"^' 
the  early  ones  had  the  same  names  and  the  the  Growth 
same  sites  as  at  the  present  time;  and  in  of  Towns 
more  than  one  case  heathen  graves  have  been 
found  outside  of  modern  Scandinavian  villages.''     Prac- 
tically every  one  of  the  earliest  to^\^ls  grew  up  about 
one  or  another  of  the  large  Northern  markets. 

The  best  example  of  these  early  commercial  to^vns 
w^as  perhaps  Birka,  situated  in  eastern  Sweden  upon  the 
Island  of  Bjorko  in  Lake  Malar.     The   site  was  shel- 

8  These  inchided  one  hundred  and  eighty  pieces  from  the  Eastern  Em- 
pire, fourteen  thousand  English  coins,  and  twenty-three  thousand  bearing 
Arabian  stamps,  as  well  as  a  scattering  from  other  places.  Bugge, 
"Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

7  Ihid.. 

8  Bugge,  Vesierlnndenes  Indflydelse,  402;  Klintberg,  M.,  "Sagra  Anteck- 
ningar  om   Gotland  i   Verklighcten  och   Gotland   i   Skrift. 

sMontelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,   145. 


240         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

tered  and  possessed  an  excellent  harbor  connected  by 
water  with  the  Gulf  of  Bothnia.     The  North- 
Swedish  ^^^  ^^^g  ^^1^  versed  in  the  science  of  build- 

J.  oivns 

ing  redoubts  and  fortifications  in  the  early 
part  of  the  ninth  century  when  the  town  seems  to  have 
been  built ;  consequently  every  effort  was  made  to  give  it 
ample  protection.^*^  The  entrance  to  the  haven  was  forti- 
fied and  the  town  was  surrounded  by  a  wall  of  stone  and 
earth,  and  guarded  by  a  tower.  In  spite  of  this,  how- 
ever, it  was  often  plundered  by  robbers  for  the  wealth 
which  it  was  knovm  to  possess;  ^^  yet  it  continued  to  be 
during  the  ninth  and  the  first  half  of  the  tenth  century 
the  leading  commercial  center  of  the  Swedish  mainland.^^ 
But  the  enemies  of  the  place  succeeded  in  permanently 
destroying  it  by  fire,  presumably  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
tenth  century.  ^^ 

To  take  the  place  of  Birka,  Sigtuna  soon  rose  a  few 
miles  to  the  northeast  and  became  the  commercial  me- 
tropolis of  this  part  of  the  North. ^^  And  at  about  the 
same  period  a  number  of  other  to^vns  appeared  in 
Sweden ;  but  most  of  them  were  less  fortunately  situated 
than  Sigtuna,  and,  consequently,  did  not  attain  to  as 
great  prosperity  as  it  for  a  considerable  time  enjoyed. 
The  best  known  of  these  medieval  Swedish  towns  were 
probably  Linkoping,  Skenninge,  Falkoping,  Enkoping, 
Strangnas,  Nykoping,  Norrkoping,  Soderkoping,  and 
Ostra  Aros.^^     The  commercial  origin  of  the  majority 

10  Schiick,  Henry,  Birka,  5. 

11  Bugge,  Alexander,  "Die  nordeuropiiischen  Verkehrswege  im  friihen 
Mittelalter,"  in  Vierteljahrschrift  fUr  Social-und  Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 
vol.   IV,   pt.   II,   235. 

12  Biigge,   "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon,  II,  420. 

13  Bugge,  "Nordeuropaischen  Verkehrswege,"  in  Vierteljahrschrift  fiir 
Social-und  Wirtschaftsgeschichte,  vol.  IV,  pt.  II,  235. 

1*  Bugge,  "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon,  II,  420-421. 
15  Stjerna,  Lund  och  Birka,  206. 


MARKETS  AND  TOWNS  241 

of  these  places  is  indicated  by  the  termination  ''koping," 
meaning  ''market," 

The  town  of  Uppsala  early  came  into  existence,  but 
its  origin  was  primarily  due  to  the  fact  that  the  most 
famous  temple  of  the  whole  of  Scandinavia  formed  its 
nucleus.  It  was  also  the  political  capital  of  medieval 
Sweden,  tlowever,  the  annual  fairs  of  a  week's  dura- 
tion held  in  connection  with  the  political  and  religious 
gatherings  doubtless  did  much  towards  stimulating  the 
growth  of  the  place.  ^^ 

In  Denmark,  as  in  Sweden,  the  first  towTis  rose  in  the 

earliest  years  of  the  viking  time.     The  most  of  them 

had  their  origin  directly  in  trade,  and  those 

attaining  to  the  greatest  fame  were  situated  ^^"'^ 
ii  •  -IT  Towns 

upon    the    mam    commercial    thoroughfares 

connecting  with  the  long  river  highways  of  the  present 
northern  Germany.  The  best  known  of  these  early 
trading  centers  was  doubtless  Hedeby,  or  Schleswig,^"^ 
upon  Schleifjord,  in  southeastern  Jutland.  This  towm 
seems  to  have  been  founded  by  the  king  of  Denmark  in 
the  year  808,  and  became  the  seat  of  one  of  the  earliest 
Danish  mints. ^^  Dating  from  about  the  same  time  was 
Elbe,  on  the  west  coast  of  Jutland,  some  distance  north- 
ward of  Hedeby.  Though  of  less  importance,  commer- 
cially, than  the  latter,  most  of  the  Danish  trade  with  the 
west  passed  through  this  wind-blown  port.^^ 

Of  perhaps  a  little  later  date  Avere  Aarhuus  and  Viborg, 

18  Lehraann,  "Kauffriede  unci  Friedensschild,"  in  Germanistische  Abhand- 
lungen,  50. 

17  In  the  Icelandic  sagas  it  was  called  Hedeby,  the  "by,"  or  town,  upon 
the  "heiSr,"  or  heath;  but  the  name  Sohleswig — probably  German  in  oriein 
— was  also  applied  to  it,  and  this  survived  while  the  Scandinavian  name 
soon  disappeared.     Bugge,  "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  ReaUexikon. 

18  Bugge,  "Handel."  in  Hoops,  ReaUexikon;  Stjerna,  Lund  och  Birka,  217. 
10  Stjerna,  Ltind  och  Birka,  208. 


242  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

farther  north  in  Jutland  and  upon  the  eastern  side.^^ 
As  its  name  indicates,  Viborg  was  the  seat  of  a  temple 
in  the  heathen  time.  Roskilde,  upon  the  island  of  See- 
land,  probably  came  into  existence  late  in  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, but  it  soon  gained,  and  long  held,  a  place  of  promi- 
nence, through  being  the  seat  of  one  of  the  earliest  Dan- 
ish bishoprics,  and  of  one  of  the  first  mints  in  the  Scan- 
dinavian North,  It  also  preceded  Copenhagen  by  some 
centuries  as  the  capital  of  united  Denmark.^^ 

The  southern  portion  of  the  Swedish  peninsula  was 
under  Danish  dominion  during  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
here  King  Canute  the  Great  founded  the  town  of  Lund 
in  the  first  part  of  the  eleventh  century.  In  the  time 
of  its  founder,  Lund  was  the  leading  minting  city  of 
Denmark ;  and  it  was  also  important  commercially  and  as 
the  seat  of  a  Christian  archbishop. ^^ 

Though  Norway  possessed  several  large  and  impor- 
tant market-places  at  an  early  date,  the  first  towns  of 
that  country  did  not  appear  until  about  a 
orwegian      centurv  after  the  earliest  ones  of   Sweden 

Towns 

and  Denmark.  Tunsberg,  the  oldest  Nor- 
wegian city,  came  into  existence  about  the  year  900  upon 
Christiania  Fiord,  taking  the  place  of  the  old  country 
market  of  Skiringssal.  Near  it  soon  rose  Westfold, 
upon  the  same  body  of  water.  These  southern  ports  were 
thronged  with  merchants  during  winter  as  well  as  sum- 
j^gj.  23  Yigen  was  another  important  market  town  of 
southern  Norway.-* 

In  western  Norway,  about  half  way  up  the  coast,  was 
Nidaros,  founded  by  King  Olaf  Tryggvasson  in  997,  very 

20  Bugge,   "Handel,"   in   Hoops,   Reallexikon. 

21  Stjerna,  Lund  och  Birka,  206. 

22  Ibid.,  203,  217. 

23  Bugge,  "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

24  Petersen,  Gammel-Nordiske  Geografi,  108. 


MARKETS  AND  TOWNS  243 

close  to  the  site  of  the  present  Trondhjem;  but  it  owed 
its  importance  rather  to  the  large  amount  of  Icelandic 
trade  which  passed  through  it  than  to  any  domestic 
stimulus. ^"^  Still  farther  north  were  two  other  early 
commercial  towns ;  but  with  the  rise  into  prominence  of 
Oslo  and  Bergen  in  the  southwestern  part  of  the  Nor- 
wegian iDcninsula,  under  Olaf  the  Holy,  these  places,  and 
Nidaros  as  well,  lost  much  of  their  trade,  for  the  prod- 
ucts of  Haalogaland,  within  the  Polar  Circle,  were  now 
sent  to  southern  Norway  to  be  disposed  of  instead  of 
being  sold  in  the  markets  of  the  Far  North. ^^^ 

Throughout  the   Middle  Ages,  towns  existed  in  the 
Scandinavian  lands  only  for  the  sake  of  the  country 
dwellers.     Therefore,  town  life  was  merely 
a  modification  of  country  life,  and  the  ar-  Character 
rangement    of   town    buildings   was   largely  of  Early 
an  adaptation  from  rural  dwellings.     For  the  navian' 
sake   of   defense,   particularly   against    sea-  Towns 
robbers,  most  of  the  towns  were  probably 
walled  and  supplied'  with  redoubts  and  watch  towers ;  ^'^ 
but  as  the  populations  of  even  the  largest  of  the  Scandi- 
navian towais  of  the  period  perhaps  did  not  exceed  a  few 
thousand,  the  inclosing  ramparts  were  not  extensive. 

In  the  commercial  towTis  of  the  early  Middle  Ages 
there  was  usually  only  one  street,  which,  if  the  place 
was  on  the  coast,  ran  along  the  water's  edge;  and  from 
it  narrow  alleys  or  ''crossings" — called  "almenning" 
in  Norway — ran  up  to  the  houses,  which  stood  as  a  rule 
with  gable  ends  out.-*^     The  most  important  public  gath- 

25  Bugge,  Alexander,   ^"idaros's  Eandel  og  Skibsfart  i  Middelalder. 

20  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  109;  Bugge,  "Seafaring  and  Shipping 
during  the  Viking  Age,"  in  Saga-Book,  vol.  VI,   16. 

2T  Schiick,  Birka,  5. 

28  Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  Indflydelse,  203-205;  Mathiesen,  Henr.,  Det 
Gamle  Throndhjem,  48. 


244         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

ering  places  in  the  ancient  cities  were  the  heathen  temples 
or  Christian  churches,  and  the  markets.  The  latter, 
especially  if  the  town  was  upon  the  coast,  were  generally 
along  the  main  street  on  the  water-front ;  here  the  buyers 
and  sellers  set  up  temporary  booths,  or  displayed  their 
wares  upon  rude  counters  out  in  the  open  air.  But  in 
the  interior  of  the  land  the  street  was  generally  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  main  road  leading  to  the  towTi,  and  was, 
consequently,  generally  in  the  middle  of  the  town.  If  this 
was  the  case,  the  market  place  was  usually  a  widening 
of  the  street  into  a  square,  called  a  torg,  to  which  the 
traders  brought  their  wares  for  sale. 

In  the  early  Middle  Ages  no  merchant  gilds  in  the 
medieval  sense  were  to  be  found  in  the  towns  of  Scandi- 
navia ;  neither  Avas  there  a  burgher  class,  as  distinguished 
from  country  dwellers.  And  it  was  not  until  the  close 
of  the  eleventh  century  that  any  distinction  was  made 
between  towai  law  and  country  law.^^ 

As  a  direct  result  of  Scandinavian  commercial  activity, 

new  markets   and  towns  rose  and  old  ones  increased 

greatly  in  importance  beyond  the  borders  of 

Markets  the    strictly   Scandinavian   lands.     This   in- 

andTowns      fl^^j^^e  was  sccn  in  East  and  West  alike. 

in  Greater  ,,-,■,        ,i        o<  t         •  au 

Scandinavia  Ladoga — called  by  the  Scandinavians  Ald- 
eigenborg — Neva,  and  Wolchow,  Novgorod, 
— known  among  the  Northmen  as  Holmgaard — and  Kiev, 
all  in  Scandinavian  Eussia  and  upon  the  internal  water 
routes  to  Constantinople,  were  in  existence  primarily  as 
a  result  of  the  mercantile  zeal  of  the  Northmen.  Kiev, 
upon  the  lower  Dnieper,  was  the  most  important  of  these 
commercial  towns  within  the  borders  of  Greater  Scandi- 
navia,   and   was   possessed   of    eight   different   market 

29  Lehmann,  Karl,  "Burger,"  in  Hoops,  Realleocikon. 


MARKETS  AND  TOWNS  245 

places. ^^  At  the  annual  fairs  in  the  towns  of  Scandi- 
navian Russia,  and  also  in  those  held  in  country  places 
along  the  main  trade  highways,  a  tremendous  amount  of 
traffic  took  place.  Scandinavian  merchants  here  ex- 
changed the  raw  products  of  the  North  for  the  manu- 
factured ones  of  southeastern  Europe  and  Asia.  Great 
fortunes  in  furs,  in  particular,  were  given  in  return  for 
the  luxuries  of  the  Orient. ^^ 

Before  the  ninth  century  the  Scandinavians  had  estab- 
lished merchant  colonies  upon  the  south  and  east  coasts 
of  the  Baltic.^2  And  in  the  last  half  of  the  'tenth,  the 
Danes  conquered  the  island  of  Wollin  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Oder,  and  established  upon  it  the  strongly  fortified  city 
of  Jomsborg,  in  the  walls  of  w^hich  were  twelve  towers. 
It  remained  under  Danish  control  for  seventy  years  and 
became  the  stronghold  of  the  Jomsborg  vikings.^^  Dur- 
ing the  eleventh  century*  Jomsborg  was  the  commercial 
center  of  the  Baltic  and  was  called  by  Adam  of  Bremen 
the  greatest  city  of  Europe.^^ 

With  Hamburg  upon  the  Elbe  and  the  Carolingian  city 
of  Dorestad  upon  the  Rhine,  the  Scandinavians  traded 
extensively  and  did  much  towards  stimulating  the  growth 
and  prosperity  of  these  places;  but  their  influence  was 
felt  far  more,  commercially  and  otherwise,  in  the  British 
Isles,  because  of  the  Scandinavian  settlements  there. 
This  was  true  on  an  especially  large  scale  of  the  Dane- 
law, in  northeastern  England,  where  were  situated  the 
strongly  fortified  "five  boroughs"  of  Nottingham,  Lin- 
coln, Ijeicester,  Stamford,  and  Derby.     Some  of  these 

30  Bugge,  "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

31  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Lehen,  99. 

32  Bugge,  "Seafaring  and  Shipping  during  the  Viking  Age,"  in  Saga- 
Book,  vol.  VI,  pt.  I,  17. 

33  Jomsvikinga  Saga,  passim. 

34  Bugge,  "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon,  II,  426, 


246  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

towns  undoubtedly  existed  before  the  Scandinavian  con- 
quest, but  commercial  stimulus  from  the  North  greatly 
increased  their  wealth  and  power ;  others,  however,  were 
either  founded  by  the  Northmen,  or  came  so  strongly 
under  their  influence  as  to  be  given  Scandinavian  names.^^ 
Other  towns  which  were  virtually  founded  by  the  Scan- 
dinavians were  Whitby,  Grimsby  and  Swansea.  Old 
cities,  like  London  and  Bristol,  were  undoubtedly  much 
stimulated  by  the  presence  of  Scandinavian  merchants. 
And  in  Ireland  the  cities  of  Limerick,  Waterford,  and 
Cork  were  practically  made  by  the  trade  of  the  North- 
men settled  there ;  ^^  while  Dublin  existed  as  a  distinctly 
Norwegian  city  for  about  three  hundred  years.^" 

The  cities   of  the  British  Isles  under  Scandinavian 
domination  not  only  sent  out  much  home  produce,  but 

also,  like  Kiev  and  Novgorod  and  the  other 
Services  commercial  centers  in  Scandinavian  Russia, 

Performed  formed  half-way  trading  and  shipping  sta- 
S^andin'  tions    between    Scandinavia   and   the   lands 

vian  Cities       more  remote.     The  Northern  merchants  who 

had  settled  in  the  British  Isles  brought  the 
exports  of  southwestern  Europe  and  Moorish  Africa  to 
these  cities,  particularly  to  those  of  Ireland,  and  here 
they  were  frequently  landed  and  re-shipped  to  Scandi- 
navia. In  a  similar  manner,  the  exports  from  the  North 
intended  for  the  western  Mediterranean  region  or  Africa 
were  often  passed  through  the  British  Isles. ^* 

In  some  of  the  foreign  cities  in  which  they  traded 
extensively,  such  as  London,  the  Scandinavian  seamen 

35  The  termination  "by,"  found  in  many  names  of  British  towns,  is  the 
Scandinavian  word  for  "town." 

38  Bugge,  "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

3T  Vogt,  L.  J.,  Dublin  som  Xorsk  By. 

38  Bugge,  "Handel,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon;  Bugge,  Vesterlandenes 
Indflydelse,   183-185. 


MARKETS  AND  TOWNS  247 

and  merchants  appear  to  have  lived  in  colonies  by  them- 
selves in  certain  sections.     And  here,  before 
the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century,  they  had   Scandina- 
their  own  churches  and,  presumably,  their  vian  Mer- 
own    halls    where    thev   met    as    ^Ids;    for   <=^^"t_Co- 

•     .  ^     .  onies  in 

though  merchant  gilds  did  not  come  mto  ex-   Foreign 
istence  in   Scandinavia  itself  until  a  later   Cities 
date,  when  abroad,  the  Northern  merchants 
organized,  in  imitation  of  other  traders.     Even  in  Nov- 
gorod, which  possessed  many  Scandinavian  characteris- 
tics, the  merchants  from  the  island  of  Gotland  had  their 
special  gild  hall  and  their  own  church,  which  was  dedi- 
cated to  the  Norwegian  saint-king,  Olaf  the  Holy.^^ 

33  Bugge,    "Die    nordeuropaischen    Verkehrswege,"    in    Vierteljahrschrift 
fiir  Social-iuid  Wirtschaftsgeschichte,  vol.  IV,  pt.  II,  251,  261. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE    CAREER   OF    THE   VIKING;    WEAPONS   AND   WARFARE 

He  only  might  with  full  truth  be  called  a  sea-king  that  never  slept 
under  a  sooty  rafter,  and  never  drank  in  the  chimney  comer. 

Ynglinga  Saga. 

In  order  to  understand  the  military  phase  of  the  vi- 
king period,  it  is  necessary  to  have  the  point  of  view  of 

the  Northman.  To  him,  the  ideal  life  was 
th^Vk°  ^^^®  ^^  activity;  to  perform  deeds  calling  for 

physical  strength  and  courage,  mental  alert- 
ness, and  skill  in  self-preservation  was  really  a  part  of 
his  religion.  Warlikeness,  for  its  own  sake,  the  North- 
man believed  to  be  a  virtue  of  such  high  degree  as  to 
bring  him  special  recognition  from  the  gods  in  the  life 
beyond  the  grave.  For,  was  there  not  prepared  for  the 
warrior  in  Asgard  the  great  and  splendid  Valhalla,  in 
connection  with  which  w^ere  opportunities  for  exercising 
martial  skill  and  satisfying  love  for  fighting  utterly  un- 
known to  man  on  the  mortal  side  of  the  tomb?  There- 
fore, to  be  ''sword-dead,"  or  even  "sea-dead,"  was 
vastly  more  honorable  than  to  be  "  sick-dead. ' '  ^ 

The  love  for  adventure  and  the  deep  desire  to  gain  a 
"good  report,"  which  military  achievement  would  guar- 
antee, doubtless  were  powerful  motives  for  the  choice 

1  The  belief  that  persons  dying  a  natural  death — even  though  their 
careers  had  been  military — would  not  be  admitted  to  Valhalla,  some- 
times caused  warriors  upon  their  death-beds  to  perform  a  heathen  rite 
calculated  to  gain  for  them  the  same  reward  as  the  man  received  who 
died  fighting.  This  they  did  by  marking  themselves  upon  the  breast 
with  a  spear's  point  so  that  the  blood  flowed,  thus  dedicating  themselves 
to  Odin,  the  god  of  war.     "Geirr,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 

248 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  249 

of  a  military  career;  but  it  .should  be  borne  in  mind  also 
that,  in  spite  of  the  emphasis  placed  upon  the  owner- 
ship of  land,  and  the  devotion  to  ancestral  soil,  the  Scan- 
dinavians of  the  early  ^Middle  Ages  attached  a  dignity 
to  the  possession  of  movable  property  which  is  not  now 
generally  recognized.  Hence,  the  hope  for  rich  booty 
also  served  as  a  powerful  lure  to  the  would-be  viking. 
And  that  the  desire  to  secure  wealth  for  the  sake  of  the 
honor  and  glory  which  the  display  of  it  would  bring — 
rather  than  because  of  real  need — was  what  led  men  to 
**go  harrying  over  the  seas"  is  clear  from  the  abundant 
evidence  we  have  that  many  or  most  of  the  leaders  of 
the  pirate  expeditions  were  high-born  men  of  substance. 

The  fact  that  they  acquired  their  additional  riches 
through  pillage  and  murder  in  the  territory  of  their 
neighbors  to  the  south  proved  no  deterrent;  for  the 
ethical  code  of  the  Europe  of  the  period  largely  taught 
that  the  foreigner  was  legitimate  pre,y,  particularly  if 
he  worshipped  alien  gods.  And  yet,  the  standards  of 
right  and  wrong  of  the  Northmen  of  the  tenth  century,  as 
regards  piracy,  were  but  little  different  from  those  dis- 
played by  high-class  Englishman  six  hundred  years  later ; 
the  former  attacked  all  foreign  lands  which  failed  to 
buy  them  oif,  while  Sir  Francis  Drake  and  his  school 
restricted  their  depredations  to  the  commerce  and  the 
territory  of  Roman  Catholic  Spain  in  the  Old  World  and 
the  New\  The  earlier  freebooters  had  all  of  the  courage 
and  daring  of  the  later  ones,  and  perhaps  were  no  more 
cruel  and  lawless  than  they ;  both  classes  were  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  times  in  which  they  lived. 

As  a  rule,  the  Scandinavians  took  part  in  viking  raids 
■only  in  their  younger  years,  beginning  early  by  way  of 
finishing  off  their  educations.  After  they  had  gained 
wealth  and  fame,  they  retired  to  a  more  quiet  and  uni- 


250         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

form  life,  to  be  succeeded  by  their  sons,  who  begged  them 
for  war-ships  and  equipment,  in  order  that  they,  in  turn, 
might  embark  upon  piratical  voyages.  Men  from  all  sec- 
tions of  Scandinavia  joined  in  the  viking  raids ;  and  every 
land  in  Europe,  as  well  as  some  in  western  Asia  and 
northern  Africa  repeatedly  fell  victims  to  them :  German 
and  Frenchman,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Irish,  Arab  and 
Longobard,  Finn  and  Slav,  Bulgarian  and  Greek — all 
came,  during  the  period  of  greatest  viking  activity,  to 
know  by  bitter  experience  the  Northern  race.^  And  in 
their  helplessness  before  the  dreaded  foe,  some  of  the 
peoples  of  western  Europe  introduced  into  their  litany 
the  fervent  supplication:  "Save  us,  0  Lord,  from  the 
fury  of  the  Northmen!" 

For  long  stretches  of  time  some  of  the  nearer-lying 

foreign  lands  were  annually  visited  and  ravaged  by  the 

professional  pirates.     The  French  and  west- 

„'  '"^  ern  German  lands  and  the  British  Isles,  in 

Routes  .  T  rr  P  • 

particular,  were  regular  sunerers,  for  it  was 
easily  possible  to  make  extensive  raids  upon  them  dur- 
ing the  summer  time  and  to  return  home  with  the  desired 
plunder  before  the  arrival  of  winter  stonns.  Piratical 
expeditions  to  these  favorite  western  lands  were  com- 
monly known  as  the  'diking,"  or  the  ''western  viking" 
(vestr-viking) ;  while,  plundering  raids  to  the  East — 
which,  if  the  warriors  went  far  afield,  usually  took  one 
or  more  years  to  complete — were  referred  to  as  ''going 
in  the  eastern  way"  (fara  i  Austrveg). 

During  the  earlier  part  of  the  viking  period  each  pi- 
ratical party  was  generally  made  up  of  but  few  men,  the 
idea  being  that  the  fewer  the  plunderers,  the  greater  the 
share  of  spoils  for  each.  But  as  time  passed  and  the 
victim-nations  learned  to  some  extent  to  guard  against 

2  Steenstrup,  T^ormanneme,  I,  1. 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  251 

their  raids,  the  Scandinavians  came  to  appreciate  the  ad- 
vantages of  confederation,  not  only  because 
of  the  greater  protection  against  defensive   Coopera- 
attacks  but  because  a  union  of  forces  made  j^ation^T 
possible  more  ambitious  undertakings,  such   the  Pirates 
as  the  siege  of  Paris.     Now,  great  fleets  co- 
operated.    At  Paris  there  were  seven  hundred  large-sized 
war  ships  with  a  proportional  number  of  provision  boats ; 
and  the  warriors  taking  part  in  the  attack  totalled  forty 
thousand.'^     Such  vast  fleets, — led  by  the  showy  dragon 
ships  filled  with  men  unknown  to  fear,  and  the  equals  of 
any  in  Europe  as  warriors, — might  well  strike  terror  to 
the  hearts  of  those  upon  whose  coasts  they  unexpectedly 
appeared. 

Another  result  of  experience  in  piratical  occupations 
was  the  rise  of  a  small  class  of  men  whose  sole  business 
was  warfare  and  piracy.  Of  these  the  best  The  Joms- 
example  is  furnished  by  the  Jomsborg  vi-  borg  Vi- 
kings who  possessed  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  kings 
and  eighty  ships,  and  lived  in  strongly  fortified  quarters 
under  a  special  set  of  regulations  which  they  themselves 
drew  up  and  agreed  to.  This  viking  law  limited  the 
membership  to  men  of  unusual  strength,  between  the  ages 
of  eighteen  and  fifty.  The  confederates  must  live  in 
harmony  and  show  no  fear;  to  flee  before  an  enemy  of 
equal  power  or  like  arms  was  forbidden.  No  man  might 
bind  up  his  wounds  before  they  were  twenty-four  hours 
old.  And  each  member  of  the  organization  must  avenge 
the  others  as  if  they  were  his  own  brothers.  The  spoils 
of  Avar  secured  by  each  must  be  taken  to  a  certain  place, 
where  they  would  be  divided  fairly  when  the  battle  was 
ended;  whoever  violated  this  rule   should  be  banished 

s  Ibid.,  352-353;   Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen   Times, 
182. 


252  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

from  the  league.  AVomen  might  not  be  taken  into  the 
viking  stronghold,  and  neither  women  nor  children  should 
be  taken  prisoners.^ 

Other  Northmen  who  had  had  experience  in  fighting, 
usually  on  viking  expeditions,  became  professional  sol- 
diers in  the  employ  of  foreign  rulers.     Be- 
The  Varan-      ^.^^^q  (^f  ^heir  fearlessness  and  their  military 
^^^"^  skill,  they  were  in  special  demand  as  body 

guards.  Some  warriors  found  such  personal  service  near 
home  in  Scotland  and  England,  but  more  were  dra^^^l 
to  Constantinople,  where  they  formed  the  famous  Varan- 
gian guard  of  the  Greek  emperor,  which  numbered  about 
three  hundred  men.  These  Scandinavian  mercenaries 
were,  naturally,  hated  by  the  jealous  Greeks,  who  called 
them  the  emperor's  "treasures,"  because  he  took  such 
good  care  of  them,  and  permitted  them,  in  return  for  the 
pajTnent  of  a  special  toll,  to  make  piratical  raids  upon 
the  coasts  and  islands  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean. 
But  the  Varangians,  like  the  other  vikings,  as  a  rule, 
after  having  won  wealth  and  fame,  returned  to  Scandi- 
navia to  spend  their  declining  years.'^ 

Though  for  a  long  time  almost  invincible  whether  on 
sea  or  land,  the  water  was  the  Northman's  special  ele- 
ment, where  as  a  warrior  he  excelled  all  other 
The  Ship-  soldiers  of  Europe.  Hence,  the  Scandina- 
Levy  and  ^,-g^j^  kings  gave  much  attention  to  the  build- 
Fleets  i^^S  ai^^l  equipment  of  war  vessels,  a  descrip- 
tion of  which  has  been  presented  in  a  pre- 
vious chapter.  The  common  means  by  which  the  royal 
fleet  was  kept  up  was  the  ship-levy,  well  known  to  Eng- 
land during  the  period  of  the  early  Stuarts.  In  the  time 
of  Haakon  the  Good  in  Norway  the  coast  lands  "as  far 

*  Jomsvikinga  Saga,  15. 

sWeinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  106-107. 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  253 

inland  as  the  salmon  swims"  were  divided  into  ship- 
raths,  or  districts,  and  the  population  in  each  district 
was  required  to  supply  a  certain  number  of  vessels  for 
national  warfare.  By  such  a  ship  levy,  and  also  by  other 
methods,  great  fleets  were  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
sovereign  in  time  of  war.*'  Canute  the  Great  sailed  to 
England  with  one  thousand  vessels.'  Such  fleets  were 
capable  of  transporting  large  armies,  for  the  average 
war  ship  perhaps  carried  considerably  more  than  one 
hundred  fighting  men,  and  some  carried  several  hundred. 
Olaf  Trygg\'asson's  renowned  vessel,  the  Long  Serpent, 
the  largest  ship  of  its  time  in  Norway,  carried  nearly 
one  thousand  men  in  all;  but  the  capacity  of  this  vessel 
greatly  exceeded  that  of  the  average.^ 

Every  fleet  was  manned  with  two  classes=5camors, 
trained  to  fight,  and  mariners,  whose-iSusiness  it  wasS^p 
equip  and  sail  the  vessels;  under  both  were 
usually  thralls.  A  peculiar -<^ass  of  fighting  ggrkers^'^", 
men,  the  berserkers,^  were'  often  given  posi- 
tions of  unusual  importance  upon  the  ships,  because  of 
their  superior  ability  as  warriors,  and  were  also  pre- 
ferred by  many  Scandinavian  kings  and  nobles  as  body- 
guards, for  the  same  reason.  They  were  rough,  wild 
warriors  who  fought  with  such  utter  abandon  that  while 
in  battle  they  were  at  times  seized  with  fits  of  frenzy, 
called  herserksgmigr.  During  the  attack,  the  hair  rose/ 
on  their  heads  an^  they  howled  like  wild  animals  ana 
bit  on  their  shields.  And  at  such  times  they  were  twice 
as  strong  as  normal,  and  were  popularly  believed  to  be 

^  Saga  Library.  III.  173. 

"  Weinhold.  Altnordisches  Leien/12^ 

s  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sveden  in  Heathen  Times,  1S4. 

9  The  name  was  probably  derived  from  hiir,  '•"bear."  and  sark,  "shirt,"  due 
to  the  fact  that  in  ancient  times  athletes  and  champions  used  to  wear 
the  skins  of  bears,  wolves,  and  other  animals. 


254         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

p^oof  against  fire  and  steel;  hence,  they  wrought  great 
havoc  amongst  the  enemy.  But  when  the  fit  had  passed, 
they  w^ere  weak  and  exhausted.^" 

This  peculiar  transformation  seems  to  have  been  to  a 
great  extent  of  nervous  origin.  Self -hypnotism  and  the 
failure  to  exercise  self-control  doubtless  aided  in  bring- 
ing it  on.  It  perhaps  corresponded  very  closely  to  the 
mental  and  physical  condition  among  the  Malays,  which 
causes  them  to  ''run  amuck."  ^^ 

Various  methods  were  used  in  the  Scandinavian  coun- 
tries to  call  the  warriors  to  active  service.  A  general 
summons  was  occasionally  given  hy  lighting 
fo^War"^  bonfires  upon  the  tops  of  the  mountains. 
Those  who  saw  the  fires  kindled  others  far- 
ther on,  thus  spreading  the  message.^-  But  a  more  usual 
way  of  rallying  the  fighting  men  seems  to  have  been  to 
send  throughout  the  country  or  district  the  'Svar  arrow" 
which  was  ' '  sheared  up  "  ^^  by  the  king  or  military  leader, 
and  was  passed  on  from  one  community  to  another  by 
relays  of  bearers,  like  the  Celtic  "fiery  cross"  described 
in  Scott's  Lady  of  the  Lake.  All  of  the  able-bodied 
men  in  the  households  to  w'hich  the  summons  came  must, 
on  pain  of  punishment,  equip  themselves  with  arms  and 
supplies  and  gather  for  battle.^^ 

10  Egils  Saga,  29-30,  84,  212. 

11  Bugge,  A'orjres  Historic,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  112-113.  Under  the  subject 
of  witchcraft,  Olaus  Magnus  describes  what  appears  to  be  the  same 
phenomenon.  King  Holdanus  of  Sweden,  he  says,  had  seven  sons  "who 
were  such  cunning  Witches,  that  they  would  suddenly  in  a  force  of  fury 
rore  horribly,  bite  bucklers,  eat  down  burning  Coles,  go  through  any  fires 
that  were  made;  nor  could  this  motion  of  madness  be  allayed  but  either 
by  Bonds,  or  by  shedding  of  man's  blood."  History  of  the  Goths,  Swedes, 
&  Vandals,  47. 

12  Saga  Library,  III,  173. 

13  Originally,  "shear  up"  appears  to  have  meant  literally  to  cut  with 
a  knife  a  piece  of  wood  in  the  form  of  an  arrow,  to  be  used  as  a  summons 
to  war.  More  customarily,  however,  it  merely  meant  to  send  out  the 
arrow  as  a  token,  to  assemble  the  warriors.     Egils  Saga,  9,  note. 

'i^^  Saga   Library,    III,    176,    309;    Egils   Saga,    9.     According   to    Olaus 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  255 

As  regards  both  offensive  and  defensive  weapons,  the 
Scandinavians  were,  on  the  whole,  better  equipped  than 
their  neighbors  to  the  south;  and  this,  not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  many  of  the  fin-  Weapons  of 

.  i    1  1-      mi        Offense: 

est  and  best  weapons  were  imported/-^  ihe  swords 
most  common  instrument  of  combat  of  the 
Northman  was  his  sword,  and  it  was  also  his  favorite. 
The  fact  that  the  finest  swords  had  suggestive  individual 
names,  such  as  Earth-House-Loom,  Venom  Switch,  War- 
Flame,  and  Leg-Biter,  shows  how  highly  they  were  prized. 
Some  of  them,  as  Greysteel,  were  believed  to  be  charmed 
and  capable  of  biting  anything. ^^^  The  magical  power 
was  produced  by  the  aid  of  witches,  or  through  words 
of  enchantment  carved  upon  the  blade. 

Both  one-edged  and  two-edged  swords  were  used,  but 
the  latter  were  best  known,  and  both  kinds  were  commonly 
wielded  with  only  one  hand.  The  weapons  with  two 
edges  possessed  a  deep  groove  doA^Ti  the  middle  of  the 
blade,  along  which  the  blood  ran.  The  average  length  of 
the  swords  employed  during  the  viking  period  was  per- 
haps a  little  more  than  thirty  inches,  but  some  of  the  most 
famous  ones  were  so  long  and  heavy  that  it  took  a  power- 
ful man  to  wield  them,  when  using  both  hands.  Great 
variation  is  noticeable  in  the  quality  of  metal  used  for  the 
blades ;  some  of  the  swords  bent  like  tin,  while  others  were 
of  the  finest  steel  and  sprang  back  after  being  bent  double. 
The  blades  of  best  quality  w^ere  at  times  damasked  and 
engraved  with  the  names  of  the  smiths  making  them; 
and  the  handles  were  often  of  bronze,  silver,  or  gold, 

Magnus,  a  similar  method  of  calling  the  warriors  to  battle  was  employed 
in  Sweden  considerably  later.  A  staff  three  hands  long  was  carried  by  a 
speedy  runner  to  the  various  towns  with  tlie  command  that  within  a 
stipulated  time  every  young  man  over  fifteen  years  old  should  come  with 
arms  and   food  to  battle.     Hu-story  of  the  Goths,  Swedes,  d   Vandals,  95. 

15  Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  Indffydelse,  208. 

i«  Oisla-  Saga,  2. 


256  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

richly  chased,  and  occasionally  set  with  gems.  The  scab- 
bard was  usually  of  wood  covered  with  leather,  and  w^as 
suspended  from  the  belt  or  from  the  shoulder  by  means 
of  a  strap.^^  Perhaps  the  finest  swords  came  from  the 
Orient,  but  some  excellent  ones  were  brought  from  France 
and  England  also.^^  Great  numbers  of  these  weapons 
were,  however,  manufactured  in  Scandinavia,  and  some 
of  them,  copied  from  foreign  models,  were  of  excellent 
workmanship.^^ 

Though  not  as  popular  as  the  sword,  the  spear  was  in 
very  common  use,  and  was  made  in  two  general  styles, 
for  throwing  and  for  stabbing.  In  both 
kinds  the  head  was  made  of  iron  or  steel, 
though  bronze  was  at  times  used,  and  the  shaft  was  gen- 
erally of  ash.  Different  varieties  of  heads  appeared, 
some  being  long  and  bladelike,  and  others  having  sharp, 
backward-pointing  prongs,  like  fishhooks,  while  still 
others  displayed  characteristics  of  a  different  nature. 
The  casting  spear  was  lighter  than  that  used  at  close 
range;  the  head  as  well  as  the  shaft  was  shorter.  And 
often  the  former  part  was  attached  very  lightly  to  the 
handle  by  means  of  a  single  nail,  which  could  be  re- 
moved before  the  weapon  was  thrown,  in  order  that  the 
enemy  could  not  so  readily  cast  it  back.  As  in  the  case 
of  the  sword,  the  spear  head  was  often  decorated  with 
precious  metals,  and  the  wooden  shaft  was  carved  with 
runes  having  the  power  to  charm  and  thus  aid  the  physi- 
cal efforts  of  the  owner  of  the  weapon  in  his  struggle 
against  the  enemy.-*^ 

The  warrior  used  both  hands  in  wielding  the  stabbing 
spear,  but  the  throwing  spear  seems  to  have  been  shot 

iTFalk,  Waffenkunde,  9-37;   Gustafson,  ^'orges  Oldtid,   101-102. 

18  Bugge,  Vesterlandenes  IndflydeUe,  208. 

19  Talk,  Waffenkunde,  38-41;    Gustafson,   Norges  Oldtid,   102. 
20Falk,  Waffenkunde,  66-89. 


V2l>, 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  257 

with  but  one  hand.  The  Northmen  at  times  displayed 
great  dexterity  in  the  use  of  the  latter  weapon,  some 
being  able  to  throw  two  spears  at  once,  by  holding  one 
in  each  hand.  Mention  is  also  made  in  the  ancient  rec- 
ords of  Scandinavians  who  caught  the  flying  spears  of  the 
enemy  and  hurled  them  back  at  the  senders.-^ 

Bows  and  arrows  were  used,  but  seem  to  have  been 
less  general  than  swords  and  spears.     They  were  prob- 
ably more  often  the  weapon  of  the  huntsman 
than  of  the  warrior,  especially  in  the  more  ^^^^g 
remote  parts  of  the  North.     Bent  wood,  usu- 
ally yew,  but  also  elm,  formed  the  bow,  the  ends  of  which 
Avere  often  finished  with  decorative  metal.     The  bow- 
string was  made  from  the  hides  or  sinews  of  animals  as 
a  rule,  but  some  were  of  wool,  and  less  often,  of  flax. 
Metal  composed  the  arrow  heads,  which  were  shaped  in 
various  fashions,  like  the  spears,  but  smaller  in  size.-^ 

The  club  was  at  times  carried  by  the  humbler  classes, 
but  it  served  more  as  a  weapon  of  defense  while  the  people 
were  engaged  in  their  daily  pacific  tasks  than  ^^^^^ 
as  an  instrument  of  formal  warfare.  It  was 
fashioned  from  a  piece  of  hardwood,  made  still  harder 
by  being  thrust  into  the  fire,  or  having  the  thick  end 
spiked  or  covered  with  a  coating  of  metal. -^ 

The  most  characteristic  weapon  of  the  Scandinavian 
North  was  the  deadly  battle-ax,  which  was  but  little 
known  in  the  lands  to  the  south  until  intro- 
duced  there  by  the  vikings.  At  an  earlier 
time  this  ax  was  probably  the  chief  weapon  of  the  North- 
ern warrior,  but  by  the  Viking  Age  it  was  to  some  extent 
supplanted  by  the  sword.     The  pride  of  the  warrior  in  his 

21  Ihid.,  90. 

22  Ibid.,   91-103. 

23  Ibid.,   120-123. 


258         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

battle-ax,  as  in  his  sword,  was  shown  by  bestowing  upon 
it  an  individual  name  and  by  the  rich  ornamentation  of 
the  blade,  which  was  occasionally  embellished  with  gold 
and  silver  wrought  into  beautiful  patterns  (Fig.  35). 

There  were  more  than  a  half  dozen  different  styles  of 
these  weapons,  some  of  which  showed  foreign  influence, 
but  the  light  ''hand  ax"  of  conventional  shape  was  prob- 
ably the  favorite  form.  The  "broad  ax,"  the  character 
of  which  was  indicated  by  its  name,  was  also  a  common 
type.     Other  well-known  varieties  were  the  "snag  ax," 


Fig.  35.     Danish  Battle- Ax  with  Design  in  Silver.      (From  MuUer's 
Tor  Oldtid.) 

a  halberdlike  implement  having  no  hammer  extension; 
the  "bearded  ax,"  possessing  a  broad  blade  with  a  long 
beardlike  projection;  and  the  "war  demon,"  another 
lance-shaped  weapon,  with  a  pike  on  top.^^ 

Carefully  made  instruments  for  defense  in 

Defensive        battle  w^ere  employed  in  the  North  at  a  very 

HdmeTs^"*'     early  time.     Even  in  the  first  part  of  the 

Iron  Age  warriors  protected  their  heads  by 

means  of  metal  helmets,  decorated  upon  the  crests  with 

'■i*Ibid.,    104-120;   Origines  Islandicae,  II,   310. 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  259 

figures  of  animals  and  supplied  with  nose-guards  and 
shields  for  the  sides  of  the  face  (Fig.  37).-^  But  by  the 
earlier  part  of  the  Middle  Ages  such  elaborately  con- 
structed head-gear  appears  to  have  been  rarely  worn  for 
purposes  of  protection ;  its  function  was  primarily  deco- 
rative, or  to  indicate  social  standing,  as  in  the  case  of 
chieftains.  Sometimes  such  helmets  were  gilded  or  gold 
plated.  Towards  the  close  of  the  Viking  Age  protec- 
tive head  coverings  again  became  more  common.  Some 
of  them  resembled  the  earlier  forms,  with  elaborately 
decorated  crests  and  extensions  for  the  face,  but  the  more 
usual  style  was  simpler,  and  resembled  a  metal  hat  or 
cap  very  similar  to  that  worn  by  the  American  soldiers 
in  the  World  War."<^ 

The  main  part  of  the  warrior's  body  was  protected  in 
prehistoric  times  with  armor  of  leather,  usually  of  ox 

hides:  but  chain  armor  was  worn  in  Scandi-    . 

,  Armor 

navia  as  early  as  the  tourth  century  alter 
Christ;  and  in  the  early  Middle  Ages  it  was  probably 
very  common,  though  protective  leathern  shirts  were  also 
worn,  and  sometimes  heavy  linen  garments.  For  the 
coat  of  mail,  rings  of  iron  were  used,  the  metal  links 
at  times  fashioned  into  as  many  as  four  thicknesses. 
These  iron  shirts  were  made  with  short,  wide  sleeves  and 
reached  to  about  the  middle  of  the  thighs.  At  the  top 
was  a  small  opening  for  the  head,  which  was  closed  with 
a  buckle  or  cord  at  the  neck.  In  winter  a  large  cloak 
was  worn  over  this  armor.  Iron  guards  for  the  knees 
were  in  use,  and  the  legs  Avere  covered  with  heavy  leather 

25  Hildebrand,  Hans,  "Hjelmar  med  Vildsvinsbild,"  in  Maanadsblad, 
1879,  pp.  1-3;  Stjerna,  Knut,  "Draktskatten  i  Beowulf,"  in  Fornviinnen, 
I    141. 

20  Falk,  Waffenkunde,  155-167;  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Siceden  in 
Heathen  Times,  138.  This  readoption  of  armor  was  perhaps  due  to  influ- 
ence from  the  South. 


260 


SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 


or  with  woven  iron  links,  while  gloves  of  similar  mate- 
rial protected  the  hands. -^ 

Shields  were  in  very  general  use  and  were  of  two  dif- 
ferent styles,  romid  and  oblong,  which  differed  in  effec- 
tiveness.    The   former   was   light,   and   not 
Shields  always    invulnerable    to    the    sharpest    and 

strongest  weapons  (Fig.  39).  It  measured  about  two 
feet  in  diameter  and  was  made  of  wood,  often  linden, 
reinforced  at  the  back  with  metal.     The  boss  for  the  pro- 

3  tection  of  the  hand  grasp- 
ing the  handle  beneath  it 
was  also  of  metal ;  and  the 
edge  of  the  circle  was 
bound  with  leather  or  with 
iron  or  bronze.  The  long 
shield  was  large  enough 
to  cover  the  whole  body  of 
the  warrior  when  he  knelt 
behind  it,  and  some  extra- 
sized  ones  were  also  made 
which  would  protect  sev- 
eral men.  These  more  ef- 
fective shields  were  constructed  of  wood  covered  with 
ox  hide,  and,  like  the  others,  were  strengthened  by  means 
of  metal.  The  shields  were  decorated  in  various  ways, 
though  the  smaller  ones  were  probably  the  more  orna- 
mental of  the  two.  The  metal  finishings  were  often 
gilded,  and  occasionally  inlaid  with  gold  or  silver;  and 
the  wooden  surface  was  painted,  most  frequently  in 
bright  red;  but  blue,  black,  and  yellow,  as  well  as  other 
colors  and  combinations  of  colors,  were  displayed. 
Sometimes    decorative    borders    were    painted    on    the 

27  Falk,  Waffenkunde,  174-191;  Worsaae,  De  Danskes  Kultur  i  Vikinge- 
tiden,  24. 


Fig.  39.  Small  Wooden  Shield 
with  a  Metal  Boss.  (From  Monte- 
lius'  Kulturgischichte  Schwedens.) 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  261 

shields,  and  their  surfaces  embellished  with  emblematic 
figures,  as  dragons  or  ravens  (Fig.  38). ^^ 

The  fights  between  the   Scandinavian  nations  them- 
selves took  place  as  a  rule  upon  the  water,  and  the  com- 
batants were  well  matched,  for  all  sections  of   ^^ 
the  North  were  highly  skilled  in  naval  war-  'y^grfare 
fare.     The  total  fleet  of  one  side  was  often 
composed  of  two  or  three  smaller  fleets.     Consequently, 
the  death  of  one  commander  did  not  result  in  serious 
disaster  to  the  na\^^  as  a  whole.     It  was  customary  to 
fasten  the  bows  of  the  vessels  fbrming  a  fleet  together 
before  battle  opened,  which  action  made  it  possible  for 
the  warriors  to  move  w^ith  ease  from  one  ship  to  an- 
other.2® 

When  fighting  at  long  range,  the  warriors  at  times 
sought  protection  behind  a  breastwork  of  w^ood  erected 
along  the  sides  of  the  vessel ;  and  from  here  they  hurled 
their  darts  and  spears  at  the  enemy;  w^hile  the  men  sta- 
tioned in  the  topcastle,  found  on  some  war  vessels,  fought 
in  the  same  manner,  or  cast  volleys  of  stones  down  upon 
their  opponents.^*^  In  order  to  get  closer  to  a  weaken- 
ing foe,  the  Northmen,  like  the  Romans,  employed 
grappling  hooks,  by  means  of  which  they  drew  the  vessels 
closer  to  their  own,  making  it  possible  to  board  them. 
War  ships  were  also  usually  supplied  with  iron  beaks 
which  were  rammed  into  enemy  vessels,  thus  scuttling 
and  sinking  them. 

Between  the  Scandinavians  and  their  neighbors  to  the 
south   land-warfare   was   the   almost   exclu-  Land 
sive  rule  until  near  the  close  of  the  viking  Warfare 
period,  for  the  other  peoples  of  westeni  Europe  were  un- 

28Falk,  Waffenkunde,   126-151;   Saga  Library,  II,  22;   III,  278. 
29  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  185. 
BoFalk,  Waffenkunde,  196-197. 


262         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

trained  in  sea-fighting;  and  their  failure  to  realize  the 
necessity  for  meeting  the  Northern  Pirates  upon  their 
own  element  was  the  primary  reason  for  the  prolonga- 
tion of  the  viking  period.^^  As  a  result  of  great  se- 
crecy and  swiftness  in  their  movements,  the  Northmen 
could  land  in  the  country  which  they  desired  to  at- 
tack and  take  the  enemy  completely  by  surprise,  thus 
having  them  entirely  at  their  mercy.  The  rapidity  of 
their  advance  after  disembarking  was  due  partly  to 
good  organization  and  concerted  action;  but  the  fact 
that  they  regularly  helped  themselves  to  horses  in  the 
districts  traversed  and  used  them  for  transportation  pur- 
poses made  it  much  easier  to  take  their  victims  unawares 
as  well  as  to  carry  away  great  amounts  of  plunder.^^ 
Sometimes  they  brought  horses  with  them,  particularly 
in  the  later  part  of  the  period  considered,  when  they 
operated  on  an  extensive  scale.  Now, — as  still  later,  in 
connection  with  the  Norman  conquest, — horses  were  car- 
ried across  the  Channel  from  the  French  coast  for  use  in 
England.^^ 

Inasmuch  as  the  first  aim  of  the  vikings  in  the  early 
period  of  their  invasions  was  to  enrich  themselves  with 
booty,  they  rarely  failed  to  sack  the  churches 
and  monasteries  and  to  carry  away  the  gold 
and  silver  vessels  and  all  else  of  value  on  which  they 
could  lay  their  hands,  for  they  early  learned  that  in 
the  buildings  devoted  to  the  services  of  the  Christian  re-* 
ligion  rich  treasures  could  be  found.  But  in  their  search 
for  plunder  they  also  attacked  private  houses ;  and  they 
often  stole  recently-harvested  grain,  wine,  live-stock,  and 

31  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  I,  265. 
S2lbid.,   358-359. 

33  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  360.     The  Bayeux  Tapestry  shows  horses  in  the 
ships  of  the  Normans. 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  263 

other  food  products.     These  they  consumed  while  in  the 
land  of  the  enemy  or  carried  off  to  the  North.''* 

Yet,  much  as  the  Northmen  sought  booty,  their  love  of 
fighting  for  its  own  sake  led  them  always  to  welcome 
battle,  unless — as  was  rarely  the  case — the 
odds  were  heavily  against  them.     The  men  JJ'^^*^';^ 

*'       "  Urganiza- 

from  a  single  ship  appear  to  have  usually  tion 
formed  the  tactical  unit,  and  were  led  by  the 
captain  under  whom  they  served  upon  the  water,  the 
second  in  command  being  the  second  officer  of  the  vessel. 
Such  units  were  grouped  into  battalions  and  brigades 
under  the  banner  of  the  chieftain  or  king  who,  as  chief 
commander  of  the  fleet,  had  filled  somewhat  the  capacity 
of  the  modern  admiral.^^  Though  they  fought  well  in 
rectangular  grouping,  the  Northmen's  most  effective  or- 
ganization for  battle  was  the  svin-fylhing,  or  swine-array 
— a  heavy  wedge  of  men,  the  first  line  of  which  was  com- 
posed of  two  picked  warriors.  Such  a  formation  could 
usually  plow  its  way  through  the  most  formidable  battle 
line.^*^ 

In  preparation  for  the  attack — if  the  enemy  took  the 
initiative — the  man  who  bore  the  battle  standard  set  it 
up  promptly,  on  an  eminence  if  one  w^as  near. 

rrri  .  •  '  L^         ^^       II  c  •      Opening  of 

This  ensign  was  either  the  figure  ot  an  am-  guttle 
mal  of  emblematic  significance,  set  upon  a 
pole,  or  a  banner  of  cloth,  commonly  blood  red,  with  the 
symbol  of  the  confederates  embroidered  or  painted  upon 
it.  The  raven,  as  Odin's  bird,  was  a  favorite  figure,  and 
was  used  by  the  sons  of  the  greatest  of  all  vikings, 
Ragnar  Ladbrok.     About  this  standard  the  warriors  ral- 

34  Steenstrup,  Isormanncrne,  I,  372-373. 

35  Collingwood,  W.  G.,  Scandinavian  Britain,  40-41. 

30  The  Hifrhlanders  of  Scotland  were  massed  in  this  deadly  triangle  at 
the  battle  of  Preston  Pans.     Ibid.,  86. 


264          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

lied.^'^  The  trumpeter  blew  a  loud  blast  upon  his  lure; 
the  vikings  uttered  a  wild,  barbaric  yell,  calculated  to 
strike  terror  in  the  hearts  of  the  enemy,  or  gave  the  cus- 
tomary war-cry;  and  the  conflict  had  opened.^*  Before 
and  during  the  battle,  Odin,  the  god  of  war,  and  other 
favorite  divinities,  as  well,  were  invoked  by  the  warriors 
for  aid  in  the  contest ;  and  sacrifices  and  vows  were  made 
to  them  in  return  for  military  success.^^ 

Though  well  equipped  with  weapons,  offensive  and  de- 
fensive, the  Northmen  were  generally  victorious  less  be- 
cause of  this  than  in  consequence  of  their 
^^^  skill     in     warlike     operations     themselves. 

Their  effective  wedge-formation  which  is  an  instance  of 
this,  has  just  been  mentioned.  They  also  displayed  a 
remarkable  degree  of  strategic  cunning,  and  distinct  su- 
periority in  the  art  of  besieging.  They  were  nothing  if 
not  resourceful.  By  means  of  spies  and  bribery  they 
learned  everything  possible  about  the  land  which  they 
proposed  to  invade,  in  order  to  use  their  strongest 
weapon — surprise.  Another  element  of  their  strength  in 
this  regard  was  concealment  and  disguise.  The  camou- 
flage resorted  to  by  both  sides  in  the  World  War  was 
but  a  highly  developed  form  of  the  deceptive  devices 
used  by  the  Northmen  a  thousand  years  before.  In  order 
to  land  in  an  enemy  country  without  being  detected,  they 
sometimes  covered  their  vessels  with  the  branches  of 
trees  down  to  the  water's  edge  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
make  them  resemble  wooded  islands ;  and  while  upon  the 
march  also  they  sometimes  hid  themselves  behind  these 
screens  of  branches.^''     It  seems  probable  that  the  trick 

37  Steenstrup,  Kormannei-ne,  I,  359. 

ss  Ibid.,  362-363;  E-gils  Saga,  64. 

39  Steenstrup,    Norman'nerne,   I,    362-363. 

♦oFalk,  Waffenkunde,   194-196;  Saga  Library,  TV,  49.    , 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  265 

by  which  McDuff  made  "Birnam  Forest  come  to  Dun- 
sinane"  in  Shakespeare's  Macbeth  was  of  Scandina- 
vian origin.  Sometimes  the  invaders  covered  their  ap- 
proach and  protected  themselves  from  attack  by  means 
of  trenches.  But,  as  a  result  of  their  rare  gift  of  adapta- 
bility, they  also  made  use  of  every  existing  element  of 
favor  in  a  situation.  Ridges,  rocks,  and  woods  became 
their  ramparts  at  a  moment's  notice,  and  it  is  recorded 
that  once,  for  want  of  somethin:g  better,  they  built  a 
redoubt  of  slaughtered  animals  and  retreated  behind  this 
to  their  ships. ^^ 

By  means  of  various  other  crafty  devices  they  also 
deceived  the  enemy ;  they  dug  and  skillfully  covered  deep 
pits  into  which  the  foe  walked;  they  pretended  to  be 
asleep,  as  in  the  fight  between  Rollo  and  the  Franks, 
until  the  enemy  was  upon  them,  then  jumped  up  and  cut 
him  do^vTi;  they  drew  close  together  and  knelt  behind 
their  shields,  to  appear  few  in  numbers ;  and  when  caught 
unawares  they  at  times  threw"  themselves  flat  upon 
the  ground  and  covered  themselves  with  their  shields. 
When  hardest  pressed  upon  the  field  of  battle,  they  quickly 
formed  a  '' shield-fortress"  which  was  almost  always  im- 
pregnable. This  ''fortress"  resembled  the  Roman 
testudo  and  was  formed  by  the  warriors  pressing  close 
together,  some  standing,  others  kneeling,  in  the  form  of 
a  hollow  cylinder,  with  their  shields  overlapping  like 
the  shells  of  a  tortoise.^ ^  But  perhaps  the  most  com- 
mon trick  employed  by  the  Northern  warriors,  and  the 
most  successful,  was  pretended  flight,  by  means  of  which 
they  drew  their  opponents  from  the  position  of  defense 
to  one  of  pursuit;  then  abruptly  turned  upon  them  and 
renewed  the  attack.     Largely  as  a  result  of  this  strategic 

41  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  I,  364. 
*2ibid.,   360,   366. 


266          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

device,  victory  went  to  the  Normans  in  the  battle  of  Hast- 
ings.^ ^ 

Especially  adept  were  the  Northmen  in  their  ability 
to  approach  a  city  which  they  planned  to  capture,  with- 
out harm  to  themselves,  and  while  their  in- 

Siege 

tended  victims  gazed  helplessly  out  upon 
them.  For  this  purpose  they  often  employed  trenches, 
or  advanced  in  the  arrangement  of  the  shield  fortress; 
but  they  also  had  a  device  which  w^as  a  defense  during 
approach  to  the  enemy  walls  and  an  instrument  of  attack 
when  these  were  reached.  This  was  a  battering-ram 
made  of  a  huge  tree  trunk  mounted  upon  wheels,  the 
platform  upon  which  the  tree  was  placed  being  strongly 
roofed,  thus  protecting  the  men  when  they  drew  or 
pushed  the  vehicle  and  when  they  operated  the  ram.^* 

Another  machine  used  with  great  success  in  the  cap- 
ture of  to^\^ls  and  castles  was  the  catapult,  operated  on 
the  principle  of  the  sling-shot,  the  missiles  being  usually 
stones.  This  engine  was  presumably  composed  of  a 
thrower,  in  the  hollowed-out,  spoon-shaped  end  of  which 
the  shot  was  laid,  while  the  other  end  was  fastened  in 
the  middle  of  a  tightly-stretched,  twisted  rope  or  cord, 
securely  attached  to  the  foundation  of  the  apparatus. 
The  twisted  rope  gave  spring  and  force  to  the  thrower 
for  hurling  the  missile.^^ 

During  the  early  period  of  their  raids,  the  vikings  were 

particularly  disregardful  of  life,  whether  in  plundering 

attacks    or   in    open   warfare.   .  Neither   sex 

the"vikings      ^^^^  ^8'®  ^^'^^  spared;  old  men,  women  and 
babies  were  put  to  death,  often  in  the  crud- 
est manner.^*^     The  monks  appear  to  have  been  unusual 

43/&tU,   366. 

44  Du  Chaillu,   Viking  Age,  I,   541. 

45Falk,  Waffenkunde,  192-193. 

46  An  old  account  tells  that  the  Northmen  tossed  the  foreign  children 


THE  CAREER  OF  THE  VIKING  267 

sufferers,  perhaps  because  they  were  representatives  of 
a  religion  unfriendly  to  the  divinities  of  the  North  as 
well  as  because  they  resisted  the  attacks  of  the  heathen 
and  tried  to  save  their  treasures.  The  enemy  soldiers 
who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  vikings  were  usually  put 
to  death,  sometimes  by  torture."*"  There  is  no  reason  to 
conclude,  however,  that  the  Northmen  were  more  cruel 
than  the  people  of  the  foreign  lands  which  they  attacked. 
Furthermore,  in  the  World  War  so  many  instances  of 
hideous  ferocity  w^ere  displayed  by  Christian  nations  as 
to  preclude  any  conclusion  that  the  Northmen  were 
unique.  It  should  be  remembered  also  that  we  have  not 
the  vikings'  side  of  the  story.  For  the  details  with  ref- 
erence to  the  viking  raids  we  are  almost  wholly  depend- 
ent upon  the  accounts  Avritten  by  the  Christian  monks 
of  the  lands  which  the  Northmen  plundered.  These 
writers  hated  and  despised  the  invaders  as  heathen  and 
barbarians  just  as  they  hated  and  despised  the  Moham- 
medans and  Jews.  This  attitude  did  not  tend  to  make 
them  unprejudiced  historians.-''^ 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  viking  period  the  Northern 
^varriors  killed  fewer  and  carried  away  more       , 

T  li-i     Prisoners 

prisoners.     People  of  prominence  and  wealth  ^^  ^^^ 

were  taken  for  the  sake  of  the  ransom  which 

they  might  bring;  many  others,  some,  often  men  and 

in  the  air  and  caught  them  on  their  spears;  but  states  that  one  of  their 
number  was  so  tender-hearted  that  he  tried  to  stop  the  pastime,  and 
thereby  gained  the  nickname,  Barna-Karl — "child-man,"  or  "children's 
friend."     Origines  Islandicae,  I,  225. 

47  An  especially  cruel  practice  to  which  the  Northmen  at  times  resorted 
was  to  "cut  a  blood-eagle."  Incisions  were  made  over  the  ribs  in  the 
form  of  an  eagle,  and  the  lungs  were  pulled  out  through  the  opening 
while  the  victim  was  still  alive.  This  form  of  torture,  however,  seems 
to  have  been  practiced  only  upon  the  man  who  had  killed  one's  father, 
if  taken  in  war.  Such  an  execution  was  a  sacrifice  to  Odin,  the  god  of 
war.     "Blot5orn,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 

*8  Collingwood,   Scandinavian  Britain,   63-64. 


268  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

women  of  high  rank,  were  made  to  serve  as  slaves  in  the 
land  of  their  captors,  or  were  sold  in  the  great  markets 
where  traffic  in  human  beings  took  place ;  frequently,  also, 
women,  especially  beautiful  ones,  were  taken  to  the  North 
and  became  the  wives  or  mistresses  of  their  captors. 
With  the  prisoners  were  carried  off  trophies  of  victory 
— the  banners  of  the  enemy  and  the  arms  of  their  leaders, 
and  also  a  rich  collection  of  plunder.  The  bodies  of 
their  own  dead,  which  must  be  left  behind,  the  Scandi- 
navians carefully  buried  upon  the  field  of  battle;  but 
they  displayed  their  scorn  and  contempt  for  the  van- 
quished enemy  by  leaving  the  dead  comrades  of  the  latter 
unburied  where  they  fell.^^ 

40  Steenstrup,  Normannerne,  I,  369-371. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

GOVERNMENT 

With  law  shall  our  land  be  built  up  and  settled;  with  lawlessness, 
wasted  and  spoilt. 

Saga  of  Burnt  Njal. 

In   very   early   times   virtually   every   separate   geo- 
graphical unit  of  continental  Scandinavia  constituted  an 
independent     political     entity;     each     river 
valley,  coastal  plain,  peninsula,  and  island  ^^"^g^^j^V 
had   a   distinct   governmental   system.     But  ^j^^ 
with  the  passing  of  the  centuries  these  in- 
dividual units  were  gradually  combined  under  one  rule, 
sometimes   through   mutual   agreement,   but   more   fre- 
quently as  a  result  of  the  successful  military  campaigns 
of   ambitious   chieftains   or  aggressive  kings.     In  con- 
sequence of  these  centralizing  activities,  by  the  close  of 
the  ninth  century  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway  had 
attained    to    approximately    the    territorial   dimensions 
maintained  during  most  of  the  Middle  Ages;  and  each 
country  was  from  now  on  usually  under  the  dominion 
of  a  single  sovereign. 

The  Icelandic  commonwealth  was  a  by-product  of  the 
movement  towards  political  consolidation  in  Norway, 
which  took  place  under  King  Harold  Hairfair.  Begin- 
ning about  the  year  874,  large  numbers  of  the  best  people 
in  the  land,  unwilling  to  submit  to  the  victorious  king, 
fled  to  the  bleak  island  far  to  the  west,  and  here  began 
life  anew.  For  a  few  decades  the  exiles  lived  in  scat- 
tered groups  of  tiny,  independent  democracies,  more  or 

269 


270         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

less  separated  by  natural  barriers,  but  the  need  for  a 
central  organization  which  could  settle  inter-community 
disputes  and  consider  matters  of  common  interest  led, 
in  930,  to  the  foiTQation  of  the  Icelandic  republic,  which 
functioned  through  the  Althing,  or  general  parliament. 
The  political  evolution  requiring  more  than  a  thousand 
years  in  continental  Scandinavia,  was  thus,  through  aid 
of  example,  effected  by  Iceland  in  fifty. 

Yet,  after  centralization  had  been  completed,  the  bound- 
aries of  the  earlier  political  units  were  largely  retained 
and  were  employed  for  purposes  of  local  ad- 
dmimstra-     niinistration.     These  subdivisions  were,  how- 

tive  Di-  .  .  .  ' 

visions  ever,  probably  never  identical  even  in  con- 

tinental Scandinavia,  and  as  time  passed 
they  became  more  differentiated.  The  smaller  units, 
most  of  which  developed  from  the  hygd,  or  original  com- 
munal settlement,  were  usually  called  herads  (heradr) 
throughout  the  North,  but  there  were  various  exceptions 
which  probably  had  their  origin  in  changed  administra- 
tive conditions  which  seemed  to  call  for  a  new  termin- 
ology. In  Denmark,  Iceland,  and  southern  Sweden,  for 
instance,  the  herad  was  commonly  found ;  but  in  the  north 
of  Sweden  the  corresponding  division  was  kno^\^l  as  a 
hundred  [hundrad),  while  groups  of  the  hundreds  were 
in  some  cases  called  herads.  The  herad  was  very  usual 
in  Norway  also,  but  the  names  fylki  and  fjordungr  were 
applied  to  some  of  the  small  political  units;  and  still 
other  terms  were  employed  in  individual  cases.^ 

In  the  larger  political  grouping  there  was  even  less 
uniformity.  In  some  parts  of  Norway,  the  fylki,  instead 
of  being  identical  with  the  herad,  was  composed  of  a 

iTunberg,  Sven,  Studier  rorande  Skandinaviens  cildsta  politiska  Indel- 
ning,  passim:  Hildebrand,  Svenska  Folket  under  Hedna  Tiden,  216-220; 
Bugge,  Norges  Historic,  vol.  I,  pt.  II.  232 


GOVERNMENT  271 

number  of  the  last-named  units;  in  others,  the  larger 
divisions  were  known  as  ''lands"  or  "rikes" — domin- 
ions,— as  Haalogaland  and  Raumarike.  In  Denmark  and 
Sweden  the  name  ''land"  was  applied  to  some  of  the 
provinces,  but  not  to  others,  though  all  of  the  provinces 
appear  to  have  been  made  up  of  groups  of  herads,  or 
their  equivalents.  Much  obscurity,  however,  surrounds 
the  subject  of  local  administration  in  continental  Scan- 
dinavia, for  there  are  many  serious  gaps  in  the  existing 
evidence;  and  it  seems  impossible  to  form  a  clear  con- 
ception of  the  administrative  machinery  as  a  whole. 

Fortunately,  this  is  not  true  with  reference  to  Iceland, 
for  which  data  are  fairly  adequate.  And  from  our 
knowledge  of  local  administration  there  it  seems  possible 
to  gain  a  somewhat  more  satisfactory  idea  of  the  corre- 
sponding governmental  units  on  the  continent;  for  it 
appears  likely  that  Iceland  followed  the  political  machin- 
ery of  the  mother  land,  except  insofar  as  it  interfered 
with  the  settlers'  ideas  of  personal  liberty  and  the  needs 
of  a  commonwealth,  as  opposed  to  a  kingdom. 

In  Iceland,  the  most  important  local  unit  was  the 
godord  (godord),  which  was  politico-religious  in  char- 
acter. The  settlers  were  grouped  into  a  large  number 
of  such  divisions,  each  a  little  republic  in  itself,  until  the 
Althing  was  established  and  the  Commonwealth  formed, 
when  the  godords  were  reduced  to  thirty-nine  and  the 
island  divided  into  four  quarters,  each  containing  nine 
godords,  except  the  North  Quarter,  which,  because  of 
conditions  peculiar  to  the  region,  was  given  twelve.  For 
certain  purposes  of  administration,  three  godords  were 
counted  as  a  political  unit.  Such  a  group  was  called  a 
thriding  (iridjungr),  and  bore  a  close  relationship  to 
the  "riding"  of  northern  England.^ 

2  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions,  46. 


272         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

In  early  times,  each  of  the  many  independent  divisions 
of  Scandinavia  had  at  its  head  a  chieftain  who  performed 

the  triple  function  of  priest,  military  com- 
Administra-  mander,  and  political  leader.  Such  men 
chils^^'         ^®^®  doubtless  for  a  very  long  period  the 

only  public  officials  of  the  North.  The 
hersar,  mentioned  in  Chapter  III,  appear  to  have  been 
of  this  class.  The  jarls  and  early  ''kings"  probably  did 
not  originate  until  after  the  movement  towards  central- 
ization had  been  well  launched,  and  subordinate  offices 
created.  But  we  are  wholly  lacking  in  information  with 
reference  to  some  of  these  officials,  and  must  simply  as- 
sume their  existence;  and  our  knowledge  regarding 
others  is  quite  inadequate.  The  same  holds  true  of  the 
administrative  officials  of  the  Viking  Age.  It  is  possible, 
however,  to  form  a  fairly  definite  idea  of  three  of  the 
most  important  ones  of  this  later  period — the  godi 
(godi),  the  lawman,  and  the  king. 

The  name  ''godi,"  applied  to  the  chieftain-priest  at 
the  head  of  the  godord,  appears  to  have  been  peculiar 

to  Iceland.  But  the  official  was  obviously  the 
The  Godi  i^istorical  descendant  of  the  early  chieftains 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  paragraph;  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  on  the  continent,  contemporary  with  the  godi, 
there  were  politico-religious  officials  w^hose  functions 
were,  as  a  whole,  similar  to  those  of  the  former.  The 
chieftain-priests  of  the  continent  are,  however,  very  shad- 
ovry  figures,  while,  because  of  the  more  abundant  data, 
the  godi  may  be  seen  in  detail.  The  latter  must,  there- 
fore, be  looked  upon  as  representative,  in  a  broad  way, 
of  the  whole  class  of  Scandinavian  politico-religious 
officials.^ 

3  Philpotts,  "Temple- Administration   and  Chieftainship  in  pre-Christian 
Norway  and  Iceland,"  in  Saga  Book,  VIII,  264-285. 


GOVERNMENT  273 

At  the  time  of  the  settlement  of  Iceland,  all  of  the 
chieftains  or  leaders  of  note,  imitating  the  system  at 
home  on  the  continent,  built  temples  upon  their  own 
land,  close  beside  their  dwellings;  and  these  religious 
edifices  formed  nuclei  around  which  the  future  communi- 
ties grew.  Since  he  was  the  priest  of  the  temple,  the 
chieftain  was  called  the  ''godi."  But  besides  his  re- 
ligious functions,  which  will  be  considered  in  a  later 
chapter,  this  Icelandic  priest  performed  civil  duties  ex- 
tending to  every  branch  of  the  public  service,  from  the 
care  of  the  poor  in  his  district  to  legislation  for  the  whole 
commonwealth.  In  the  capacity  of  port  or  customs  offi- 
cial, he  it  was  who  first  went  aboard  the  ships  touching 
his  district.  He  might  fix  the  price  of  all  wares  brought 
by  these  vessels,  and  had  the  first  right  to  purchase  the 
imports.  He  might  forbid  people  who  were  strangers  to 
the  land  coming  in  touch  with  the  inhabitants  of  his 
district,  and  was  even  authorized  to  prohibit  their  land- 
ing at  all.  But  he  also  performed  some  of  the  duties  of 
the  present-day  consul  in  his  relation  to  foreigners,  for 
they  were  under  his  special  protection  and  he  was  re- 
sponsible for  their  welfare.  It  was  his  duty  to  arrange 
for  their  accoimnodation  and  entertainment  at  a  reason- 
able price,  to  be  fixed  by  himself.  Should  a  foreigner 
die  in  Iceland  as  a  result  of  violence,  the  godi  in  whose 
district  he  met  his  death  was  expected  to  bring  the  mur- 
derer to  justice  and  to  see  that  the  dead  man's  property 
was  distributed  among  his  rightful  heirs.  As  far  as 
possible,  also,  he  guarded  the  interests  of  Icelanders  of 
his  district  in  their  foreign  relations.^ 

As  supreme  magistrate  of  his  district,  the  godi ' '  purged 
the  land  of  all  crime ' '  and  presided  at  the  local  assembly. 

4  Ihid.;  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Insti- 
tutions,  31-32 


274         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

To  the  men  of  his  godord  he  owed  protection  in  their 
lawsuits,  and,  in  return  for  such  services,  he  could  sum- 
mon them  to  accompany  him  on  his  journeys  through 
his  godord,  and  could  demand  that  they  entertain  him 
during  such  official  visits.  At  all  times  he  could  require 
that  at  least  one  ninth  of  them  attend  him  at  the  Althing.^ 

The  chief  source  of  income  of  this  politico-religious 
official  was  the  temple  dues ;  but  he  also  received  fines  and 
fees  of  various  sorts  in  connection  with  his  civil  func- 
tions.^ His  total  remuneration  was,  however,  probably 
small,  and  this  fact  may  account  to  a  considerable  extent 
for  a  questionable  practice  which  existed  among  the 
godis.  At  times,  in  an  unfair  manner,  the  godi  induced 
freed  men  and  other  persons  of  low  birth  and  little  influ- 
ence, who  happened  to  possess  property,  to  bequeath  him 
all  of  their  worldly  wealth  in  return  for  support  and 
protection — presumably  of  a  special  nature — in  their 
lawsuits  as  long  as  they  lived.  Such  a  relation  had  some- 
thing of  the  feudal  bond  and  was  humiliating  to  the 
''client."  Obviously,  it  added  to  the  power  as  well  as 
to  the  wealth  of  the  godi."^ 

Yet  in  spite  of  the  great  power  exercised  by  this  offi- 
cial, there  is  little  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  often 
guilty  of  oppression  or  extortion.  His  good  behavior 
was  virtually  guaranteed  by  the  fact  that  his  jurisdic- 
tion was  personal — not  territorial — and  voluntary;  it 
extended  only  over  such  persons  as  chose  to  place  them- 
selves under  his  protection.  Though  doubtless  most  men 
in  the  godi's  community  were  his  thingmen  and  his  tem- 
plemen,  there  was  absolutely  nothing  to  prevent  them 

5  Conybeare.  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions, 
31-32. 

8/6trf.,   33. 

7  This  arrajigement  was  known  as  "arfsal",  Cleasby  and  Vigfusaon's 
Dictionary. 


GOVERNMENT  275 

from  attaching  themselves  to  a  neighboring  chieftain- 
priest  and  worshipping  at  his  temple.  The  fact  of  such 
right  of  choice  would  be  established — if  evidence  were 
wanting — by  the  custom  which  existed  at  the  Althing  of 
requiring  that  each  man  state  to  which  godord  he  be- 
longed and  be  recognized  by  his  own  godi.  In  other 
words,  the  political  organization  of  Iceland  originated  in 
the  temple  system,  and  not  in  land  tenure  or  territorial 
jurisdiction;  and,  in  view  of  the  nature  of  the  island's 
early  settlement,  it  is  likely  that  the  religious  side  of  the 
godi's  relationship  with  his  people  played  a  more  impor- 
tant part  here  than  upon  the  continent.  It  is  probable 
also  that  his  functions  as  keeper  of  the  temple  became 
of  much  greater  comparative  importance  after  the  cen- 
tralization of  Iceland,  for  this  event  resulted  in  a  gradual 
reduction  of  the  local  civil  power  of  the  godi,  as  well  as 
of  the  number  of  godis  having  civil  offices  of  any  sort. 
There  was  compensation,  however,  for  the  ones  who  sur- 
vived, in  the  fact  that  they  became  the  leaders  in  the  new 
commonwealth.^ 

Every  province  of  ancient  Scandinavia  probably  had 
its  lawman '^  {laghmann,  Idgmadr  logsogumadr),  though 
the  functions  of  this  official  varied  somewhat 
in  the  different  countries,  and  also  changed  j^     ^^ 
in  connection  with  the  general  political  evo- 
lution.    But  everywhere  the  lawmen  appear  to  have  been 
the  special  guardians  and  repositories  of  the  law,  and 
usually  the  presidents  of  the  legislative  bodies  and  the 
law  courts  as  well.     On  the   continent,   they   exercised 

8  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions, 
27,  31. 

9  Maurer  found  no  proof  of  the  existence  of  this  office  in  Denmark,  but 
thought  it  not  improbable  that  it  existed  there,  as  in  the  other  Northern 
lands.  "Das  angebliche  Vorkommen  des  Gesetzsprecheramtes  in  Denmark," 
in  Sitzungsberichte  der  Konigl.  Bayer.  Akad.  der  Wissenschaften,  363-399. 


276  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

more  influence  than  in  the  western  islands,  for  here  they 
were  also  the  first  commoners  witliin  their  provinces, 
and  were  the  spokesmen  of  the  people  and  the  guardians 
of  their  rights  against  the  kings  and  the  courts  at  the 
popular  assemblies  and  elsewhere  where  their  aid  was 
needed.  In  Sweden  they  played  an  unusually  important 
part  in  the  last-named  capacities,  for  here  they  were 
elected  for  life  by  the  peasants,  though  in  some  cases 
from  families  long  holding  the  office.  Before  the  time  of 
Harold  Hairfair,  the  la^\Tnen  of  Norway  probably  se- 
cured their  offices  in  a  similar  manner,  but  after  the 
land  was  centralized  tlie  king  himself  assumed  the  power 
of  nomination,  which  action  placed  these  law  officers  to 
a  great  degree  under  royal  control.  Broadly  speaking, 
the  laA\Tiien  of  the  continent  were  peers  in  their  relation 
to  the  national  government ;  but  the  lawman  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Upland,  in  Sweden,  had  a  superior  ranking  and 
was  a  semi-national — as  well  as  a  provincial — official;  for 
it  was  his  function  to  swear  the  new  king  into  office  at 
the  meeting  of  the  thing  in  his  province  at  Mora.^*^ 

The  lawman  of  Icehmd  was  the  only  officer  of  the  Ice- 
landic commonwealth  and  was  elected  by  the  whole  body 
of  the  Althing,  for  a  term  of  three  years,  the  election 
taking  place  upon  the  first  Friday  of  the  meeting,  before 
the  cases  to  be  tried  were  taken  up.  But  the  vote  must 
be  unanimous.  If  it  failed  in  this  regard,  the  election 
must  be  made  by  a  single  quarter,  lots  being  cast  to  de- 
cide which  quarter  should  make  the  choice. ^^  The  chief 
qualification  for  the  office  was  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  law.  In  compensation  for  his  services,  the  la^\^nan 
received  an  annual  salaiy  of  two  hundred  ells  of  wadmal 

10  Schwerin,  "Gcsetzsprecher,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon ;  Conybeare,  Place 
of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions,  35;  Chadwiek,  "An- 
cient Teutonic  Priesthood,"  in   Folklore,  XI,  282. 

11  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  I,  534. 


GOVERNMENT  277 

and  one-half  of  the  fines  imposed  by  the  courts.^-  He 
might  also  be  godi  at  home,  and  perhaps  often  was,  which 
was  an  additional  source  of  revenue.  But  his  duties  at 
the  Althing  were  such  as  to  require  that  he  have  a  repre- 
sentative of  his  godiship  to  act  for  him  here.^^ 

During  the  heathen  period  the  lawmen  throughout  the 
North  were  of  special  importance  as  repositories  of  the 
law,  for  it  was  preserved  only  in  their  memories,  and 
transmitted  orally  from  generation  to  generation.  In 
order  that  the  people  might  be  familiar  with  the  law,  its 
guardians  must  repeat  it  aloud  at  the  thing  meetings. 
The  Icelandic  requirement  was  that  the  la^^axian  recite 
aloud  the  laws  of  the  land  in  the  presence  of  the  ma- 
jority of  those  present  at  the  Althing,  going  through 
the  whole  of  it  during  the  three  years'  term.  Certain 
parts  must  be  recited  at  every  meeting  of  the  general 
assembly,  as,  for  example,  those  pertaining  to  the  regu- 
lation of  the  session.i^  For  the  purpose  of  aiding  the 
memory,  some  of  the  laws  were  expressed  in  rhyme. 

As  presiding  officer  of  the  legislative  committee  of  the 
Althing,  the  lawman  was  required  also  to  answer  every 
one  who  asked  him  what  the  law  was  in  a  given  instance, 
but  he  was  in  no  wise  "bound  to  mix  himself  further  in 
the  cases  of  the  litigants."  ^'^  That  is,  he  was  only  the 
living  voice  of  the  law;  he  rendered  no  judgments; 
neither  had  he  authority  to  enforce  decisions  or  punish 
offenders.  He  was  permitted,  however, — like  the  Ro- 
man praetors — to  promulgate  special  edicts;  but  these 
w^ere  binding  only  during  the  period  of  his  incumbency. 
Yet,  if  a  lawman  was  reelected  repeatedly — as  happened 
twice  in  Iceland — these  edicts,  by  customary  usage,  be- 

12  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  348. 

13  Du  Chailln,   Viking  Age,   I,   535. 
i*Grdgds,   III,   207-209. 

15  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  345. 


278         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

came  as  binding  as  the  regularly  enacted  laws,  and  were, 
consequently,  recorded  in  the  law  books  when  the  art  of 
writing  was  introduced.^'' 

Though  ''lawmen"  of  one  sort  or  another  existed  in 

Scandinavia  until  the  late  Middle  Ages,  the  officers  of 

this    name    were    far    less    important    than 

Relation  their  predecessors  of  the  Viking  Age ;  for  the 

Between  lawmcn  lost  Dower  in  proportion  as  the  kings 

the  Ancient  •       i    •+       mi  •  \  •       o        i 

Lawman  gamed  it.     iliis  was  true  even  m  Sweden, 

and  the  where  the  lawmen  were  particularly  strong. 

Present  j^^j^^  Iceland  suffered  as  much  as  the  conti- 

Qf  ^j^g  nent  in  this  regard,  through  the  fall  of  the 

House  commonwealth  and  the  extension  of  Norwe- 

gian control  over  the  island.  Nevertheless, 
in  many  countries  which  have  been  influenced,  directly 
or  indirectly,  by  Scandinavian  institutions,  officers  hav- 
ing some  of  the  functions  of  the  ancient  ''sayers  of  the 
law"  may  be  found.  The  most  notable  instances  of  these 
are  the  ''speakers"  of  the  House  of  Commons  of  Eng- 
land and  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States. 

Though  after  the  ninth  century  the  kings  were  the 
chief  executive  officers  of  continental  Scandinavia,  and 
though  their  power  increased  steadily  at  the 
expense  of  the  lawnnen,  their  positions  were 
far  different  from  those  of  Northern  sovereigns  of  later 
times.  The  royal  administrators  of  the  Scandinavian 
lands  were  in  many  ways  merely  the  first  among  equals 
— though  in  some  parts  they  exercised  more  influence 
than  in  others — and  were  bound  in  most  regards  by  the 
same  laws  as  the  humblest  of  their  subjects.^"     Though 

18  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions, 
43. 

17  Adam  of  Bremen,  192t     No  roan,  the  old  Norwegian  law  stated,  shall 


GOVERNMENT  279 

respected,  they  were  not  reverenced;  not  till  centuries 
after  the  close  of  the  Viking  Age  was  their  office  tainted 
by  the  "divine  right"  theory,  which  fostered  autocracy 
and  tyranny. 

In  Norway,  the  sovereign  usually  held  his  position  by 
right  of  inheritance,  and,  consequently,  he  was  probably 
more  powerful  here  than  elsewhere  in  the  North;  but  in 
the  absence  of  suitable  heirs,  or — after  the  introduction 
of  Christianity — if  the  king  or  his  heirs  lapsed  into 
paganism,  some  properly  qualified  member  of  the  royal 
family  must  be  chosen  as  king  by  a  select  body  of  church- 
men and  laymen.^^  In  Denmark  and  Sweden  during  the 
Middle  Ages,  the  sovereigns  were  usually  elected.  In 
the  former  land,  the  three  leading  towns  of  the  time — 
Viborg,  Kingsted,  and  Lund — appear  to  have  taken  the 
initiative  in  the  election,  and  the  remainder  of  the  coun- 
try perhaps  did  little  more  than  acquiesce  in  their  choice. 
Among  the  Swedes,  however,  where  democratic  control 
survived  longest,  the  choice  seems  to  have  been  much 
more  directly  representative  of  the  nation.  The  popular 
assembly — called  the  Morathing — which  met  near  the 
present  Uppsala,  in  the  province  of  Upland,  took  the  ini- 
tiative and  made  the  choice.  This  parliament  was  prob- 
ably representative  of  much  of  the  Sweden  of  the  period ; 
but  after  being  duly  elected  and  proclaimed  by  the  law- 
man of  the  province  to  be  the  legal  and  rightful  sover- 
eign, the  new  king  was  required  to  travel  throughout  the 
provinces  and  submit  himself  to  the  consideration  of  each 
of  the  local  assemblies.  The  order  of  the  progress  was 
fixed  by  law,  and  it  was  customary  for  the  new  ruler  to 
be  accompanied  from  one  province  to  another  by  a  train 

commit  an  assault  on  another,  be  he  king  or  churl.     Conybeare,  Place  of 
Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions,   18. 
18  'Norges   Gamle  Love,   I,  3. 


280  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

of  people  from  the  last  political  unit  visited.  After  each 
provincial  thing  had  satisfied  itself  of  the  legality  of  the 
candidate's  claim,  the  king  was  required  to  swear  'Ho 
strengthen  the  laws  and  to  preserve  peace, ' '  after  which 
the  presiding  lawman  proclaimed  him  to  be  the  rightful 
ruler,  and  the  populace  swore  allegiance  to  him.^^  Thus 
he  was  inaugurated  into  his  royal  office. 

Something  has  been  said  in  other  connections  regard- 
ing the  relations  between  the  Scandinavian  kings  of  the 
Viking  Age  and  their  people.-'^  Therefore,  it  will  suffice 
simply  to  add  that,  until  some  time  after  the  introduc- 
tion of  Christianity,  the  sovereign  was  to  the  nation  as 
a  whole  what  the  chieftain  or  early  local  king  was  to  a 
small  subdivision  of  the  land — its  chief  priest,  political 
administrator,  and  military  leader. 

In  the  preceding  pages  frequent  mention  has  been 
made  of  the  thing,  or  political  assembly;  and  this  has 
been  natural  and  inevitable,  for  this  body 
The  Thing  p|.^y(>(j  ^u  exceedingly  important  part  in  the 
life  of  the  Northmen.  Even  the  sovereigns  themselves 
were  largely  at  the  mercy  of  the  provincial  and  national 
things.  For,  though,  socially,  the  ancient  Northland  was 
aristocratic,  it  was,  on  the  whole,  politically  democratic. 
The  people  governed  themselves  through  the  medium  of 
the  thing,  an  institution  which  their  ancestors  probably 
brought  into  Scandinavia  with  them  in  the  remote,  pre- 
historic past.  At  first,  the  only  assemblies  were  those 
in  which  the  small,  primitive,  independent  communities 
gathered;  but  with  the  movement  towards  political  cen- 
tralization, things  representing  increasingly  larger  terri- 
torial areas  came  into  existence,  without,  however,  elimi- 

19  Schwerin,  "Konigsvvahl,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon;  Adam  of  Bremen,  192. 

20  See  pp.  54-56. 


GOVERNMENT  281 

nating  the   smaller  assembles   of   earlier  origin,   which 
survived  as  local  administrative  organizations.-^ 

These  political  assemblies  were  always  held  in  the  open 
air,  in  a  valley  or  plain  having  a  knoll  or  hill  upon  its 
surface,  on  which  the  presiding  officer  could 
stand,  and  from  which  announcements  and  J^^  Thing 
speeches  could  be  made  to  the  assembled 
people.  This  gathering  place  was  called  the  thingvoll, 
or  parliament-field;  and  in  many  geographical  names  of 
the  North  the  word  "thing"  still  appears,  not  only  in 
Scandinavia  proper  but  also  in  the  British  Isles,  particu- 
larly in  the  northern  part.^-  In  the  Isle  of  Man,  where 
Scandinavian  influence  was  very  strong  in  the  early  Mid- 
dle Ages,  the  local  parliament  still  gathers  under  the  open 
sky  in  a  little  valley  and  proclaims  the  new  laws  of  the 
island  from  Tynwald  Hill.  In  Iceland  the  general  as- 
sembly of  the  republic  was  held  at  Thingvellir.  During 
the  last  part  of  the  Viking  period  there  w^ere  in  Norway 
two  notable  places  where  the  parliaments  gathered — 
Guloe,  a  tiny  island  belonging  to  the  diocese  of  Bergen, 
and  the  peninsula  of  Frosta  in  the  vicinity  of  Trondhjem. 
The  former  was  the  place  of  assembly  for  the  law-makers 

21  Iceland  is  an  example  of  the  multiplication  of  these  popular  assem- 
blies. At  the  time  the  Althing  was  established  the  island  was  divided 
into  quarters,  which  led  to  a  reduction  of  the  number  of  the  godords, 
but  the  old  local  things  were  held  in  those  that  survived,  as  formerly; 
and,  in  addition,  each  quarter  had  its  quarter  meetings.  The  most  im- 
portant of  these  latter  were  evidently  the  spring  assembly,  called  the 
Vdr&ing,  which  lasted  from  four  days  to  a  week,  and  the  autumn,  or 
HausSing,  which  convened  two  weeks  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
Althing  and  sat  for  two  days,  its  main  purpose  being  to  notify  the  people 
of  the  quarter  of  the  enactments  of  the  national  assembly.  Conybeare, 
Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions,  45;  Hildebrand, 
Lifvet  pa  Island  under  Sagatiden,  288. 

22  In  the  Shetland  Islands  there  is  Tingwall ;  in  east  Scotland,  Dingwall ; 
near  Dumfries,  Tynwald;  and  in  Yorkshire  and  Cheshire  there  are  places 
called  Thingwall. 


282         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

of  southern  Norway,  and  the  latter,  for  those  residing 
farther  north.  The  two  parliaments  w^ere  long  contem- 
poraneous, but  the  Guloething  appears  to  have  been  in 
existence  at  least  as  early  as  the  tenth  century,  and  origi- 
nated before  the  Frostathing.  The  two  greatest  law 
codes  of  ancient  Norway  bear  the  names  of  these  legisla- 
tive assemblies. ^^  In  very  early  times  the  chief  place 
for  the  thing  meeting  of  Denmark  was  Isore,  upon  the 
coast  of  the  island  of  Sjaelland ;  and  Uppsala  was  the  spe- 
cial gathering  place  for  the  Swedes ;  but  with  the  passage 
of  time  other  regions  became  more  or  less  formidable  po- 
litical rivals. ^^ 

The  general  political  assemblies  usually  took  place  dur- 
ing the  summer,  and  lasted  for  two  or  more  weeks.     Ee- 
ligions  festivals  were  often  held  in  connec- 

Livmg  ^[qj^  with  them;  and  here  also  unusual  corn- 

Conditions  .    ,  1       •!•  1     T    l^  1 

at  the  mercial  opportunities  presented  themselves, 

Thingstead  and  chaiices  for  forming  desirable  marriage 
alliances;  friend  could  again  meet  friend; 
and  all  could  enjoy  the  intellectual  and  athletic  exercises 
which  pleasantly  filled  the  time  between  sessions.  There- 
fore, this  gathering  was  the  great  social  event  of  the  year, 
and  people  flocked  to  it  in  large  numbers.  Law  and  cus- 
tom regulated  living  conditions  at  the  thingstead.  In 
the  absence  of  inns,  all  comers  were  forced  to  bring  their 
OAvn  food,  as  well  as  other  supplies.  In  Norway  the  law 
required  that  men  coming  to  the  assembly  at  Guloe  bring 
at  least  meal  and  butter,  in  the  way  of  food;  and  also 
a  little  money,  to  contribute  to  a  general  fund  for  the 
purpose  of  buying  other  food  upon  the  thingvoll.-^     Sim- 

"^z  Islandica,    IV,     17;     Maurer,    Konrad,    Entstehnngnzeit    der    alteren 
Oulathingsldg;  Maurer,  Entstehungszeit  der  alteren  Frostuthingslog. 

24  Petersen,    Gammel-Xordiske   Geografi,    13-16. 

25  ^"orges  Gamle  Love,  I,  5. 


GOVERNMENT  283 

ilar  arrangements  perhaps  existed  throughout  most  of 
the  North.  Feed  for  the  horses  had  in  some  cases  to 
be  carried  along  also,  upon  pack  animals  in  the  remoter 
parts ;  but  for  the  general  thing  meeting  this  was  not  as 
a  rule  necessary,  since  the  gathering  did  not  take  place 
until  the  grass  was  high  enough  for  grazing,  and  in  the 
selection  of  a  site  for  the  assembly,  attention  was  always 
paid  to  the  needs  of  the  livestock.  Meadows  and 
streams,  to  be  used  in  common,  were  found  close  beside 
the  meeting  place  of  every  parliament.  And  whenever 
possible  there  was  a  wood  which  furnished  fuel. 

For  the  purpose  of  shelter,  various  sorts  of  structures 
were  erected,  generally  of  a  purely  temporary  nature,  as 
tents  of  skin,  wool,  or  linen;  but  upon  the 
continent    chieftains    probably    built    large  Residences 
halls,  from  timber  near  at  hand,  for  hous-  Thing 
ing  themselves  and  their  followers;  and  in 
Iceland  and  the  other  islands  to  the  west  they  erected 
permanent  structures,  usually  of  stone  or  turf ;  but  these 
western  thing  dwellings,  called  booths,  appear  to  have 
.stood  open  to  the  sky  for  the  most  of  the  year,  and  were 
covered  only  during  the  two  weeks  or  so  of  occupancy, 
with  a  roofing  of  tent  material.^''     These  temporary  resi- 
dences were  often  quite  large  and  were  fitted  up  like  per- 
manent dwelling  houses,  the  larger  ones  being  at  times 
divided  into  two  or  more  apartments  and  furnished  with 
platforms  and  beds  and  seats  of  honor,  such  as  were 
found  in  the  banqueting  halls  at  home.     As  there  was 
considerable  visiting  and  entertaining  back  and  forth  be- 
tween booths,  decorative  hangings  for  the  walls  were 
carried  along  and  displayed  upon  festive  occasions. 

In  addition  to  the  booths  of  those  who  came  primarily 
to  attend  the  thing  meeting,  and  their  families,  there 

26  Hildebrand,  Lifvet  pa  Island  under  Sagatiden,  289. 


284         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

were  upon  the  thing-field  the  quarters  of  various  other 
classes  of  people  who,  by  one  means  or  an- 
Merchants,  other,  took  advantage  of  the  large  gather- 
Hand-  ij-^g  for  commercial  gain.  These  included 
^dHang-  merchants,  often  from  foreign  lands;  crafts- 
e"s-on  men  of  various  sorts ;  sellers  of  ale  and  other 
drinks;  people,  such  as  musicians  and  jug- 
glers, whose  special  business  it  was  to  afford  amusement, 
and  thus  turn  a  penny ;  and  also  witches  and  soothsayers 
who  dabbled  in  the  occult  and  lifted  aside  the  veil  hiding 
the  future  for  the  pleasure  or  profit  of  those  who  had 
the  necessary  fee.  And,  finally,  hanging  on  as  best  they 
could,  was  the  inevitable  troop  of  beggars,  who,  in  de- 
fiance of  the  efforts  in  some  parts  of  the  North  to  elimi- 
nate them  by  legislation  from  the  thing  meetings,  were 
always  in  evidence.  ^^ 

Though  all  freemen  coming  under  the  jurisdiction  of  a 
certain  thing  were,  in  general,  privileged  to  attend  its 
meetings,  the  law  as  to  who  must  attend 
Required  varied  with  time  and  place  as  well  as  with 
tten  ance  ^^^^  character  of  the  thing.  In  Norway  all 
boendr  within  a  herad  were  required  to  attend  the  ordi- 
nary herad  thing  on  pain  of  fine,  unless  their  farms  were 
so  small  that  they  w^orked  them  alone,  and,  hence,  could 
not  easily  leave  them.  These  humble  farmers — called 
einvirld,  or  sole  workers — were,  however,  required  to  be 
present  at  assemblies  of  special  importance,  such  as  the 
king's  thing— a  gathering  called  by  the  king,  the  court 
held  in  consequence  of  murder  in  the  community,  and  the 
assemblies  which  took  place  for  the  purpose  of  equaliz- 
ing taxes  and  of  determining  whether  every  man  had  the 
weapons  prescribed  by  law.^^     For  the  larger  and  more 

27  "Bits,"  in  Cleasbv  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 

28  liorges  Qamle  Love,  I,  55-56. 


GOVERNMENT  285 

general  meetings,  such  as  Guloething,  which  met  once  a 
year,  the  regulations  were  somewhat  different.  A  spe- 
cific number  of  men  must  go  from  each  fylcki  or  subdivi- 
sion making  up  the  thing-district,  the  number  evidently 
varying  with  the  population.  But  the  law  in  force  in 
southern  Norway  during  one  period  also  provided  that  a 
definite  number  of  the  king's  laensmen,  or  vassals,  re- 
main behind  to  protect  the  homes  of  the  boendr  from 
thieves  and  robbers.  Those  who  were  to  go  to  Guloe  for 
the  political  assembly  were  apparently  selected  at  the 
fylki  thing;  and  failure  of  any  man  to  appear  at  the 
general  assembly  before  proceedings  began  made  him 
liable  to  a  fine  of  three  aurar.  If  all  of  the  delegates 
of  a  fylki  remained  away,  the  political  unit  as  a  whole 
was  liable  for  the  payment  of  a  fine  of  forty  marks,  which 
was  divided  between  the  thingmen  who  did  their  duty 
and  the  king.^^  In  Iceland,  though  all  freemen  had  a 
right  to  take  part  in  the  Althing,  only  those  possessing 
a  certain  amount  of  property  were  required  to  attend  its 
meetings;  but  in  special  cases  by  paying  a  fine  such  men 
could  be  released  from  this  duty.^'' 

The  popular  assemblies,  local  and  general,  were  sum- 
moned in  various  ways.     Almost  everywhere  throughout 
the  North  any  freeman  who  wished  a  ques- 
tion settled  or  who  had  received  an  injury  Summons 
for  which  he  demanded  redress  might  call  Thing 
a  meeting  of  the  local  thing.     The  method 
used  for  this  private  summons  was  similar  to  that  em- 
ployed by  the  king  when  gathering  his  hosts  for  battle. 
The  token  was  an  ax  or  an  arrow  which  w^as  carried  by 
swift  messengers  throughout  the  thing  district.^ ^     After 

29  Ihid.,  4-6. 

30  Hildebrand.  Lifvet  pa  Island  under  Sagatiden,  287. 

SI  In  some  parts  of  Iceland  in  recent  times  a  small  wooden  ax  was  still 


286          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  introduction  of  Christianity  a  cross  was  substituted 
in  some  cases.  ''Every  man  shall  carry  the  summons 
and  not  drop  it,"  says  one  of  the  old  Norwegian  laws. 
"If  a  man  drops  the  summons,  he  is  liable  to  a  fine  of 
three  aurar.  On  reaching  a  house,  the  messenger  must 
cut  three  notches  upon  the  door  post  or  the  door  and  place 
the  token  above  the  lintel;  and  the  owner  of  the  house 
must  in  turn  carry  it  on  to  the  next  neighbor.  Usually, 
in  the  case  of  a  local  assembly,  the  meeting  was  held  five 
days  after  the  summons  was  issued.'^^  No  special  notice 
was  sent  out  for  the  regular  thing  meetings,  for  they 
were  held  at  definite  times. 

In  order  to  guard  against  private  warfare,  which  was 

likely  to  arise  in  connection  with  an  assemblage  like  the 

thing  meeting,  and  cause  a  delay  of  the  busi- 

he  T  ing      ^^^^^  ^^  ^j^^  session,  the  presiding  officer  at 

Peace 

the  first  meeting  solemnly  consecrated  the 
gathering  and  proclaimed  the  boundaries  of  the  thing- 
stead,  within  which  even  the  outlaw  was  safe.  And  any 
man  who  broke  the  peace  thus  established  was  himself 
liable  to  outlawry.  In  recognition  of  the  formal  estab- 
lishment of  peace,  every  man  present  must  lay  down  his 
weapons,  and  he  might  not  arm  himself  again  until  after 
the  assembly  had  dissolved.^^  Also,  in  order  further  to 
guard  against  delay  in  the  business  of  the  session,  in  Ice- 
land it  was  against  the  law  for  the  thingmen  to  be  ''one 
night  or  longer"  outside  of  the  boundaries  proclaimed 
for  the  thing."^^ 

The  time  at  which  the  da5'''s  session  was  to  begin  was 

sent  from  farm  to  farm  to  summon  the  people  to  one  of  the  local  thing 
meetings.     "BoC,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 

32  Xorges  Gamle  Love,  I,  55-56. 

33  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions, 
52-53. 

34  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  354. 


GOVERNMENT  287 

determined  by  some  natural  means,  perhaps  generally 
stipulated    by    law.     Grdgds,    the    Icelandic 
code,  for  instance,  required  that  the  men  of  th'^^'Jluin 
the  Althing  should  assemble  not  later  than 
when  the  sun  could  first  be  seen  from  a  position  upon 
the  Hill  of  Laws  shining  on  a  certain  cleft  in  the  hills 
at  the  west.^^     The  lawman,  who  was  chief  officer  of  the 
parliament,  watched  for  this  sign  and  gave  the  signal  for 
the  gathering  by  ringing  a  bell.     Then  all  men  entitled 
to  have  a  part  in  the  deliberations  Avent  to  the  place  of 
session,  the  lawman  leading,  and  after  him  the  godis  and 
other  officials.^^ 

In  continental  Scandinavia,  the  kings  presided  at  the 
general  thing  meetings;  in  Iceland,  though  the  lawonan 
was  the  only  national  officer,  the  godi  of  the 
district  in  which  the  Althing  was  held  served  The  Session 
as  chairman  of  the  assembly.     Since  we  pos-  Althing 
sess  more  information  with  reference  to  the 
session  of  the  Althing  than  with  reference  to  the  govern- 
mental machinery  of  any  other  part  of  the  North,  the 
work  of  the  Althing  vrill  here  be  described  in  some  detail, 
and  may  be  regarded,  in  a  broad  sense,  as  typical  of  the 
large  political  assemblies  of  the  whole  of  Scandinavia. 
Though  its  sessions  were  open  to  all  freemen  who  chose 
to  attend,  the  work  of '  the  Althing  was  largely  in  the 
hands  of  the  thirty-nine  local  godis,  who  survived  after 
the  unification  of  the  island,  and  men  nominated  by  them. 
The  matters  with  which  they  were  primarily  concerned 
were  legislation  of  a  general  nature  and  the  larger  ju- 
dicial questions,  such  as  serious  disputes,  quarrels  be- 
tween individuals  belonging  to  different  godords,  and 
cases  appealed  from  local  courts.^''' 

35  ihid.,  vol.  Ill,  44.  SQ  Ibid. 

37  Bryce,  "Primitive  Iceland,"  in  Studies  in  History  and  Jurisprudence, 
I,   325.' 


288         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Lots  were  cast  to  determine  the  order  in  which  busi- 
ness was  to  be  taken  up  by  the  assembly  as  a  whole  ;3* 
but  the  bulk  of  the  work  was  done,  as  to-day,  by  com- 
mittees, and  often  in  separate  courts.  Legislative  mat- 
ters were  in  the  hands  of  the  Logretta,  which  sat  upon 
the  Hill  of  Laws.  The  nucleus  and  most  important  part 
of  this  committee  was  the  thirty-nine  godis  already  men- 
tioned, and  nine  other  men  nominated  by  them  and  en- 
titled to  work  and  vote  with  them.  This  inner  committee 
of  forty-eight  met  in  a  place  called  also  the  Logretta, 
on  the  Hill  of  Laws,  and  had  seats  on  the  middle  bench 
of  a  group  of  three  benches  arranged  concentrically 
around  an  open  space.  On  each  of  the  other  benches  sat 
forty-eight  men  also,  who  served  as  counselors  for  the 
middle  bench,  each  godi  or  nominee  consulting  the  two 
nearest,  in  front  of  and  behind  him.  This  assembly  of 
one  hundred  and  forty-four  men  was  the  legislature  of 
Iceland;  it  discussed  all  matters  of  general  interest  and 
made  all  changes  in  the  law.  But  questions  of  minor 
importance  could  be  decided  even  in  the  absence  of  the 
majority,  including  members  from  the  middle  bench; 
for  the  lawman,  who  presided  over  the  Logretta,  could 
take  men  from  the  outer  or  inner  benches  to  fill  va- 
cancies caused  by  the  absence  of  the  godis  or  their  nomi- 
nees. For  any  sort  of  action,  however,  there  must  be 
forty-eight  men  present."*^  When  any  measure  had  the 
support  of  a  majority  from  the  middle  bench,  the  whole 
Logretta  assented  to  it  and  the  new  law  was  proclaimed 
to  the  entire  gathering  of  thing-men  by  the  lawman  from 
his  position  upon  the  Hill  of  Laws.^" 

38  Grdgds,  III,  98. 

39  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  I.  538. 

40  Bryce,  "Primitive  Iceland,"  in  Studies  in  History  and  Jurisprudence, 
I,  327, 


GOVERNMENT  289 

The  Althing  was  a  judicial  as  well  as  a  legislative 
assembly.  The  business  done  by  its  courts  was  per- 
haps more  important  than  the  legislative  en- 
actments of  the  Logretta.  In  the  earlv  davs  .  e  Courts 
of  the  commonwealth,  the  judicial  power  of  Althing 
the  nation  was  vested  in  four  courts,  one  for 
each  quarter  into  which  the  land  was  divided;  but  there 
is  some  uncertainty  regarding  the  number  and  exact 
personnel  of  these  judicial  bodies.^ ^  It  is  clear,  how- 
ever, that,  as  in  the  case  of  the  modern  jury,  the  de- 
cision must  be  unanimous.^ ^  As  time  passed,  another 
court,  knowTi  as  the  Fifth  Court,  was  instituted,  for  the 
purpose  of  bringing  about  a  much-needed  reform  in  the 
administration  of  justice.  The  evil  that  it  was  meant  to 
remedy  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Icelanders  had  be- 
come so  reverent  of  legal  forms  and  technicalities  that 
they  permitted  these  to  obscure  the  spirit  of  justice; 
the  slightest  flaw  was  sufficient  to  quash  the  most  impor- 
tant case.  This  state  of  affairs  is  especially  surprising 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  laws  were  transmitted  orally 
from  mind  to  mind,  and  not  preserved  by  means  of  writ- 
ten records.  The  defeat  of  justice  as  a  result  of  quib- 
bling caused  much  dissatisfaction,  and  inclined  men  who 
failed  to  get  justice  in  the  courts  to  "seek  their  rights 
by  point  and  edge."^^  The  Fifth  Court  v/as  intended 
by  Njal,  its  founder,  to  be  a  sort  of  court  of  equity  and 
appeals,  having  special  jurisdiction  over  all  cases  which 
could  not  be  settled  elsewhere.  It  was  made  up  of  men 
from  each  quarter,  and,  consequently,  had  a  more  na- 
tional character  than  the  quarter  courts;  and  it  also 
differed  from  these  in  that  the  judges  composing  it  were 

4i7&id.,  325. 

42  Ibid. 

43  Origines  Islwndicae,  I,   366. 


290          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

bound  by  a  more  stringent  oath.  The  decision,  how- 
ever, rested  with  the  majority.**''  Yet,  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  government  of  the  land  was  long  in  the  hands 
of  a  powerful  oligarchy,  the  Fifth  Court  was  not  so 
successful  in  harmonizing  differences  as  Njal  had  hoped 
that  it  would  be.^^ 

When  the  cases  had  all  been  tried,  the  necessarj^  legis- 
lation passed,  and  the  required  parts  of  the  old  laws  re- 
cited by  the  lawman,  the  session  of  the  Al- 
,^,  ,  thing  ended  for  the  vear.  Its  termination 
was  signalized  by  the  vdpnatali — the  resump- 
tion by  the  thingmen  of  the  weapons  which  they  had 
laid  aside  at  the  opening  of  the  assembly.  They  now 
shook  these  and  declared  affairs  settled,  thus  dissolving 
courts  and  legislature.^" 

On  its  judicial  and  legislative  sides  the  Icelandic  com- 
monwealth was  perhaps  a  fairly  close  parallel  to  the 
Scandinavian  kingdoms.  But  on  the  conti- 
Absence  of      y^qy^\^  the  national  laws  were  executed  by  the 

Kxecutive 

Power  in  king  and  his  subordinates,  while  Iceland  was 
the  Ice-  without  a  national  executive.     The  Althing 

landic  iij^fl  jio  power  to  enforce  the  laws  which  it 

wealth  passed,  and  the  functions  of  the  Icelandic 

laA\Tiian — the  only  national  official — were 
limited  to  the  session  of  this  annual  assembly."*"  Except 
for  the  few  weeks  in  the  summer  when  the  Althing  was 
in  session,  the  commonwealth  might  be  said  not  to  have 
existed ;  during  the  remainder  of  the  year  the  population 
was  virtually  divided,  as  in  the  days  before  the  Althing, 

4*  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions, 
57. 

45  lUd. 

46  Du  Chailhi.   Viking  Age,   I,   534. 

.  47  "Iceland  is  unique  as  the  example  of  a  community  which  had  a  great 
deal  of  law  and  no  central  executive,  a  great  many  Courts  and  no  authority 


GOVERNMENT  291 

into  tiny,  independent  republics.  But  in  spite  of  the 
lack  of  central  power  to  enforce  the  law,  it  is  very  prob- 
able that  the  decisons  of  the  courts  were  usually  enforced 
in  one  way  or  another.  Public  opinion  was  a  very  power- 
ful factor  in  backing  up  the  law.  Furthermore,  if  the 
defendant  resisted  the  decision,  he  became  an  outlaw,  a 
fact  which  soon  rid  the  community  of  an  undesirable 
citizen  or  forced  a  tardy  compliance  with  the  demands 
of  the  court. 

to  carry  out  their  judgments."  Bryce,  "Primitive  Iceland,"  in  Studies 
in  History  and  Jurisprudence,  I,  334. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

SYSTEM    OF    JUSTICE 

Perilous  is  the  home-verdict,  unless  one  gets  a  good  one. 

Song  of  Victory. 

Though  customary  law  varied  somewhat  in  the  dif- 
ferent sections  of  Scandinavia,  there  was  a  remarkable 
uniformity    in    the   judicial    system    of   the 
General  North  as  a  whole,  due  to  the  common  origin 

Character  r^^^^  consequent  unity  of  character  of  the  in- 
diciafsys-  habitants.  A  real  spirit  of  justice  charac- 
tem  terized  law  and  custom.     In  Iceland,  for  in- 

stance, the  law  carefully  distinguished  be- 
tween viljaverk,  a  deed  committed  with  evil  intent,  and 
vddaverk,  the  accidental  harming  of  others.^  Most  legal 
systems  also  differentiated  between  the  innocent  abettor 
and  the  criminal  himself.^  Young  children  were  not  an- 
swerable for  their  misdeeds,  but  their  fathers  were  re- 
sponsible for  them.  The  age  at  which  children  were 
themselves  liable  to  punishment  before  the  law  varied  in 
different  parts  of  Scandinavia.  Under  the  Frostathing's 
law,  which  for  a  long  period  was  in  force  in  northern 
Norway,  they  attained  to  responsibility  in  some  regards 
at  eight  years;  under  the  legal  system  of  the  Guloe- 
thing,  which  applied  farther  south,  they  were  not  person- 
ally answerable  before  twelve.^  Though  the  age  limit 
was  rather  low,  as  compared  with  that  in  most  Christian 

1  Merker,   Paul,   Das   Strafrecht   der  Altisldndischcn   Ordgds,    13. 

2  Brandt,   Fr.,   "Nordmaendenes   Gamle   Strafferet,"   in   Historisk   Tids- 
skrift,  I,  57. 

3  Ibid.,  43. 

292 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  293 

lands  of  the  present  day,  it  should  be  remembered  that  in 
almost  all  ways  children  were  then  looked  upon  as  adults 
at  an  earlier  age  than  is  now  true;  hence,  they  were 
better  qualified  for  responsibility,  and  it  was  more  just 
to  hold  them  liable  before  the  law  than  it  would  be  to 
hold  children  of  the  same  age  now.  Slaves  also  were  not 
answerable;  the  burdens  of  their  misdeeds  were  borne 
by  their  masters;  but  this  was  perhaps  due  rather  to 
the  fact  that  they  occupied  such  an  humble  place  in  so- 
ciety than  to  any  feeling  that  it  would  be  unjust  to  pun- 
ish them  for  their  voluntary  crimes."* 

In  the  classification  of  acts  as  crimes  and  misdemeanors 
and  in  the  comparative  degree  of  abhorrence  displayed 
towards  offenders  of  various  kinds,  the  Scan- 
dinavian clearly  showed  his  racial  charac-  ?J"^ 
ter  and  temperament.     The  distinction  made  slaughter 
by  the  law  betAveen  murder  and  manslaughter 
is  an  illustration.     If  a  man  killed  another  under  cover 
of  darkness,  even  for  revenge,  or  killed  him  secretly  and 
concealed  his  body,  he  was  guilty  of  murder;  but  if  he 
slayed  him  publicly,  or  if  he  promptly  made  known  the 
fact  of  a  secret  murder,  the  act  was  only  manslaughter.^ 
Furthermore,  though  a  master  was  at  liberty  to  put  his 
slave  to  death,  if  he  failed  to  make  public  his  deed,  he 
was  liable  to  punishment  for  murder.®     Such  a  distinc- 
tion was  obviously  based  upon  ''that  innate  hatred  of  all 
dishonest,  underhand,  and  lying  proceedings,  in  that  love 
of  open,  straightforward  dealing,  which  was  the  most 
marked  characteristic  of  the  Scandinavian  race.     'Even 
in  the  killing  of  a  foe,'  as  Mr.  Dasent  well  expresses  it, 
'there  was  an  open,  gentlemanlike  way  of  doing  it,  to  fail 

4  Ibid.,  47. 

5  Merker,  Das  Strafrecht,  68. 

^Norges   Oo^mle  JjQve,  I,    160.  i      '  '*  •  -,-- 


294  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

in  which  was  shocking  to  the  free  and  outspoken  spirit 
of  the  age. '  "  "^ 

This  same  spirit  is  shown  in  the  attitude  towards  the 
thief.  The  man  who  secretly  took  the  possessions  of 
another  was  more  despised  than  the  one  who  killed  openly 
in  a  quarrel. 

According  to  the  value  of  the  property  involved,  theft 

was  classified  in  some  parts  of  the  North  into  what  would 

now  correspond  to  petty  and  grand  larceny. 

Stealing  and     j^^  Iceland,   the   lesser   offense   involved   all 

Robbery  ' 

property  below  the  value  of  one  half  ounce 
of  silver,  or  three  ells  of  wadmal,  and  of  at  least  the 
value  of  one  pfennig.  The  greater  offense  involved 
goods  exceeding  the  value  of  one  half  ounce  of  silver.^ 
Similarly,  there  were  two  classes  of  robbery,  recognized 
at  least  in  Western  Scandinavia:  *' hand-robbery" 
{handrdn),  snatching  the  property  of  another  out  of  his 
hand  or  from  his  back;  and  "red-robbers^"  (raudardn), 
an  aggravated  kind  of  plundering  or  ruthless  robbery, 
as  in  the  case  when  the  owner  did  not  actually  have  hold 
of  his  goods  but  was,  nevertheless,  well  kno^\^l  to  be  the 
oAvner." 

Arson  was  another  crime  recognized  by  the  law  and 
liable  to  severe  punishment.     Tt  is  interesting  to  note 
that  a  man  was  likewise  responsible  before 
some  of  the  old  Northern  laws  for  the  dam- 
age which  a  fire  started  by  himself  in  all  innocence  might 
do.^-^ 

Especially  is  the  Scandinavian  temperament  reflected 
in  the  large  number  of  ancient  laws  for  the  punishment 

'^  Conybeare,  The  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Insti- 
tutions, 79. 

8  Merker,  Das  Strafrecht,  75. 
^Ibid.,  81. 
10  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  46-47. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  295 

of  slander  and  libel,  and  all  other  words  and  acts  which 
might  wound  the  deep  feeling  of  personal 
dignity  characterizing  the  people  of  the  Ljugi^gt^ 
North.  And  the  degree  of  punishment  was 
determined  by  the  amount  of  indignity  suffered  by  the 
person  against  whom  the  insult  was  directed.  Thus, 
a  person  who  forcibly  removed  the  hat  of  another  was 
liable  to  a  three-mark  fine;  but  if  the  hat  was  fastened 
on  by  means  of  a  strap  or  band,  and,  consequently,  a 
struggle  was  necessary  to  remove  it,  the  penalty  might 
be  banishment. ^^  Other  offenses  of  a  like  nature  which 
were  liable  to  severe  punishment  included  the  cutting 
off  of  the  tail  of  another's  horse,  or  frightening  the  horse 
so  that  his  rider  was  unseated,  knocking  him  down — 
even  though  he  fell  upon  his  knees,  throwing  water  or 
food  upon  him,  or  seizing  the  beard,  mustache,  or  hair 
of  another  "with  hostile  hand."  ^- 

A  variety  of  insult  which  quarrelsome  Northmen  de- 
lighted to  employ  was  in  the  form  of  calling  names  or 
making  libellous  verses  or  caricatures.  Hence,  we  find 
in  the  old  law  codes  lists  of  forbidden  names.  In  Got- 
land any  one  calling  a  man  a  thief,  robber,  murderer,  or 
*' murder-burner"  was  liable  to  punishment,  if  the  ac- 
cusation was  false ;  and,  in  the  same  way  a  woman  might 
secure  the  punishment  of  any  one  calling  her  a  thief, 
murderer,  poisoner,  adulterer,  or  "murder-burner."^^ 
In  Norway  it  was  unlawful  under  heavy  penalty  to  call 
a  man  a  w^oman,  a  mare,  or  a  bitch,  for  these  epithets 
detracted  from  his  manly  dignity.^^^  Libellous  verses 
composed  against  another  were  known  as  nid.  Such 
verses,  if  recited  aloud,  were  called  tongue-nid  {tungenid), 

11  Merker,  Das  Strafrecht,  92. 

i2Merker,    Das    Strafrecht,    91-92;    Guta-Lagh,    14. 

13  Guta-Lagh,  77. 

14  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  57. 


296         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

and  if  cut  in  runes  or  Latin  letters  upon  a  staff  or  post 
and  put  in  a  public  place,  were  known  as  woodnid 
(trenid).  In  Iceland,  the  truth  of  the  slanderous  state- 
ments was  no  defense  before  the  law ;  ^^  and  even  to  make 
complimentary  verses  about  another  might  be  punished 
if  their  object  so  desired,  if  they  exceeded  four  strophes 
in  length.i«  So  sensitive  were  the  Northmen  and  so 
keen  their  sense  of  personal  and  family  dignity  and  honor 
that  even  the  dead  could  not  be  slandered  with  impunity.^' 
Caricatures  of  an  insulting  nature,  as  the  representation 
of  a  person  in  an  undignified  or  shameful  position  also 
came  under  the  nid  class  of  slander.^® 

On  the  whole,  as  the  above  indicates,  the  things  looked 
upon  by  the  ancient  Scandinavian  laws  as  crimes  and 
misdemeanors  were  very  similar  to  those  so  regarded  at 
present.  The  chief  differences  are  perhaps  to  be  found 
in  the  greater  degree  of  severity  shown  an  offender 
against  the  dignity  or  honor  of  another,  and  the  failure 
during  heathen  times  to  place  sex  immorality  very  fully 
under  the  ban  of  the  law.^^ 

In  the  ancient  North  offenders  rarely  escaped  some 
sort  of  punishment;  for  to  permit  an  insult  or  a  crime 
to  pass  unnoticed  was  looked  upon  as  a  vir- 
Means  of  ^^y^i  acknowledgment  that  the  injured  party 
Wro^nr*"^  was  inferior  to  the  one  who  had  wronged  him. 
Every  Scandinavian  who  had  suffered  injury 
had  three  means  of  securing  redress:  blood-revenge,  or 
following  up   the   feud;   direct   private    settlement   for 

15  Bryce,  "Primitive  Iceland,"  in  Studies  in  History  and  Jurisprudence, 
I,  344. 

18  Grdgds,  IV,  182-184.  This  severity  was  largely  due  to  the  fact  that 
at  times  men  composed  love  verses  of  a  very  coarse  character. 

17  Ibid. 

18  i?(7i7s  Saga  Skallagrimssonar,  188-189;  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  180; 
Grdgds,    IV,    182-184. 

18  See  above,  pp.  21,  99-101. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  297 

money  with  the  wrong-doer  or  with  his  family ;  prosecu- 
tion in  the  courts  of  law. 

The  feud,  which  is  really  private  warfare,  was  the 
oldest  method  of  all;  it  is  old  as  humanity  itself,  and, 
because  of  the  weakness  of  the  state  as  pro- 
tector  of  the  individual  and  a  keeper  of  or- 
der, was  still  very  strong  in  Scandinavia  during  the  Vi- 
king Age.  During  this  time  it  was  usually  resorted  to 
because  the  wrong-doer  refused  to  make  a  money  settle- 
ment, or  because  the  injured  person  refused  to  accept 
one.  The  latter  was  likely  to  happen  in  the  case  of  a 
particularly  outrageous  or  cowardly  crime;  and  when 
once  a  feud  had  developed  between  two  families,  the 
honor  of  those  involved  would  not  permit  of  any  other 
settlement  than  blood-revenge.  Sometimes,  however, 
money  was  accepted  to  square  matters  after  a  battle  be- 
tween feudists.  The  wounds  of  those  on  the  two  sides, 
for  instance,  were  set  off  against  one  another,  as  well 
as  the  slayings,  and  the  side  suffering  the  greater  loss 
received  money  payment,  by  mutual  agreement,  to  make 
the  balance  even.^'^ 

Usually,  the  acts  of  revenge  incident  to  the  feud  con 
sisted  only  of  fighting  in  the  open ;  but  the  horrible  pr 
tice  of  surrounding  a  house  to  prevent  the 
inmates  from  escaping  and  then  firing  the  Bumin 
building  was  also  quite  common.     The  Ice- 
lander, Njal,  and  his  family  met  their  deaths  in  this  man-/ 
ner.2i     Sometimes  terms  were  offered  and  received  after 
the  brand  had  been  applied  to  the  building;  "  but  it  w^s 
usually  considered  more  honorable  for  the  owner  to  per- 
ish in  the  flames  than  to  comprpmise.     Women  anc^'chil- 

20  Origines  Islandicac,  II,  131. 

zi^jdla,   299-309. 

22  Origines  lalandicae,  I,  208 ;   II,  23. 


298         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

dren  were,  as  a  rule,  given  an  opportunity  to  escape  to 
safety  before  tlie  fire  was  set,  but  it  frequently  happened 
that  family  loyalty  led  them  to  prefer  to  die  in  their 
home  with  the  men  folk.^^  Njal's  wife  and  little  grand- 
son thus  decided  to  be  burnt  with  the  others. ^^ 

Money    settlement   by   private   agreement   was    often 

promptly  resorted  to  to  wipe  out  the  memory  of  a  wrong, 

if  strong  friendship  existed  between  the  two 

Money  faniiHes^oncerned,  or  if  the  offense  was  but 

Settlement  t    ^  j.       rt  i?         •      a  i  i 

by  Private  flight,  (runnar,  tor  instance,  whose  slave 
Agreement  killed  the  slave  of  Njal,  paid  to  the  latter 
twelve  ounces  of  silver  by  way  of  damages; 
and  when  a  slave  of  Njal  later  killed  one  of  Gunnar's 
bondmen,  Njal  settled  by  paying  the  same  amount. 
When  a  free  working  man  of  Njal's  was  killed  by  one 
of  the  members  of  Gunnar's  family,  Gunnar,  as  the  re- 
sponsible head  of  the  family,  paid  Njal  one  hundred  in 
silver  by  way  of  indemnity;  and  when  the  tables  were 
again  turned,  Njal  did  the  same  by  his  friend.  In  each 
case,  the  neighbor  who  was  Avronged  set  his  own  price.^^ 
This  was  called  "self -doom,"  or  ''self-judgment,"  and 
was  an  appeal  to  the  sense  of  justice  of  an  adversary. 
At  times,  also,  quarrels  were  settled  outside  of  court 
through  the  oaths  of  neighbors.^*''  This 
The  Court  method  appears  to  have  been  rather  peculiar 
o   Neigh-        Iq  Iceland,  however,  for  there,  unlike  in  con- 

bors,  or  ±-         a.   i     a         t         ■  . 

Home  tmental    bcandmavia,    a   private    individual 

Court  was  not  at  liberty  to  summon  a  public  court 

whenever  he   desired   one.     This   made   the 

hiidkvidr, — the  court  of  neighbors  or  home  court, — ex- 

2^  Ibid.,  II,  423. 

24  Njdla,  299-309. 

2^  Ibid.,  33. 

29Grdgds,   IV,    188-191. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  299 

ceedingly  important.  In  the  early  days  of  the  Icelandic 
republic  the  public  courts  were  largely  subsidiary;  and 
even  after  the  latter  became  quite  common,  they  were 
probably  resorted  to  primarily  for  criminal  cases,  while 
civil  ones  were  disposed  of  by  means  of  the  biidkvid'r. 
This  court  closely  resembled  the  early  form  of  the  Eng- 
lish jury,  which  has  led  some  scholars  to  believe  that 
the  latter  is  of  Northern  origin.  As  a  rule  the  neighbors 
must  be  householders  and  must  be  the  nearest  neighbors 
to  the  spot  where  the  action  took  place.  They  were  sum- 
moned by  the  contending  parties  who  also  decided  where 
the  court  was  to  meet.  The  neighbors  were  placed  upon 
oath  and  decided  the  case  on  their  own  knowledge  of  the 
facts,  and,  hence,  possessed  the  functions  of  witnesses 
in  present-day  jury  trials  as  well  as  of  jurors.  The 
number  of  men  composing  the  court  varied  from  five  to 
nine.  In  unimportant  cases,  such  as  those  for  compen- 
sation for  damages,  the  smaller  number  were  called ;  but 
in  more  serious  matters,  Avhere  the  punishment  might 
be  outlawry,  more  jurors  were  usually  held  to  be  neces- 
sary. The  decision  was  by  majority  vote,  and  if  such  a 
vote  could  not  be  obtained,  the  case  might  be  taken  to  the 
public  court  when  this  met.-" 

Though  in  continental  Scandinavia  the  troubles  in  a 
community  were  sometimes  settled  in  an  informal  man- 
ner by  the  oaths  of  kinsmen  or  neighbors, 
most  difficulties  which  were  eliminated  with-  p  ^^.^  *" 
out  resort  to  arms  went  through  the  public  courts 
courts;  for  judicial  bodies,  as  has  been  al- 
ready stated,  might  be  called  at  any  time  by  persons  be- 
lieving themselves  wronged.     The  law  of  Norway,  for 
example,  stated  that  if  a  man  was  wounded  maliciously  by 

27  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions, 


300  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

another,  he  must  announce  the  fact  to  the  first  man  he  met 
and  call  a  meeting  of  the  local  thing.^s  n  ^y^s,  further- 
more, the  duty  of  the  members  of  the  family  most  vitall}' 
concerned  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  court  in  case  of  serious 
crime.  Thus,  in  Norway,  if  a  man  was  killed,  his  widow 
— or,  if  he  had  had  no  wife,  his  heirs — must  "shear  up 
the  war  arrow"  in  the  presence  of  witnesses  and  send 
it  about  the  community  to  gather  the  thingmen.  And 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  murderer  to  seek  the  thing  meeting 
at  the  approach  of  the  summoning  arrow.  If  the  guilty 
one  was  in  hiding  when  the  bearer  arrived,  his  relatives 
must  notify  him  of  the  summons.  If  he  avoided  the  first 
summons,  a  second  one  must  be  sent  him.-* 

Since  there  were  no  public  officers  in  those  days  to 
perform  the  duty  of  sheriif,  if  the  offender  did  not  ap- 
pear, he  might  be  declared  an  outlaw  by  tlie 
^  "^  ^"  court,  and  the  matter  thus  be  settled.     If, 

however,  a  serious  crime  was  committed  in 
the  presence  of  witnesses,  in  some  parts  it  was  the  duty 
of  those  observing  it  to  raise  the  hue  and  cry  and  pursue 
the  wrong-doer,  a  custom  which  crystallized  into  law  in 
England."" 

Yet  the  fugitive  offender  was  not  unprotected  from  the 

violence  of  the  mob;  every  thing  meeting  and  temple 

provided  a  place  of  refuge  in  the  heathen 

.ig  t  o  time,  and  with  the  coming  of  Christianitv, 

Asylum  '  ,       '^  *  ' 

churches  and  monasteries  took  the  place  of 
the  pagan  houses  of  worship.  Also,  whether  the  crim- 
inal gave  himself  up  or  was  apprehended  through  the 
hue  and  cry,  he  had  safe  conduct  to  the  place  where  the 
thing  met.     To  violate  this  right  or  the  sanctity  of  the 

28  Gorges  Gamle  Love,  I,  67. 

29  Ibid. 
soNjdla,  194-195. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  301 

places  of  asylum  was  always  visited  with  very  liea\'y 
punishment. "^^  Criminals  could,  moreover,  sometimes 
secure  protection  by  means  of  a  special  very  sacred  oath 
of  truce,  of  which  one  of  the  sagas  gives  an  interesting 
illustration.  An  outlaw  returned  to  his  home  community 
in  disguise  in  order  to  watch  the  athletic  contests  and 
other  sports.  He  was  invited  to  take  part  in  these, 
which  led  him  first  to  exact  an  oath  of  truce  from  the 
men,  after  which  he  revealed  his  identity.  Though  many 
at  the  gathering  were  startled  at  the  disclosure,  no  one 
broke  the  peace. ^^ 

The  laws  of  some  of  the  countries  went  even  consid- 
erably further  in  the  effort  to  maintain  order  and  to  pre- 
vent crime.  In  Norway,  for  instance,  if  a  man  was  pres- 
ent at  a  quarrel  and  did  not  part  the  contestants  or  help 
either  of  them,  he  was  liable  to  pay  an  "indemnity  of 
laziness"  to  the  king.^^ 

In  Iceland,  at  least,  quarrels  were  at  times  ended  peace- 
fully while  pending  in  the  courts  by  means  of  an  interest- 
ing system  of  transferring  and  balancing  law- 
suits.    An  example  of  this  may  be  found  in  j^^  ^"*^i"/ 
the   saga   of   Njal.     Gunnar,   Njal's   friend, 
wounded  Thorgier  and  Starkad  in  a  fight,  but  Njal  gave 
to  Gunnar  suits  which  he  had  against  the  wounded  men, 
which  helped  nullify  the  cases  that  they  had  against 
Gunnar,  and  eliminated  the  lawsuits. ^^ 

The  public   trials  held   throughout   Scandinavia  had 
much  in  common ;  great  emphasis  was  everj^-  j,^^  Primi- 
where  placed  upon  the  evidence  and  verdict  tivejury 
of  sworn  men.     The  system  as  followed  in  Denmark  and 

31  Orijfines  Islandicae,  I,  315;  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  I,  584;  Schwerin, 
"Asyl,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

32  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  I,  555. 

33  Ibid.,  549. 
siXjdla,  143-144. 


302         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Sweden  shows  a  close  kinship  with  the  early  English 
j^j.y  35     The   number   of   jurors   was   regularly   twelve, 
and  the  decision  was  by  majority  vote.     Originally  the 
function  of  this  body  of  sworn  men  appears  to  have 
been  merely  to  give  evidence,  but  later  the  power  of 
rendering  a  verdict  was  added.     The  jurors  were  not 
chosen  by  the  plaintiff  or  defendant,  but  by  an  officer 
of  the  law,  usually  the  godi.^"     The  system  in  Norway, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  virtually  identical  with  the  Eng- 
lish institution  of  compurgation  found  during  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  period.     Under  the  Norse  law,  a  man  was  dis- 
charged upon  the  joint  oath  of  himself  and  a  certain  num- 
ber of  other  men,  who  were  called  oath-helpers.     In  the 
more  serious  cases,  the  oaths  of  twelve  were  necessary; 
for  disputes  or  offenses  of  minor  importance,  but  six, 
three,  or  even  only  one  oath  was  required."^'     The  jury 
of  twelve  in  Iceland  appears  to  have  also  been  the  usual 
number  for  public  trials ;  and  it  was,  therefore,  generally 
known  as  the  tolftarkvidr,  though  the  term  godikvidr 
was  also  applied,  for  it  consisted  of  the  district  godi  and 
eleven  men  summoned  by  him.     Here,  the  decision  was 
by  majority  vote,  as  in  Denmark  and  Sweden,  and  the 
godi  seems  to  have  voted  only  in  case  of  a  tie,  caused  by 
the  absence  of  members,  or  by  their  refusal  to  vote.^'^ 

The  clearest  and  most  detailed  information  regarding 

court  procedure  in  the  ancient  North  is  that  descriptive 

of  the  lawsuits  at  the  general  court  of  the 

Lawsuits  at     Icelandic   Althing;   and   this   mav   serve   to 

the  Althing       .  ,      rw  t  •        j    •    i  it 

illustrate  the  Scandmavian  trials,  as  a  whole ; 
for  the  variations  found  in  different  parts  of  the  North 

35  Lehmann,  K.,  "Geschworene,"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

36  Ibid. 

37  Ibid. 

38  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions, 
75. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  303 

were,  after  all,  concerned  largel}^  with  details,  and  every- 
where the  lawsuit  was  based  upon  the  evidence  of  the 
community,  supported  by  oath.  Successful  pleading  be- 
fore the  Icelandic  bar  of  justice  even  at  this  time  called 
for  considerable  legal  knowledge  as  well  as  shrewdness 
and  skill  in  pleading.  The  humbler  part  of  the  popula- 
tion was,  consequently,  glad  to  secure  the  aid  of  the  more 
influential  and  able  men  of  the  community  possessed  of  a 
knowledge  of  the  law;  and  these  latter  often  conducted 
cases  free  of  charge,  because  of  the  popularity  and  pres- 
tige to  be  gained  thereby. 

The  attorney  entered  the  first  stage  of  the  suit  by  sum- 
moning a  number  of  ''near  neighbors  to  the  spot"  to 
witness  that  the  prosecutor  placed  the  case  in  his  hands. 
Before  these  witnesses,  also,  the  cause  for  the  suit  had 
to  be  presented  with  great  accuracy  and  detail.  The 
neighbors  then  testified  that  the  notice  was  lawfully 
made,  after  which  they  were  summoned  to  ride  to  the 
Althing  and  sit  upon  the  inquest.  And  this  summons 
was  in  turn  validated  by  solemn  testimony  to  the  fact 
that  it  had  been  issued.  Here  concluded  the  preliminary 
proceedings.  The  suit  itself  could  now  be  opened. 
Every  step  in  it  was  sealed  and  legalized,  as  in  the  pre- 
liminaries, by  the  testimony  of  witnesses;  and  the  fail- 
ure to  produce  witnesses  who  could  speak  upon  oath 
meant  the  loss  of  the  suit.^'^  In  the  trial  proper,  the 
oath  Avas  administered  by  the  godi  presiding  over  the 
Althing.  A  heavy  silver  ring  dipped  in  the  blood  of  a 
sacrificial  ox  in  the  heathen  days  filled  the  place  now 
occupied  by  the  Bible  in  the  administration  of  oaths. 
The  person  to  be  sworn  placed  his  hand  upon  the  ring 
and  invoked  various  gods  to  witness  the  truth  of  his 

39  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions 
86-87. 


304         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

statement.  For  the  sake  of  convenience,  the  ring  was 
worn  upon  the  arm  of  the  godi  during  the  thing  meeting, 
but  at  other  times  it  lay  upon  the  altar  of  the  chief  temple. 
Those  present  at  the  administration  of  oaths  were  ex- 
pected to  judge  whether  the  oath  Avas  correctly  given 
and  to  watch  the  statements  of  the  person  being  sworn. 
Perjury  was  visited  by  severe  punishment.  The  ac- 
cused, however,  sometimes  worded  his  oath  so  craftily  as 
to  keep  peace  with  the  gods  while  deceiving  the  wit- 
nesses. An  example  of  this  is  Viga-Glum,  who,  in  oaths 
taken  in  three  different  temples,  so  shrewdly  chose  his 
words  as  to  appear  to  declare  his  innocence  of  a  charge 
of  murder,  though  he  was  actually  confessing  his  guilt."*'' 
After  the  witnesses  to  the  inquest  had  taken  their  seats, 
the  attorney, — or  the  plaintiff,  if  he  handled  the  case 
himself — bade  the  defendant  challenge  their  right  to  sit 
upon  the  case.  If  the  ''near  neighbors"  could  be  proved 
to  be  close  kin  to  the  plaintiff,  the  case  was  usually  lost 
at  this  stage.  When  an  unusually  baffling  situation  rose 
upon  one  side  or  another, — due  to  such  a  challenge,  or 
other  cause, — the  litigants  consulted  friends  wise  in  the 
law  who  were  present  at  the  Althing.  If  the  question 
was  of  a  purely  legal  character,  the  lawman  was  appealed 
to.  The  jury  of  near  neighbors  rendered  its  verdict 
through  its  foreman,  who  stated  definitely  whether  or  not 
the  group  believed  the  accused  guilty  of  the  charges 
brought  against  him.  An  opportunity  was  then  given  to 
the  other  side  to  present  its  defense.  If  this  was  strong, 
the  verdict  of  the  jury  might  be  discounted  and  complica- 
tions arise,  resulting  in  the  delay  of  settlement ;  if  weak, 
the  verdict  of  the  neighbors  held,  and  nothing  remained 
but  for  the  judges  to  pronounce  the  penalty,  which  they 
did  through  one  member — sometimes  selected  by  lot — 

loKeyser,  Norcfmaendenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Hedendommen,  113-114. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  305 

acting  as  spokesman.  Though  once  in  a  while  the  vic- 
torious plaintiff  and  his  friends  demanded  that  the  judg- 
ment of  the  court — such  as  the  pajTuent  of  a  fine — be 
enforced  on  the  spot,  under  the  eyes  of  the  court,  more 
often  the  enforcement  of  the  penalty  was  a  matter  rest- 
ing entirely  between  the  two  litigants.'*^ 

When  much  was  at  stake  in  the  case,  bribery  was  occa- 
sionally resorted  to,  and  judges  as  well  as  witnesses  were 
at  times  thus  corrupted.  Under  such  conditions,  when 
feeling  ran  high,  if  precaution  was  not  taken  to  declare  a 
solemn  peace  over  the  assembly  or  to  require  an  oath  of 
truce  of  the  litigants,  these  and  their  supporters  were 
likely  to  go  to  court  armed  and  wearing  war  tokens.  As 
the  trial  proceeded,  the  side  that  appeared  to  be  losing 
uttered  war-cries  as  a  threat  to  settle  the  case  ''by  point 
and  edge,"  if  defeated  in  the  courts.  And  in  spite  of  the 
efforts  of  men  of  influence  to  prevent  such  a  calamity, 
this  bad  feeling  did  at  times  culminate  in  a  bloody  battle 
on  the  thingstead. 

In  addition  to  the  use  of  witnesses  and  oaths,  in  an 
effort  to  prove  his  innocence,  the  accused  might  resort  to 
the  ordeal  known  as  the  judgment  of  the  ^^i,  ^  ^  i 
gods.  This  last  form  of  test  was,  however, 
never  employed  so  extensively  or  in  such  varied  forms 
in  Scandinavia  as  it  was  farther  south;  but  when  re- 
sorted to  it  was  regarded  very  seriously.  No  person 
who  was  convicted  by  the  ordeal,  or  god's  judgment, 
could — at  least  in  the  early  Christian  time — afterward 
clear  himself  through  man's  judgment,  the  oath.  The 
ordeal  was,  on  the  other  hand,  always  preceded  by  the 
oath.  After  the  christianization  of  the  North,  two  well- 
known  forms  of  the  ordeal  were  introduced :  the  boiling 

41  'Nj&la,   passim.     Cf.    Haskins,    Charles   Homer,    Norman    Institutions, 
196-238,   for  the  origin  of  the  jury  system. 


306         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

water  test,  for  women;  and  the  ordeal  of  red  hot  iron, 
for  men.''^  But  there  were  at  least  two  kinds  of  appeal 
to  supernatural  agencies  in  use  in  the  North  long  before 
Christianity  was  adopted ;  and  these  heathen  tests  were 
retained  for  centuries  after  the  ancient  gods  had  been 
abjured.^^  One  of  the  ordeals  appears  to  have  been  pe- 
culiar to  Scandinavia  and  shows  kinship  to  the  ceremony 
by  which  blood  brotherhood  was  sealed.  A  strip  of  turf 
was  cut  in  such  a  manner  that  the  middle  of  it  might  be 
raised  to  fonii  an  arch  while  the  ends  were  still  attached 
to  the  ground;  and  through  this  ''earth  necklace,"  as  the 
arch  was  called,  the  accused  was  required  to  pass.  If 
no  earth  fell  upon  him  while  he  was  doing  so,  he  was 
deemed  innocent.'*'* 

But  the  wager  of  battle  was  the  most  common  and 

most  important  form  of  ordeal,  and  might  be  resorted 

to  at  any  time.     Even  after  the  witnesses  had 

Wager  of        been  selected  for  a  regular  court  trial,  one 

^f"f".      J     antagonist  might  challenge  the  other  to  a 

Einvigi  and  ^  °  ®         . 

Holmganga      duel,  by  way  of   settlement,  m  which  case 

this   judgment   of   the   gods    superseded   all 

other  proceedings.^^     There  were  two  forms  of  single 

combat  used  in  deciding  cases,  but  in  both  the  man  who 

was  vanquished  was  regarded  as  guilty  and  had  to  suffer 

the  punishment  which  the  law  visited  upon  his  crime; 

for  it  was  firmly  believed  that  the  gods  would  be  with 

the  innocent  and  give  him  strength  for  the  fight,  thus 

enabling  him  to  overcome  his  antagonist.     The  simpler 

and,   probably,    older   variety    of   duel   was    known    as 

*2  Lehmann,  K.,  "Gottesurteile,"   in  Hoops,   Reallexikon. 

43  Matthias,  Ernst,  "Beitriige  zur  Erkliirung  der  Germanischen  Gottesur- 
teile," in  Jahreshericht  des  Kciniglichen  Viktoria-Gymnasiums  zu  Burg 
fur   das   Schuljahr    1899-1900,   pp.   3-23. 

**  Origines  Islandwae,   I,   319. 

45  Keyser,  N ordmaendenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Hedendommen,  246. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  307 

einvigi,  or  single  combat.  There  appear  to  have  been 
no  very  fixed  rules  governing  it;  any  kind  of  weapons 
could  be  employed,  and  the  combatants  were  their  own 
shield-bearers ;  but  witnesses  must  be  present  if  the  con- 
test was  to  settle  the  case. 

The  other  type  of  duel  was  much  more  formal  and 
serious,  and  also  more  usual  in  viking  times.    After  the 
exchange  of  challenges,  a  definite  time  and  place  were 
agreed  upon  for  the  battle.     Apparently,  whenever  pos- 
sible a  small  island  was  selected  as  the  scene  of  the  con- 
test, to  secure  natural  boundaries  and  freedom  from  dis- 
turbance, whence,  the  name  holmganga,  meaning  * '  island 
going."    Wherever  a  thing  was  held  a  place  was  set 
apart  for  such  dueling.     That  connected  with  the  Ice- 
landic Althing  was  on  an  island  in  the  Oxara  River.     In 
the  absence  of  natural  limits  within  which  the  combat- 
ants could  struggle,  artificial  boundaries  were  established. 
In  parts  of  Iceland,  a  cloak  or  hide  five  ells  long  was  laid 
upon    the   ground    and    pegged    down    at    the    corners. 
Around  this,  three  concentric  squares  were  drawn  one 
foot  apart,  and  at  the  corners  of  the  outer  square  hazel 
poles  were  driven  into  the  ground.     This  "hazeled  field," 
as  it  was  called,  formed  the  extreme  limits  within  which 
the  holmgang  duel  might  take  place.     Each  combatant 
was  permitted  three  shields,  and  the  man  who  was  chal- 
lenged had  the  right  to  strike  the  first  blow.     But  if  this 
person  was  incapacitated  by  age  or  other  cause,  he  might 
select  another  to  fight  for  him.     If  either  man  set  one  of 
his  feet  outside  of  the  boundaries,  he  was  held  to  have 
surrendered ;  if  both  feet,  he  was  looked  upon  as  having 
fled.     When  one  of  the  duelists  became  wounded  so  that 
his  blood  fell  upon  the  cloak  or  hide,  he  did  not  have 
to  fight  any  more;  but  frequently  the  contest  continued 
until  both  contestants  were  severely  wounded,  sometimes 


308         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

mortally.  According  to  the  law,  the  one  most  severely 
wounded  when  the  battle  ended  was  required  to  suffer 
the  penalty,  which  in  the  case  of  both  kinds  of  trial  by 
combat  was  fixed  beforehand;  while  the  winner  cele- 
brated his  victory  by  sacrificing  a  steer  or  two  to  the  gods 
as  a  thank-offering.  Sometimes,  however,  both  victor 
and  vanquished  made  sacrifices.'*'^ 

In  spite  of  its  popularity,  trial  by  battle  was  outlawed 
in  Scandinavia  during  the  early  part  of  the  eleventh 
century.  This  was  perhaps  partly  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  Scandinavian  countries,  earlier  than  many  more 
highly  cultured  lands,  eliminated  barbarous  and  supersti- 
tious practices  from  their  legal  systems;'*^  but  the  de- 
generation of  Jiie  4ttei,  and  the  Tacl~tlTai^it  became  an 
excu^j&"fOf^ighhanded  and  outrageous  acts  \^as  more 
influential  in  causing  its  doA\nifall.  It  developed  iMo  a 
so  general  arbiter  in  the  settlement  of  disputes  and  law 
suits  that  it  came  to  be  regarded  as  conferring  rights 
of  ownership  where  none  previously  existed.  Men  pos- 
sessed of  little  inherent  sense  of  justice — particularly 
the  professional  bullies  who  formed  part  of  the  berserker 
class — came  to  challenge  others  to  holmgang,  naming  the 
land,  houses,  and  even  the  wives  of  the  latter  as  the 
^stakes  of  the  contest.  So  firmly  did  public  opinion  hold 
outcome  of  such  duels  to  be  the  just  decree  of  the 
nothing  remained  for  the  person  challenged  to 
do  exce^to  fight,  unless  he  could  buy  himself  off  with 
large  sum"^f  money.  And  public  opmioii_-£iH4in?fae- 
manded  that  a  maiT4^*4»g^4w-s--possessTons  as  an  outcome 
of  such  a  fight  acquiesce  in  the  outcome — unless  he  were 
willing  to  risk  another  duel  in  the  hope  of  regaining  them. 

i^Egils    Saga    Skallagrimssonar,    67     ff. ;     Kormaks    Saga,    chs.    9-10; 
Origines  Islandicae,  I,  320-321;  Fldamanna  Saga,  26-27. 
47  Lea,  Superstition  and  Force,  561-563. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  309 

In  time,  however,  common  sense  prevailed  over  super- 
stitious tradition,  and  the  holmgang  was  abolished  by 
law  in  Iceland  about  the  year  1006,  as  a  direct  result  of 
the  feud  resulting  in  a  tragic  duel  between  Gunnlaug 
Snake-Tongue  and  the  skald  Hrafn.-*^  Norw^ay  took  sim- 
ilar action  about  six  years  later."*^ 

In  spite  of  the  popularity  of  the  wager  of  battle  as  a 
prompt  and  infallible  settlement  of  quarrels,  the  great 
majority  of  cases  coming  up  for  public  settle- 
ment   probablv    reached    their    termination  ,.  *^t,***^^" 
^  "  tion  Truce 

through  the  slower  and  more  involved  trial 
by  inquest  in  the  law  courts ;  for  though  the  ancient  Scan- 
dinavians loved  M^arfare,  many  were  even  more  devoted 
to  litigation — an  attachment  partly  explainable  by  their 
fondness  for  a  contest,  of  whatever  nature.  In  fact,  in 
Norw^ay,  at  least,  the  love  for  lawsuits  interfered  with  or- 
dinary peaceful  pursuits  to  such  a  degree  that,  after  the 
introduction  of  Christianity,  a  work-truce  or  peace,  was 
provided  for  by  law,  during  which  no  lawsuits  could  be 
conducted.  This  came  in  the  late  spring,^^  presumably  to 
enable  the  farmers  to  give  their  whole  attention  to  the 
planting  of  crops. 

The  nature  of  the  punishment  provided  by  law  de- 
pended upon  the  character  of  the  offense,  the  rank  of 
the  offender,   and  the  part   of  the  land  in 
which  the  wrong  was  committed.     Usually,  ^""'sh- 
the  bodies  of  law  which  were  growing  up  General" 
in  the  different  sections  of  the  North  spoke 
with  clearness  in  respect  to  these  matters;  but  it  was 
impossible  for  the  existing  legislation  to  fit  every  case 
that  came  up;  consequently,  judges  not  infrequently  de- 

<8  Gunnlaugs  Saga  Ormstungu,  ch.  11. 
*^  Grettis  Saga  Asmundarsonar,  ch.  21. 
50  Norges  Gamle  Love,  III,  19,  93-95. 


310         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

termined  cases  upon  their  individual  merits.  This  judi- 
cial independence  appears  to  have  been  most  common  in 
Sweden."^ 

The  payment  of  fines  was  the  mildest  and  most  general 

form  of  punishment.     It  was  often  visited  not  only  upon 

those  who  were  convicted  of  thievery  and 

Fines  •  • 

robbery  but  also  upon  those  guilty  of  mami- 
ing  and  killing.  Its  application  to  cases  of  injury  against 
the  person  of  another  rose  from  an  early  recognition  of 
the  right  of  property  possessed  by  members  of  a  family 
in  their  kindred,  as  well  as  in  houses  and  lands.  Through 
the  womiding  or  death  of  one  of  its  members,  the  family 
as  a  unit  was  weakened.^'^ 

In  fixing  the  punishment  for  wounding  or  maiming, 
most  of  the  laws  went  into  the  greatest  detail.  The  loca- 
tion of  the  injury  was  carefully  considered ;  also  its  pain- 
fuhiess;  whether  bone,  marrow,  or  intestines  protruded 
as  a  result  of  it;  and  many  other  matters.  A  wound 
upon  the  back  usually  called  for  double  the  fine  of  one 
upon  the  breast;  an  injury  leaving  a  scar  that  would 
make  the  victim  ''look  more  ugly"  demanded  heavier 
punishment  than  one,  the  traces  of  which  could  be  covered 
with  the  person's  hair  or  clothing.^^  In  Norway,  and 
also  in  the  Scanian  law  which  was  in  force  in  what  is 
now  southern  Sweden,  the  indemnity  for  destroying  a 
person's  eye,  hand,  or  foot  was  one  half  of  the  amount 
due  if  he  were  killed;  and  full  value,  or  manhot,  was 
payable  if  both  eyes,  hands,  or  feet  were  destroyed.^^  In 
addition  to  the  damages  due  the  victim,  some  of  the  laws 

siVicary,  J.  Fulford,  Saga  Time,  125. 

52  Conybeare,  The  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institu- 
tions, 72. 

53  Brandt,  "Nordmaendenes  Gamle  Strafferet,"   in   Historisk   Tidsskrift, 
IV,  32. 

54  Seebolm,  Tribal  Custom  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law,  292. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  311 

required  that  the  offender  pay  the  fees  of  the  physician 
caring  for  the  wound,  and  his  and  his  patient's  living 
expenses  while  the  wound  was  healing.^ ^ 

Insults  were  also  often  wiped  out  by  the  payment  of 
a  fine;  and  in  this  regard  there  was  the  same  sort  of 
gradation  as  governed  the  damages  liable  for  wounds. 
But,  generally  speaking,  the  amount  was  only  one  third 
as  great  as  for  the  latter  offense.^*^ 

In  the  ancient  North  each  rank  of  society  had  its 
rett,  or  value,  before  the  law,  a  sum  which  corresponded 
to  wergeld  in  England,  and  must  be  paid  to  ^  , 
the  family  of  the  slain  by  the  slayer  or  his 
family.  The  higher  the  slain  person  sociallj^,  the  greater 
the  value  placed  upon  his  life.  The  rett  of  each  class 
varied  to  some  extent  in  the  different  parts  of  Scandi- 
navia, as  did  also  the  classification  of  society,  but  on 
the  whole  there  was  considerable  agreement  with  ref- 
erence to  the  comparative  value  of  each  rank.  The  wer- 
geld laws  long  in  force  in  southern  Norway  will  serve 
as  a  general  example  of  all.  The  fine  or  indemnity  im- 
posed by  the  court  for  the  death  of  a  leysing  or  freed- 
man  was  six  aurar  (six  ounces  of  silver) ;  that  for  his 
son,  eight;  for  a  bondi,  twelve;  for  either  a  hauldman 
or  an  othal-born  man,  twenty-four  aurar;  and  for  a 
lendirman,  twice  that  sum.^'  Though  these  were  the 
usual  amounts  of  damages  if  the  crime  was  punished 
by  the  courts,  in  the  case  of  private  adjustment,  occa- 
sionally as  much  as  two  or  three  times  the  legal  value 
of  the  slain  was  paid;  particularly  if  the  families  in- 
volved were  friends,  and  it  was  especially  desired  that 
the  friendship  be  preserved. -"'^     A  woman  enjoyed  the 

55  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  I,  550. 

56  Seebohm,  Tribal  Custom  in  Anglo-Saa:on  Laic,  240. 
5  7  Hid. 

'o&Njdla,   376-377. 


312         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

same  rett  as  her  husband ;  and  a  child  under  fifteen  years 
was,  in  Norway,  valued  at  half  the  sum  of  an  adult  in 
the  same  class.^'^  Such  gradations,  based  upon  social 
value,  as  have  been  indicated  were  recognized  through- 
out the  whole  of  the  North  until  the  rise  of  towns,  after 
which  a  special  town  law  developed  that  made  the  rett 
of  all  to^\Ti-dwellers  equal  to  that  of  the  hauld  of  the 
country  at  large.*'*' 

Originally,  the  wergeld  was  paid  by  the  family  of  the 
murderer  to  the  family  of  the  slain,  each  member  of  the 
former  making  a  payment  to  the  corresponding  member 
of  the  latter;  and  the  total  sum  paid  was  the  same,  re- 
gardless of  the  number  to  receive  it,  for  it  was  the  price 
of  the  man.  The  payers  and  payees  were  primarily  the 
men-folk  of  the  two  groups;  for  the  women-folk  were 
concerned  in  only  a  secondary  manner, — the  nearest  kins- 
women on  both  sides  paying  and  receiving  a  certain  small 
amount,  called  kvenngjof — ** women's  gift."  Except  for 
this,  a  woman  was  never  regarded  as  financially  con- 
cerned in  such  settlements,  unless  she  were  sole  heir. 
This  attitude  towards  the  dues  of  the  women  was  doubt- 
less an  outgrowth  of  the  fact  that,  as  compared  with 
men,  very  few  women  met  death  at  the  hands  of  another. 
By  the  early  part  of  the  Viking  Age,  however,  the  fam- 
ily solidarity  had  broken  to  such  an  extent  in  Norway 
and  Iceland  that  the  whole  kindred  was  no  longer 
concerned  in  the  payment  and  receipt  of  wergeld,  but 
only  the  direct  heirs.  In  Denmark  and  Sweden,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  old  system  of  graded  distribution  long 
prevailed.*'^ 

Maiming  and  branding  with  red-hot  irons  were  occa- 

59  Brandt,   "Nordmaendenes   Gamle   Straflferet,"    in   Historisk   Tidsskrift, 
I,   43. 

80  Du   Chaillu,   Viking  Age,  I,   547. 

«i  Ibid.,  540,  passim.     See  above,  pp.  25-30,  passim. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  313 

sionally  resorted  to  by  way  of  punishment.  For  in- 
stance, according  to  one  Norwegian  code  of  laws,  if  one 
man  bit  another,  his  fore  teeth  were  broken 
out  at  the  thing  meeting  by  the  king's  tax-  Maiming 
gatherer.  If  a  female  slave  was  convicted  of  Branding 
theft,  her  nose  and  both  ears  were  lopped 
off.  Hands  and  feet  might  also  be  chopped  off  as  pun- 
ishment for  different  crimes;  and  branding  upon  the 
cheek  with  red-hot  iron  was  long  a  regular  form  of  pun- 
ishment.*'- Deformity  and  mutilation  were,  however, 
never  common  as  penalties  in  Scandinavia;  and,  except 
in  the  case  of  slaves — who  were  not  looked  upon  as  having 
the  rights  of  other  human  beings — they  appear  to  have 
been  scarcely  known  in  the  heathen  period,  for  the  an- 
cient Northman  took  a  pride  in  his  physical  appearance 
which  prevented  such  atrocious  devices  from  receiving 
general  countenance.  With  the  introduction  of  Christi- 
anity and  the  gradual  development  of  the  conception  that 
mortification  of  the  flesh  made  for  godliness,  such  pen- 
alties became  more  common,  but  even  in  this  later  period 
they  were  never  as  generally  resorted  to  in  Scandinavia 
as  they  were  farther  south. 

Though  not  so  common  during  the  heathen  period  as 
later  when  Christianity  was  well  established,  capital  pun- 
ishment existed  in  all  parts  of  the  North  dur- 
ing  the  vikmg  period.     The  death  penalty  punighment 
was  inflicted  in  some  instances  for  robbery,  /I 

stealing,  and  murder;*'^  and  sometimes,  at  lea'st  in 
Sweden,  for  adultery,  but  perhaps  only  against  women 
offenders.^^  The  officers  of  the  law -^iispatched  the  crim- 
inal in  various  ways.     Many  were  Offered  to  the  gods 

62  Norges  Gamle  Love,  II,   60,  and  passim. 

63  Conybeare,  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of  European  Institutions, 
81.  V  y' 

•*Adam  of  Bremen,  191.  — -^ 


314         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

upon  the  temple  altars,  particularly  in  Iceland.^^  But 
barbarous  "lay"  executions  were  sometimes  employed, 
such  as  placing  the  doomed  persons  upon  a  rock  out  in 
the  sea,  to  perish  from  starvation  or  to  be  drowned  by 
the  rising  tide;  thrusting  them  into  a  pit  or  into  a  bog 
or  fen,  to  die  of  hunger  or  sutfocation;  shutting  them  up 
in  a  cave ;  or  throwing  them  from  the  top  of  a  high  cliff. 
Hanging  was,  however,,  perhaps  the  most  common  form 
of  capital  punishment  in  the  Northern  lands  throughout 
the  Middle  Ag^sJ^t^ 

Though  with  the  passing  of  the  centuries  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  forfeiture  of  life  for  the  punishment  of  crime 
became  very  general,  in  the  early  period  the 
»wry  ^Qj.(3  common  penalty  for  serious  crimes  was 
outlawry.  Free  men  were  the  offenders  most  commonly 
placed  beyond  the  pale  of  the  law,  for  the  unfree  could 
not  usually  be  outlawed,  and  women  might  be  in  only 
a  few  cases.**^  A  sentence  of  outlawry  generally  meant 
banishment  for  a  period,  since  for  the  offender  to  remain 
in  his  home  community  without  the  protection  of  the 
law  was  almost  certain  to  end  in  his  death  sooner  or 
later,  at  the  hands  of  the  persons  whom  he  had  wronged. 
Outlawry  might  be  visited  for  a  long  list  of  offenses  and 
crimes,  such  as  slander,  blasphemy,  bribery  for  legal 
support,  stealing,  wounding,  and  murder.  But  there 
were  two  degrees  of  outlawry,  determined  by  the  nature 
of  the  wrong  done, — partial,  or  lesser,  and  complete,  or 
greater.  The  milder  form  applied  only  to  a  certain  ter- 
ritory and  for  a  short  period,  usually  three  years.  Dur- 
ing this  time  the  outlaw  might  pay,  or  have  paid  by  his 
family,  a  fine  or  ransom  for  his  life.     The  places  where 

65  Origines  Islandicae,  1,  322. 

«6  Ihid. 

67  Schwerin,  "Friedlosigkeit,"   in  Hoops,  Reallexikon,  II,   98. 


SYSTEM  OF  JUSTICE  315 

a  lesser  outlaw  might  live  were  indicated  to  him  by  the 
court,  but  relatives  might  not  visit  him  more  than  once 
a  month.  If  he  kept  within  the  stipulated  area,  the 
lesser  outlaw  was  free  from  attack,  but  when  his  period 
of  grace  had  expired  if  his  ransom  remained  unpaid,  he 
became  a  complete  outlaw,  unless  he  left  the  country. 
But  if  he  decided  to  leave,  he  was  given  safe  conduct  to 
the  port  where  he  was  to  take  ship;  and  no  ship-owner 
might  refuse  him  passage  without  making  himself  liable 
to  a  fine  of  three  marks.  After  living  in  banishment 
in  foreign  lands  for  three  j^ears,  the  lesser  outlaw  might 
return  to  his  home  and  resume  his  former  privileges  as 
a  free  man.*''^ 

Complete  outlawr}^  was  a  m.uch  more  severe  punish- 
ment and  was  inflicted,  during  the  Middle  Ages,  for  only 
the  most  serious  of  crimes.  The  total  outlaw  lost  his 
goods  and  land — even  though  it  be  othal  land — through 
confiscation,^^  and  any  one  might  take  his  life  with  im- 
punity. No  one  might  help  him  in  any  manner, — as  by 
giving  him  food  or  shelter, — except  his  wife,  who,  in  Nor- 
waj^,  was  permitted  to  supply  him  with  food  for  five 
days.'^'*  Any  house  in  which  such  a  criminal  was  har- 
bored might  be  torn  down  and  burned.'^ ^  Consequently, 
as  long  as  a  man  of  this  class  remained  in  the  land  he 
generally  hid  in  some  out-of-the-way  place,  often  inhab- 
ited only  by  people  who,  like  himself,  were  beyond  the 
protection  of  the  law.'^  But  in  spite  of  the  hardships  of 
such  a  life  many  men  hazarded  it,  for  to  go  into  banish- 
es Merker,  Das  Strafrccht,  46. 

69  Under  some  laws,  the  property  went  to  the  next  heir;  but  the  prop- 
erty of  the  outlaw's  wife  remained  untouched.  Brandt,  "Nordmaendenes 
Gamle  Strafferet,"  in  Historisk  Tidsskrift,  I,   16. 

70  Brandt.  "Nordmaendenes  Gamle  Strafferet,"  in  Historisk  Tidsskrift, 
I,   11. 

71  Merker,  Das  Strafrecht,  39.  • 

72  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  295. 


316         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

ment  abroad  was  looked  upon  by  a  proud-spirited  man 
as  a  disgrace — a  sign  of  cowardice.'"'  Complete  out- 
lawry usually  placed  the  offender  beyond  legal  protec- 
tion for  a  long  period  of  years,  or  for  life ;  ^^  but  there 
were  methods  by  which  the  worst  outlaw  might  buy  him- 
self back  into  public  favor.  For  instance,  in  some  parts 
he  might  do  this  by  killing  a  number  of  other  outlaws.^^ 
In  Norway,  however,  an  outlaw  could  regain  his  old 
standing  only  after  ser^dng  his  country-  through  bringing 
the  king  'Hrue  war  news" — that  is,  warning  of  the  ap- 
proach of  a  hostile  army.'^ 

73  "Glflma,"   in  Izlenzkar  Fornsogtir,  I,    1-88. 

7*  Origines  Islandicae,  I,   328. 

75  Keyser,   Private  Life  of   the  Old   Xorthmen,    137. 

7»  Du  Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  I,  578. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

SOCIAL    GATHERINGS;    RECREATIONS    AND    AMUSEMENTS 

If  thou  hast  a  friend  in  whom  thou  trustest,  and  thou  wishest  to 
profit  by  him,  mingle  souls  with  him,  and  exchange  gifts  with  him  and 
go  to  see  him  oft. 

The  Lesson  of  Loddfafni. 

The  round  of  Scandinavian  life  furnished  many  occa- 
sions for  social  interchange.     There  were  not  only  nu- 
merous   meetings    to    celebrate    important 
epochs  in  the  life  of  the  individual,  such  as  Opportuni- 
wedding  and  funeral  feasts,   and  banquets  ^^}°^ 
tendered  to  a  person  upon  the  eve  of  his  de-  Gatherings 
parture  on  a  long  or  perilous  journey  and 
to  celebrate  his  safe  return,  but  there  were  also  seasonal 
and  religious  holidays  on  which  friends  and  relatives 
temporarily  abandoned  their  usual  humdrum  duties  and 
gathered  under  a  common  roof  to  pass  the  hours  in  a 
more  pleasant  or  more  exalted  manner  for  an  interval. 
The  largest  and  most  important  of  these  were  the  sacri- 
ficial assemblages  which  took  place  in  spring,  midsum- 
mer, autumn,  and  midwinter.     The  last-named  holiday 
was  the  most  significant  from  a  religious   standpoint; 
and,  probably  because  of  the  great  crowds  which  gath- 
ered to  do  honor  to  the  gods,  it  seems  also  to  have  been 
the  favorite  occasion  for  social  pastimes.     Perhaps  in 
this  period  when  most  of  the  hours  in  the  tw^enty-four 
were  shrouded  in  darkness  and  when  there  was  the  great- 
est leisure  the  Northmen's  social  instincts  were  most  keen 
and  they  most  appreciated  their  fellow  men   and  felt 
greater  need  for  their  companionship.    At  this  season  it 

317 


318         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

was  customary  for  the  chieftains  and  other  leading  men 
of  the  community  to  gather  their  friends  and  followers 
about  them  for  the  purpose  of  worship  and  recreation; 
and  if  the  host  were  a  man  of  wealth,  the  banqueting 
and  merry-making  might  last  a  whole  fortnight/  Many 
of  the  social  gatherings  of  this  period  of  the  year  were, 
however,  purely  social ;  friend  visited  friend.  Sometimes 
two  or  more  good  friends  would  give  entertainments  turn 
about  in  one  another's  honor.^ 

The  prospective  hosts  gave  imitations  to  the  regular 
seasonal  gatherings  long  beforehand — sometimes  months 
in  advance.     If,  as  was  often  the  case,  the 
Invitations       bidding  was  a  general  one,  it  was  usually 
*°  .  made  at  an  entertainment ;  but  sometimes  the 

Gatherings  invitations  were  given  individually.  In  ad- 
dition to  the  date  for  the  social  event  and  the 
length  of  time  it  would  last,  the  host  occasionally  made 
known  the  important  fact  that  he  would  present  gifts  to 
his  guests.^ 

Men  of  wealth  and  prominence  sometimes  assembled 
hundreds  of  people  at  such  entertainments,  and  the  pro- 
vision made  for  them  was  often  very  elabo- 
Preparation     rate,  for  here  was  an  excellent  opportunity 
^'"  *^^  for    securing   the    much-desired    "good    re- 

of  Guests  port"  among  his  fellow  men.  And  for  many 
weeks  before  the  guests  were  expected,  the 
mother  and  daughters  of  the  household  worked  busily 
with  the  women  servants  in  preparation  for  the  event. 
They  dressed  and  cared  for  the  carcasses  of  the  animals 
slaughtered  for  the  feasting;  brewed  ale,  baked  large 

1  Schonfeld,    Der    Isldndische    Bauernhof    und    sein    Betreib,    117-118; 
Keyser,  Private  Life  of  the  Old  Northmen,   146. 

2  Njdla,   78. 

3  Keyser,  Private  Life  of  the  Old  Northmen,  138. 


SOCIAL  GATHERINGS:  RECREATIONS,  AMUSEMENTS     319 

supplies  of  bread,  and  prepared  whatever  other  foods 
and  drinks  could  be  got  in  readiness  beforehand;  they 
arranged  the  necessary  extra  sleeping  accommodations; 
polished  the  metal  utensils  and  dishes  to  their  brightest ; 
strewed  the  floor  of  the  banqueting  hall  with  fresh  straw 
or  rushes,  or  spread  carpets  or  skins  over  it;  placed 
cushions,  skins,  and  bright  woven  stuffs  upon  the  benches 
and  chairs;  and  decorated  the  walls  with  tapestries  and 
other  ornamental  hangings. 

The  guests  wore,  or  brought  with  them  to  don  upon 
their  arrival,  their  handsomest  garments  and  ornaments ; 
and  the  host  and  his  family  received  them  in  their  gayest 
and  richest  attire.  Unexpected  comers  usually  made 
their  presence  known  by  shouting  when  at  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  house,  or  by  rapping  upon  the  door;  but 
invited  guests  as  a  rule  found  their  entertainers  already 
at  the  door  waiting  for  them,  unless, — as  was  often  the 
case  with  close  friends, — the  host  had  gone  out  upon  the 
road  to  meet  them  and  escort  them  to  his  home.  With 
bared  heads  the  men  of  the  party  exchanged  greetings; 
all  shook  hands ;  and  if  the  ties  of  friendship  were  strong 
among  them  there  was  kissing  all  around  w^ithout  dis- 
tinction of  age  or  sex.^  The  common  form  of  salutation 
was  ' '  Kom  heill ! ' '  which  conveyed  a  wish  for  good  luck, 
prosperity,  and  health.  Upon  departing,  the  phrase  em- 
ployed was  *'Far  heill!"  which  possessed  a  similar  mean- 
ing and  closely  corresponded  to  the  English  *' Farewell."^ 

The  seating  of  the  visitors  was  a  serious  matter,  for 
much  attention  was  paid  to  precedence  in  the  aristocratic 
ancient  North.  As  a  mark  of  particular  honor,  guests 
of  special  prominence  were  given  the  high  seat  of  the 
host  or  hostess ;  and  the  other  members  of  the  party  were 

^  Ibid.,  127;  Baring-Gould,  Sabine,  Iceland:  its  Scenes  and  Sagas,  318. 
s  "Heilsa,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 


320         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

disposed  of  according  to  their  social  standing,  those  low- 
est in  rank  being  placed  farthest  from  the  high  seats  and 
nearest  to  the  outer  door.  Towards  the  close  of  the  vik- 
ing period  the  women  usually  sat  upon  the  dais  or  cross 
bench  at  the  end  of  the  hall,  though  they  were  by  no  means 
limited  to  these  seats  and  often  sat  with  the  men  at  the 
sides  of  the  room  at  meal  time  as  well  as  upon  less  for- 
mal occasions.*^  But  the  hostess  and  her  daughters,  even 
in  families  of  high  rank,  often  assisted  the  domestics 
and  slaves  in  serving,  as  a  special  compliment  to  the 
guests.  And  at  times  married  women  from  among  the 
guests  also  waited  upon  the  others  at  table.''' 

As  is  still  true  in  the  Northland,  much  time  was  given 
to  feasting;  for  eating  and  drinking  together  was  a  sign 
.  of   mutual   esteem   and   good   will.     As   the 

meal  was  really  a  ceremony  of  friendship, 
the  refusal  of  a  guest  to  partake  of  the  food  and  drink 
offered  to  him  was  likely  to  cause  serious  offense  to 
the  family  of  the  host.*  This  attitude  was  applied  par- 
ticularly to  the  partaking  of  beverages,  and  partially 
accounts  for  the  intemperance  of  the  Northmen  at  their 
social  gatherings,  and  for  the  consequent  carousals.  To 
guard  against  possible  trouble,  before  the  feasting  be- 
gan the  host  took  the  precaution  to  **  pronounce  peace 
over  the  meeting,"  an  action  which  doubtless  placed 
some  restraint  upon  the  banqueters,  and  contributed  to- 
wards the  preservation  of  harmony;  nevertheless,  the 
gatherings  were  not  infrequently  characterized  by 
drunken  brawls,  at  times  ending  in  bloodshed  and  loss  of 
life.9 

*Njdla,   20,    34;    Origines  Islandicae,    II,   31;    Weinhold.    Altnordiaches 
Lehen,   459;    Keyset,    Private  Life   of   the  Old   Northmen,    139. 
7  Killund,  FamilicUxet  pa  Island,  312. 

sGronbech,  Vilhelm,   Yor  Folkeaet  i  Oldtiden,  III,   117-139. 
»  Keyser,  Private  Life  of  the  Old  Northmen,  140-141. 


SOCIAL  GATHERINGS:  RECREATIONS,  AMUSEMENTS     321 

Though  the  women  frequently  drank  with  the  men,  less 
significance  was  attached  to  their  drinking  and  less  pains 
were  taken  to  induce  them  to  consume  large  quantities 
of  the  liquor  than  in  the  case  of  the  latter;  and,  there- 
fore, the  women  usually  kept  their  wits  about  them,  and 
when  drunken  quarrels  arose  they  aided  the  host  in  his 
efforts  to  restore  peace.  A  common  device  which  they 
employed  when  the  men  became  violent  was  to  throw 
large  cloths  or  pieces  of  clothing  over  the  fighters,  thus 
confusing  them  and  preventing  them  from  getting  at 
each  other  with  their  weapons. ^*^  But  reconciliation  gen- 
erally came  after  a  night's  sleep — perhaps  only  to  be 
followed  by  a  new  quarrel  when  drinking  was  continued 
the  next  day. 

Various  devices  were  used  to  make  the  drinking  more 
interesting  and  increase  the  consumption  of  beverages, 
presumably  to  strengthen  and  cement  the  ties  of  friend- 
ship. The  banqueters  not  only  drank  toasts,  or  skaals, 
to  one  another  and  to  the  chief  deities  of  the  North,  but 
engaged  in  drinking  contests  as  well.  Two  side  or  op- 
posite neighbors  might  drink  against  each  other;  or  one 
person  might  challenge  another  to  drink  what  remained 
in  the  horn  of  the  former.  This  last  was  one  method 
of  drinking  in  pairs,  or  ''by  twins."  To  compliment  a 
guest  especially,  the  host  occasionally  offered  the  drink- 
ing challenge,  or  desired  to  drink  by  turns  from  a  guest's 
horn.  A  form  of  entertainment  connected  with  the  ban- 
quet was  to  attempt  to  punish  those  who  neglected  to 
drink  heartily  by  imposing  a  fine  upon  them  for  their 
deficiency.^^  Heitstrenging,  or  the  making  of  solemn 
vows,  also  took  place,  a  part  of  the  ceremony  of  which 
was  the  drinking  of  a  toast  to  Bragi,  the  deity  who  pre- 
sided over  minstrelsy.     On  this  occasion  the  drinker  rose 

iojbid.,    141-144.  ii/6irf.;  Ongines  Islandicae,  II,  377. 


322        SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

and,  placing  his  foot  upon  a  stone  or  bench,  uttered  his 
solemn  pledge,  and  drank  off  the  liquor.  The  vows  made 
at  these  times  were  generally  concerned  with  some  deed 
which  the  drinker  swore  to  perform;  ^^  and  the  making 
of  them  was  really  a  thinly  veiled  form  of  bragging — 
of  securing  the  attention  and  admiration  of  one's  fellows 
— and  perhaps  marked  a  certain  stage  of  intoxication. 
Some  of  the  vows  uttered  by  the  ancients  remind 
strangely  of  modem  election  bets  or  vows,  as,  for  ex- 
ample, the  one  made  by  Harold  Hairfair  before  his  uni- 
fication of  Norway  not  to  comb  or  cut  his  hair  until  the 
whole  of  the  land  should  be  united  under  his  rule.^^ 

Another  form  of  amusement  which  took  place  when 

groups  of  men  were  gathered  in  the  halls  was  called 

man-matching.     In  this,  two  or  more  mem- 

indoor  |^gj.g  ^^  ^^iq  companv  chose  men  of  prominence 

Amuse-  .  •   ^      -, 

ments:  whose  reputations  they  wished  to  exalt  and 

Man-  defend  against  the  champions  selected  by  the 

Matching  others.  In  some  respects,  this  contest  had 
Fiyting  ^^^^  character  of  a  debate,  but  there  was  per- 

haps no  formal  judging  in  deciding  upon  the 
victor.^"*  This  variety  of  pastime  was  likely  to  result 
in  quarrels,  but  the  average  Northman  seems  to  have 
dearly  loved  a  quarrel.  And  even  more  provocative  of 
broils  was  the  very  common  custom  of  making  satirical 
rh>Tnes.  Sometimes  a  person  having  a  gift  for  rhyming 
w^ould  make  personal  attacks  upon  other  members  of  the 
company ;  but  more  frequently  the  rhyming  took  the  form 
of  a  contest  between  two  different  people  for  mere  pleas- 
ure or  a  prize.  Such  an  attack  or  contest  was  called 
*' tongue-ply, "  or  fyting,  and  those  who  took  part  in  it 

12  Xyrop,  Kr..  "En  middelalderlig  Skik,"  in  Xordisk  Tidskrift  for  Veten- 
skap,  Konst  och  Industri,  IV,  312-318. 

^3  Saga  Library,  III,  93-95.  i*  Origines  lalandicae,  II,  117. 


SOCIAL  GATHERINGS:   RECREATIONS,  AMUSEMENTS      323 

laslied  each  other  most  abusively  with  their  tongues,  the 
one  asking  mocldng  questions  to  whicli  the  other  re- 
turned insulting  replies. ^^ 

Saga-telling — the  narration  of  events  connected  with 
the  careers  of  prominent  men,  living  or  dead — formed 
a  more  dignified  and  pleasing  form  of  enter- 
tainment.    This  was  a  common  pastime  in  -p^fv' 
Iceland  and  Norway,  especially  in  the  former, 
while  farther  east  more  emphasis,  proportionally  speak- 
ing, seems  to  have  been  placed  upon  poetiy.     Few  large 
groups  of  people  were  without  a  poet  or  two,  and  these 
recited  or  sang  their  compositions  for  the  pleasure  of 
the  company.     Often,  if  the  host  was  a  man  of  promi- 
nence, a  professional  bard  or  minstrel  was  present  for 
the  occasion,  and  he  might  select  for  his  theme  the  great 
deeds  of  his  host,  or  those  of  some  particularly  hon- 
ored guest  of  the  assemblage.^'' 

In  the  earlier  part  of  the  period  under  consideration, 
the  bard  seems  to  have  sung  unaccompanied,  but  later, 
after  the  harp  had  been  introduced  from  the 
Celtic  lands,  in  imitation  of  the  minstrels 
of  the  south,  they  picked  out  the  tune  upon  the  harp 
strings  as  they  sang.^^  From  the  south  also  came  the 
rebec,  or  fiddle,  perhaps  at  about  the  same  time  as  the 
harp.  Previous  to  the  introduction  of  these  stringed  in- 
struments from  abroad,  the  North  seems  to  have  pos- 
sessed only  very  simple  musical  instruments,  on  the  or- 
der of  the  trumpet  or  lure,  which  is  now  used  in  the 
remoter  parts  for  calling  the  cattle  home.  But  these 
pipes  were  perhaps  employed  then,   as  now,   only  for 

15  Ibid.,  377;   Njdla,  24-25. 

i^Origines  Islandicae,   II,    184,   712;    Saga  Library,   III,   37;    Montelius, 
Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  177. 
17  Bugge,   V esterlandenes  Indflydelse,  244. 


324         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

practical  purposes,  as  for  summoning  the  forces  to  battle 
and  for  ordering  an  attack  upon  the  enemy.  But  what 
the  ancient  Scandinavians  lacked  in  instrumental  music 
they  probably  made  up  by  means  of  the  voice,  for  they 
were  very  fond  of  singing.  And  at  social  gatherings 
not  only  did  the  soloist  entertain  the  company  by  his 
singing,  but  the  whole  assemblage  also  united  in  singing 
compositions  of  the  ballad  or  folk-song  order,  the  theme 
of  which  was  often  an  event  of  mere  local  interest  but 
one  which  had  stirred  the  community.  Similar  songs 
in  large  numbers  are  composed  and  sung  in  present  day 
Scandinavia,  especially  in  the  more  out-of-the-way  dis- 
tricts. 

The  part  played  by  the  dance  during  the  early  Middle 
Ages  is  not  evident,  though  this  form  of  recreation  and 
amusement  was  probably  always  indulged  in 
by  the  Scandinavians  to  some  extent,  for 
dancing  is  found  among  virtually  all  primitive  peoples. 
It  is  clear,  however,  that  later  this  exercise  was  very 
common  and  by  about  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century 
it  came  to  be  opposed  by  the  Christian  clergy,  on  account 
of  the  alleged  loose  character  of  some  of  the  dances. 
But  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  even  the  worst  of 
these  w^ere  actually  any  more  objectionable  than  some  of 
the  fashionable  dances  of  the  present  day.  Most  of  the 
ancient  dances  were  dramatic  in  form  and  were  accom- 
panied by  spoken  dialogues  or  by  songs,  usually  the  lat- 
ter. Some  were  slow  and  stately,  while  others  were  \ao- 
lent  and  included  much  springing  and  jumping.  Many 
of  the  peasant  dances  now  found  in  Scandinavia  are 
doubtless  very  similar  in  character  to  the  ancient  ones, 
and  it  is  very  probable  also  that  some  of  the  early  dances, 
modified  in  form,  still  survive  in  the  dramatic  games 
of  the  children,  a  few^  of  which,  like  ''hunt  the  slipper," 


SOCIAL  GATHERINGS:  RECREATIONS,  AMUSEMENTS     325 


are  also  comnion  in  England  and  the  United  States.^® 
Besides  the  bards,  rich  hosts  often  supplied  other  spe- 
cial entertainers  for  their  guests,  such  as  jesters  and 
jugglers  who  amused  the  audience  by  their 
antics,  tricks,  and  grotesque  dances ;  ^^  and  Jyes^*"S  and 
men  and  women  who  told  the  fortunes   of  Telling 
those  present.^"     Some  believed,  while  others 
did  not,  but  all  were   interested   or  amused  by  these 
''wise"  ones.     This  latter  class  of  entertainers  was  com- 
mon in  the  North  and  long  established,^^  while  the  for- 
mer was  much  less  usual  and  was  probably  of  recent 
introduction. 

For  small  gatherings  and  also  for  quiet  family  enter- 
tainment a  table  game,  played  upon  specially 
designed  boards,  with  sculptured  figures  of 


Table 
Games 


painted  wood,  bone,  ivory,  or  silver  was  very 
popular  (Figs.  38,  40).    nn  ,v 
This   game   was   very    i.  Ill 
old  in  the  North,  and  in 
its  original  form  prob- 
ably resembled  check- 
ers,   but    during    the 
Viking    Age     it    was 
modified    through   the 
influence  of  the  South 
and  East  and  became 
more  similar  to  chess.-^ 

TTTi^.i  .  Fig.    40.     Pieces    of    Boards    for    a    Table 

Whether     prizes     were     Game.      (From  Bugge's  Gorges  Historie.) 

i8"Danz,"    in    Cleasby   and   Vigfusson's   Dictionary;    Weinhold,    Altnor- 
disches  Leben,  464-466;  Hildebrand,  Hans,  Sveriges  Medeltid,  II,  497-501. 
i9Keyser,   Private   Life  of   the   Old   Northmen,    163-164. 

20  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  478,   612. 

21  See  above  pp.  404-410. 

^■^  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  557,  618;  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in 
Heathen  Times,  138,  177-178;  Bugge,  Nordboernes  Indflydelse,  242;  Fiske, 
Willard,  Chess  in  Iceland  and  Icelandic  Literature. 


326         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

awarded  to  the  winners  of  this  game  is  not  apparent ;  but 
there  is  no  doubt  that  dice-shaking,  which  was  also  com- 
mon in  the  North,  was  played  for  definite  stakes ;  for  the 
people  of  classical  lands  were  notorious  gamblers  with 
dice,  as  were  also  the  Germans  of  Tacitus'  time,  and  it 
seems  likely  that  the  pastime  reached  Scandinavia  at  a 
very  early  date.  Judging  from  the  finds  in  the  tombs  of 
the  North,  the  cubes  used  in  the  game  were  generally 
made  of  bone,  though  at  times  of  ivory,  and  they  were 
very  similar  in  pattern  to  the  modern  dice. 

The  bestowal  of  presents  upon  at  least  the  most  promi- 
nent of  the  guests  by  the  host  or  hostess  was  a  very  im- 
portant part  of  every  elaborate  house-party 
The  Pre-         qj.    banquet.     In    fact,    the    presentation    of 

sentation  of  .«,  •    j.       n         i,t       i.  •  i. 

Gifts  to  gilts  was  Virtually  obligatory  in  most  cases, 

Guests  if   friendship   was   to   be   secured   and   pre- 

served; for  peace  and  good  will  lay  in  gifts. 
Moreover,  the  giver  fully  expected  that  in  due  time  a 
gift  of  approximately  equal  value  would  be  made  by  the 
recipient.  ''Gift  always  looks  for  return,"  says  a  very 
old  Scandinavian  proverb. ^"^  And  that  the  same  frank 
commercialism  still  persists  in  connection  with  the  be- 
stowal of  presents  is  apparent  from  the  common  saying 
in  Sweden  to-day  that  ''Give  and  give  back  makes  for 
long  friendships."  Not  to  make  proper  counter  gifts 
was  looked  upon  as  degrading  as  well  as  dishonorable. 

The  value  of  the  present  made  by  the  host  was  deter- 
mined by  the  rank  of  the  guest  and  the  closeness  of  the 
friendship  existing  between  him  and  the  host.  Among 
persons  of  wealth  the  gifts  were  often  very  costly;  we 
read  frequently  in  the  sagas  of  ships,  costly  sails,  white 
bears,  oxen,  horses,  jewelry,  richly  decorated  weapons, 
expensive  clothes,  and  currency  in  the  shape  of  large 

23  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  I,  12,  17. 


SOCIAL  GATHERINGS:   RECREATIONS,  AMUSEMENTS     327 

amounts  of  wadmal  being  given  away  at  elaborate  ban- 
quets. 

Custom  varied  as  to  when  the  distribution  of  presents 
should  be  made.  Sometimes  it  was  done  when  the  period 
of  banqueting  was  half  over,-*  though  this  was  probably 
exceptional.  More  often  the  bestowal  of  these  material 
compliments  took  place  when  the  guests  were  departing; 
and,  as  it  was  quite  customary  for  the  host  to  accom- 
pany honored  guests  for  a  short  distance  upon  their  re- . 
turn  journey  before  saying  farewell,  sometimes  the  pres- 
entation of  gifts — especially  if  the  gifts  were  small  in 
bulk — was  delayed  until  this  final  leave-taking.^^ 

The  Northmen  loved  the  great  out-of-doors ;  hence,  the 
amusements  and  pastimes  which  they  enjoyed  under  the 
open    sky   were    numerous.     In    the    winter 
there  were  skeeing  and  snow-shoeing,  sled-  Outdoor 
ding,  and  skating  upon  the  ice,  the  skates     "^  ^  ' 
used  probably  being  most  frequently  made,  sports 
like  those  still  used  in  the  western  islands, 
from  the  smooth  shin  bones  of  animals.-*'     The  men  also 
played  games  upon  the  ice.     Among  the  rich,  hunting 
and  hawking  were  followed  primarily  for  the  sake  of  the 
sport  connected  with  these  activities,  women  as  well  as 
men  taking  part  in  them. 

The  pursuit  of  the  wild  animals  of  the  North  for  sport 
took  place  as  a  rule  in  the  summer  time,  which  was  ob- 
viously the  season  for  out-door  amusements;  but  the 
high-tide  of  summer  pleasures  and  recreations  came  at 
the  midsummer  political  meetings.  When  the  weather 
was  very  bad,  the  folk  remained  within  their  booths  and 

24  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  84. 

25  Keyser,  Private  Life  of  the  Old  Northmen,  147. 

28  Annandale,  Nelson,  "The  Survival  of  Primitive  Implements,  Materials, 
and  Methods  in  the  Faroes  and  South  Iceland,"  in  Journal  Anthropological 
Institute,  XXXIII,  251-252. 


328        SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

tents  and  occupied  themselves  very  mnch  as  tliey  did  dur- 
ing the  winter  festivals,  but  most  of  the  leisure  from 
the  work  of  government  was  devoted  to  athletic  and  other 
contests  under  the  open  sky.  The  men  only  seem  to 
have  taken  part  in  these,  but  the  women  and  girls,  dressed 
in  their  gayest  and  most  becoming  garments,  formed  an 
interested  and  substantial  part  of  the  on-lookers.  To 
the  most  popular  young  woman  often  fell  the  task  of 
awarding  the  prize  to  the  champion. 

In  the  eleventh  century  the  young  men  of  Iceland  de- 
veloped a  sort  of  burlesque  upon  the  legislative  and  ju- 
dicial procedure  followed  by  their  elders. 
A°*^^  br*"^  These  mock  thing  meetings  were  very  popu- 
lar and  the  youths  of  the  district  in  wliich 
they  were  held  flocked  to  them — to  the  embarrassment 
of  their  elders,  whose  dignity  was  outraged  by  them. 
Such  mimic  assemblies  were  probably  most  often  held 
in  connection  with  the  regular  thing  gatherings. 

Because  of  the  stern  necessity  for  physical  strength  in 
the  North  of  the  viking  time,  competitive  exercises  for 
the  sake  of  developing  and  displaying  such 
Contests         strength  or  skill  in  self-defense  were  always 
popular.     There    were    running-,    jumping-, 
and  swimming-contests,  and  matches  in  fencing,  archeiy, 
and  spear-throwing ;  but  perhaps  the  wrestling  bouts  and 
tugs-of-war  attracted  larger  crowds.     The  ancient  Scan- 
dinavians showed  remarkable  skill  in  wrestling,  an  ex- 
pertness  which  the  Icelanders,  at  least,  have  not  yet  lost. 
The  wrestlers,  stripped  to  the  waist,  used  the  legs  in 
the  struggle  even  more  than  the  arms,  and  displayed  a 
quiclmess  and  dexterity  in  attack  and  defense  perhaps 
unequalled  in  any  other  part  of  Europe  at  the  period. 
Two  games  largely  dependent  upon  sheer  strength  were 


SOCIAL  GATHERINGS:  RECREATIONS,  AMUSEMENTS     329 

virtually  the  same  as  the  modern  tug-of-war.     In  one, 

the  contestants  used  a  long  rawhide  rope,  and  in  the 

other,  they  fought  over  a  fresh  raw  skin  or  hide.     In 

the  latter  sport,  w^hich  Avas  called  a  *'skin  game,"  two 

persons,  as  a  rule,  played,  one  man  seizing  each  side  of 

the  skin  and  trying  to  jerk  or  pull  it  from  his  opponent 

and  thus  throw  him  to  the  ground.-'^     Sometimes  men  of 

one  district  challenged  those  of  another  to  such  contests 

as  have  just  been  described;  but  no  prizes  seem  to  have 

been  offered  to  the  victors  in  such  a  case,  the  mere  fame 

of  championship  evidently  being  considered  ample  re- 

ward.-^^ 

By  means  of  pieces  of  turf  the  men  played  a  game 

which  w^as  perhaps  not  unlike  the  modern  horseshoe  or 

bean-bags ;  ^^  but  they  were  more  fond  of  ball 

ij       T  •  1     ,1  ,1  ,  Ball  Games 

games,  ot  which  there  appear  to  have  been 

several  sorts,  but  one  special  variety  seems  to  have  been 
the  favorite.  This  generally  took  place  upon  the  ice  or 
upon  the  smooth  surface  of  the  ground.  The  players 
used  bats  and  balls  of  wood,  and  the  main  object  was 
presumably  to  keep  control  of  the  ball;  but  the  details 
of  the  sport  cannot  be  clearly  determined  from  the  de- 
scriptions given  in  the  sagas.^*^  So  popular  Avas  this 
game  that  it  was  not  only  played  at  the  thing  meetings, 
but  in  some  parts  the  men  from  large  districts  of  coun- 
tiy  also  met  after  harvest  for  the  express  purpose  of 
indulging  their  fondness  for  it.  On  these  occasions  the 
game  was  at  times  played  in  great  halls  built  for  the 
purpose,  rather  than  out  of  doors — probably  because 
of  the  uncertainty  of  the  weather  at  this  time  of  year — 

27Keyser,  Private  Life  of  the  Old  'Northmen,   149-151. 

28/&td.,   152. 

29  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  122. 

so  Ihid.,  314;  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden,  177;  Oisla,  34-37. 


330  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

though  it  is  possible  that  the  ball  game  played  in  halls 
differed  from  the  popular  out-door  sport  with  bat  and 
ball.  In  Iceland  the  meetings  for  the  purpose  of  playing 
this  autumnal  game  often  lasted  for  two  weeks  or  more. 
Though  the  women  folk  probably  at  times  went  along  to 
witness  the  games,  such  gatherings  appear  to  have  been 
on  the  whole  distinctly  men's  affairs;  and  not  only  was 
the  whole  body  of  spectators  made  up  of  men,  but  the 
men  also  performed  the  culinary  duties  of  the  estab- 
lishments.^^ 

Probably  the  most  characteristic  as  well  as  popular 
amusement  occupying  the  leisure  of  the  attendants  upon 

the  thing  was  horse-fighting,  a  pastime  much 
Fi°hTin  preferred  to  horse-racing,  though  the  latter 

sport  was  also  engaged  in.  Horse-fighting 
seems  to  have  been  particularly  common  in  Iceland,  and 
was  witnessed,  like  the  other  sports,  by  the  women  as 
well  as  the  men.  The  contests  generally  began  as  the 
result  of  a  challenge  from  some  man  o^\^ling  a  stallion, 
the  fighting  qualities  of  which  he  wished  to  test  or  dis- 
play. The  fight  generally  took  place  upon  a  plain  near 
an  elevation  upon  which  the  spectators  could  gather. 
The  animals  attacked  with  hoofs  and  front  teeth,  fre- 
quently urged  on  by  their  owners  by  means  of  sharp 
sticks.  Often  several  couples  of  stallions  fought  at  the 
same  time,  each  having  its  group  of  on-lookers  (Fig.  41), 
and  sometimes  the  struggle  between  the  maddened  ani- 
mals was  pennitted  to  continue  until  one  or  both  were 
dead.  The  contests  were  judged  by  men  selected  for 
the  purpose,  and  it  is  probable  that  during  the  course 
of  the  fight  heavy  betting  was  indulged  in.'^^ 

aborigines  Islandicae,  I,  326;  II,  123. 

32Sch6nfeld,  Das  Pfei-d,  139-145;  Keyset,  Private  TAfe  of  the  Old  yorth- 
men,  153,  162-163. 


^3  ^ 


CHAPTER  XIX 

LANGUAGE   AND    LITERATURE;    THE    RUNES 

Ulf  Uggason  was  of  the  bidden  guests,  and  he  had  made  a  poem  on 
Olaf  Huskoldson  and  of  the  legends  that  were  painted  round  the  hall, 
and  he  gave  it  forth  at  the  feast.  This  poem  is  called  the  "House 
Song"  and  is  well  made.     Olaf  rewarded  him  well  for  the  poem. 

Laxdaela  Saga. 

The  tongues  spoken  by  the  Scandinavian  peoples  at  the 
present  time  all  show  an  intimate  connection  with  the 
great  Teutonic  family  of  languages ;  but  they 
display  a  still  closer  relationship  with  one  ishTongue" 
another — an  affinity  resulting  from  the  fact 
that  they  all  developed  from  the  same  branch  of  the  Teu- 
tonic linguistic  tree.  At  some  period  far  distant  in  the 
pre-historic  past,  the  portion  of  the  Germanic  peoples 
from  which  the  Northmen  developed  became  isolated  in 
the  Scandinavian  lands;  and  through  this  isolation,  and 
also  as  a  result  of  their  peculiar  environment,  their 
speech  took  on  characteristics  of  its  own,  which  made 
it — perhaps  centuries  before  the  Christian  era^ — a  distinct 
language.  As  the  early  rune  stones  prove,  this  ancient 
tongue  was  the  same  throughout  Scandinavia;  but  as 
time  passed  and  foreign  contact  increased,  further 
changes  took  place,  in  consequence  of  which,  by  the  year 
800,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Viking  Age,  the  tongue  em- 
ployed in  the  North  not  only  showed  great  modification 
from  the  primitive  Scandinavian,  but  also  displayed 
dialectical  differences  tending  to  separate  the  speech  o;f 
Denmark  and  Sweden  from  that  of  Nonvay.  However, 
the  sectional  characteristics  which  had  developed  were, 

331 


332         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

as  yet,  probably  no  greater  than  those  which  distinguish 
the  speech  of  the  man  of  the  Lower  South  of  the  United 
States  from  that  of  the  New  Englander;  and  they  were 
probably  much  less  marked  than  the  differences  in  speech 
now  existing  between  various  parts  of  England.  The 
Scandinavians  still  regarded  their  language  as  one  and 
the  same  throughout  the  North  and  called  it  DonsJc  tunga, 
the  ''Danish  tongue"  ^  because  of  the  dominance  of  Den- 
mark at  the  time.  During  the  viking  period,  however, 
particularly  after  the  settlement  of  Iceland,  near  the 
close  of  the  ninth  century,  rapid  changes— perhaps 
largely  caused  by  contact  with  the  outer  world  in  three 
different  directions— took  place.  And  by  the  time  Chris- 
tianity was  introduced  into  the  North,  around  the  year 
1000,  there  were  distinguishable  in  that  region  four  dif- 
ferent dialects,  which  have  since  developed  into  the  four 
literary  languages  of  Scandinavia — Icelandic,  Norwe- 
gian, Swedish,  and  Danish. 

The  possession  of  a  common  language  by  the  North- 
em  people  made  possible  the  development  of  a  conmion 
literature;  and  that  such  a  general  literary 
General  growth  did  take  place  there  can  be  no  reason- 

Scandi-  al)le  doubt.     Though  many  of  the  writings 

navian  Lit-  which  have  come  doA\Ti  to  the  present  time 
erary  Inter-    ^^.^^^   doubtless   composed   entirelv   bv   Ice- 

est  *  i'         "     • 

landers,  and  many  others  were  at  least  given 
their  final  stamp  or  form  by  people  from  that  westcra  is- 
land, it  is  well  kno^vn  that  a  good  fraction  of  this  litera- 
ture is  of  Norwegian  origin;  and  it  is  evident  from  the 

1  It  is  stated  in  one  of  the  sapas  that  till  the  Xornian  conquest  the 
language  spoken  in  England  was  the  same  as  that  of  Denmark  and  Nor- 
way (Gnnnlaugs  Saga  Ormstungu,  11);  but  this  was  probably  true  only 
of  the  Danelaw  and  the  other  parts  settled  by  the  Northmen.  The  speech 
of  the  people  of  Anglo-Saxon  descent,  though  possessing  much  in  common 
with  the  Scandinavian  tongue,  was,  nevertheless,  a  distinct  language. 


LANGUAGE  AXD  LITERATURE:  THE  RUNES  333 

themes  of  some  of  the  compositions  that  they  had  a  broad 
Scandinavian,  rather  than  a  local  Icelandic,  derivation. 
Some  evidence  of  this  lies  in  the  fact  that  in  Sweden  has 
been  found  a  stone  giving  a  detailed  pictorial  representa- 
tion of  the  story  of  Siegfried — the  only  such  picture  so 
far  found  in  the  North.  Moreover,  the  fact  that  great 
numbers  of  Danish  and  Swedish  rune  stones  bearing  brief 
verses  have  survived  to  the  present,-  goes  further  to 
prove  that  the  two  older  sections  of  Scandinavia  had  their 
bards,  perhaps  as  skilled  as  the  poets  and  skalds  of  the 
western  part  of  the  Northland  whose  compositions  have 
been  presei^^ed  through  a  thousand  years. 

Practically  the  whole  body  of  literature  produced  by 
Eastern  Scandinavia  during  the  heathen  period  has  been 
lost ;  and  for  the  same  reasons  that  very  little 
pre-Christian  Teutonic  writing  of  any  sort,  Reason  for 
except   the    Icelandic,   has    survived — indif-  *^®  ^"^" 
ference  to  its  preservation   and  the   actual  Icelandic 
destructive  intolerance   of   Christianity  and  Literature 
Christian  sovereigns  towards  things  pagan. 
Until  the  Christian  period,  the  great  bulk  of  Northern 
literature  was  preserved  only  in  the  minds  of  the  poets 
and  people.     The  sharp  shifting  of  interest  coming  with 
Christianity  would  naturally  cause  indifference  to   the 
old  pagan  treasures,  if  not  positive  aversion  to  them; 
and,  hence,  a  noble  body  of  literature  was  lost  to  later 
ages.     Iceland's   literature   was    saved   largely   because 
that  nation  was  so  happy  and  so  unique  as  to  introduce 
the  new  religion  peacefully,  and  by  popular  vote.    At 
the  time  when  Christian  doctrines  began  to  be  influential 
in  Iceland  that  land  was  a  self-governing  republic ;  there 
was  no  despotic  monarch  to  force  his  will  upon  the  popu- 

zMontelius,   Cvvilization   of  Stceden   in  Heathen   Times,    177;   Worsaae, 
J.  J.  A.,   The  Pre-History  of  the  North,  193. 


334         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

lation.  The  Althing,  it  was,  that  voted  the  adoption 
of  Christianity;  but  though  the  Christians  were  suffi- 
ciently numerous  to  carry  the  measure,  there  yet  re- 
mained a  strong,  loyal  heathen  minority  which  had  to 
be  reckoned  with.  And  this  minority  did  perhaps  more 
than  all  other  influences  towards  cherishing  the  an- 
cient literary  compositions  until  the  Christian  priests, 
who  were  as  a  rule  natives, — rather  than  foreigners,  as 
was  often  the  case  in  other  lands, — with  a  patriotic  in- 
terest in  the  heathen  past,  could  commit  the  literature 
to  writing.  Another  factor  which  serv^ed  to  save  the 
Icelandic  literature  for  later  generations  was  the  pro- 
longation of  the  Viking  Age  as  a  literaiy  period.  There 
was  no  cessation  of  the  literary  output  in  consequence 
of  the  christianization  of  Iceland;  rather,  a  greater  en- 
thusiasm for  literature  than  had  before  existed  was 
created  through  the  influence  of  these  Christian  Icelandic 
priests,  whose  adoption  of  the  new  faith  did  not  blind 
them  to  the  beauties  of  the  songs  and  sagas  of  their 
heathen  forbears. 

The  literature  produced  and  preserved  by  the  Scandi- 
navian North  is  a  real  national  body  of  writing,  un- 
equalled by  any  other  literary  compositions 
General  of  the  Middle  Ages.     In  view  particularly  of 

of  ^^j^^^^^*^  the  confirmed  ecclesiastical  spirit  of  most  of 
Literature  Europe  during  the  period,  this  Northern  lit- 
erary bloom  is  most  unique;  and,  in  conse- 
quence, is  a  contribution  which  deserves  the  deep  grati- 
tude of  subsequent  generations.  At  a  time  when  interest 
in  things  intellectual  and  literary  scarcely  extended  be- 
yond the  monastic  walls  and  when  the  literary  output  of 
the  continent  was  in  the  form  of  dreary  church  chron- 
icles of  saints  and  martyrs,  tiresomely  told,  these  virile 
inhabitants  of  the  Far  North  created  a  literature  original 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE:  THE  RUNES  335 

in  form,  narrating  in  prose  the  deeds  of  real,  red-blooded 
men  and  women  living  in  a  natural  secular  world  and 
meeting  and  giving  battle  to  the  problems  which  the  Fates 
sent  their  way ;  or  singing  in  meter  their  own  hopes  and 
fears,  joys  and  sorrows,  or  the  praise  of  the  valor  and 
wisdom  of  the  sturdy  gods  of  Northern  heathendom. 

The  age  of  the  earliest  surviving  Scandinavian  poetry 
has   been  a   subject   of  considerable   discussion  among 
scholars ;  ^  but  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt 
that  some  of  it  antedates  the  viking  period.  Age  of 
And  there  is  also  good  reason  to  believe  that  p    ^* 
far  back  in  the  prehistoric  times  the  North  North 
had  its  bards  and  its  songs.     But  this  hypo- 
thetical, pre-historic  verse  is  shut  away  in  the  unvoiced 
past ;  and  that  which  has  come  down  to  us  is  the  product 
of  a  literaiy  revival  resulting  from  Scandinavian  con- 
tact with  the  outside  world  during  the  early  Middle  Ages. 
It  is  probable  that  practically  all  of  this  surviving  poetry 
was  composed  between  the   ninth   and  thirteenth  cen- 
turies.* 

The  whole  body  of  Northern  verse  worthy  of  the  name 
of  poetry  ^  may  be  divided  broadly  into  two  large  classes : 

3  Jonsson,  Finnur,  Den  Islandske  Litteraturs  Historic,  tilligemed  den 
Old  ^^orske,  34  ff. 

ilbid.;  Jonsson,  Finnur,  "Om  Skjaldepoesien  og  de  Aeldste  Skjalde," 
in  Arkiv  for  Nordisk  Filologi,  vol.  VI,  no.  II,  122. 

5  The  verse  of  the  North  varied  greatly  in  aim  and  method,  and,  hence, 
in  quality.  At  least  among  the  Western  Scandinavians,  poetic  composi- 
tions played  an  important  part  in  daily  converse.  A  thousand  years 
ago,  as  at  present  in  Iceland,  it  was  very  common  for  people,  whether 
professional  poets  or  not,  to  introduce  meter  and  rhyme  into  conversation 
in  the  form  of  question  and  reply.  (Gliima,  passim;  Saga  Olafs  Konungs 
ens  Helga,  passim. )  The  rhyming  games  with  which  the  Northmen  amused 
themselves  were  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chapter.  These  two  varieties 
of  informal  versification  were  entirely  extemporaneous,  and,  considering 
this  fact,  some  examples  are  remarkably  good.  Another  inferior  class 
of  verse  alreadj'  mentioned,  which  was  very  common  in  ancient  Scandi- 
navia,  was   that   of   an    insulting   or   libellous    character   directed   against 


336         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  earlier,  or  eddaic  poems  and  the  later,  or  skaldic, 
compositions.     The   former   class   has   been 
Eddaic  preserved  in  the  collection  long  known  as  the 

°^^^^  Elder  Edda,  or  the  Edda  of  Saemund  the 

Wise,  though  it  is  not  at  all  likely  that  the  Icelandic 
scholar  Saemund  had  anything  to  do  with  even  the  preser- 
vation of  the  poems.  Who  composed  the  eddaic  poems 
in  their  original  form  will  probably  never  be  kno-\vn; 
but  it  is  quite  certain  that  many  people  contributed  to- 
wards the  creation  of  the  verses  which  have  come  down 
to  the  present;  and  doubtless  in  many  cases  more  than 
one  mind  helped  give  the  existing  form  to  individual 
poems.  These  ancient  verses  are  mythic  and  heroic  in 
subject;  they  treat  of  the  deeds  of  the  gods  and  heroes 
of  the  Northland.  Those  of  mythic  theme  combine  sim- 
plicity with  grandeur;  by  means  of  telling,  vigorous 
strokes,  they  furnish  majestic  pictures  of  the  virile, 
wholesome  mythology  of  ScandinaA^an  barbarism  and 
heathenism.  The  heroic  lays,  though  of  less  grandeur 
of  subject,  are  yet  a  noble  body  of  literature.  They  treat 
in  some  cases  of  the  same  traditions  as  the  lays  of  the 
Nibelungs,  but  show  less  of  Christian  influence,  and, 
hence,  in  all  probability,  resemble  more  closely  the 
heathen  Teutonic  original. 

Though  probably  in  most  cases  they  assumed  in  West- 
ern Scandinavia  the  form  which  they  now  possess,^  the 
surviving  eddaic  poems  may  properly  be  regarded  as 
the  gift  of  the  whole  Scandinavian  North,  rather  than 
of  any  one  special  section;  for  they  are  ''the  true  ex- 
pression of  the  popular  spirit  of  the  North,  which  re- 

an  enemy  and  called  nid  verse.     But  probably  few,  or  none,  of  these  com- 
positions deserve  to  be  classed  as  literature. 

•  Jonsson,  Den  Islandske  Litteraturs  Historie,  37-41;  Buprore,  Norges 
Historic,  vol.  I,  pt.  II,  114;  Bugge,  Sophus,  The  Home  of  the  Eddie  Poems, 
with  Special  Reference  to   the  Helgi-Lays. 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE:  THE  RUNES  337 

vealed  itself  around  the  lakes  of  Sweden  and  on  the  flat 
fields  of  Denmark,  in  the  same  manner  as  among  the 
mountains  of  Norway, ' '  '^  and  along  the  fiord-indented, 
volcano-lit  shores  of  Iceland.  It  must  suffice  to  mention 
briefly  a  few  of  the  most  famous  of  these  ancient  poems. 
Vdluspd,  which  exists  only  in  fragmentary  form,  is  one 
of  the  most  valuable,  and  presents  many  of  the  prin- 
cipal subjects  of  Scandinavian  mythology,  beginning  with 
the  creation  of  the  world  and  terminating  with  its  final 
destruction.  Hdvamdl,  the  Lesson  of  the  High  One,  or 
Odin,  though  very  different  from  the  preceding,  is  im- 
portant, for  it  contains  many  proverbs  and  rules  for  con- 
duct which  throw  much  light  upon  the  ethical  standards 
and  superstitious  views  of  the  ancients.  Rigsmdl,  or 
Rigsthula,  a  narrative  poem,  credits  to  the  god  Heimdall 
the  origin  of  the  three  distinct  classes  of  society  found 
in  the  North  and  describes  the  occupations  and  accom- 
plishments of  each  class.  But  the  most  finished  and 
charming  of  the  selections  in  this  group  is  Thrymskvitha, 
or  the  Song  of  Thi-^mi,  which  is  of  a  distinctly  humorous 
character,  and  describes  in  a  vigorous,  graphic  manner 
how  Thor,  by  borrowing  some  of  the  goddess  Freyia's 
clothes  and  disguising  as  a  bride,  regained  his  famous 
hammer  from  the  giant  ThrjTn  who  had  stolen  it.  The 
most  famous  of  the  heroic  lays  are  the  twenty  dealing 
to  a  greater  or  less  degree  with  the  two  great  families 
of  Volsungs  and  Nibelungs.  These,  however,  must  be 
looked  upon  as  only  broken  fragments,  perhaps  much 
modified,  of  a  great  poetic  saga  long  since  lost  to  the 
world.^ 

7  Horn,  Frederik  Winkel,  History  of  the  Literature  of  the  Scandinavian 
North,  28-29. 

8  Copies  of  the  poems  of  the  Elder  Edda  may  be  found  in  various  places. 
The  complete  original  texts  of  many  of  them,  accompanied  by  an  English 
translation,  are  given  in  Vigfusson  and  Powell's  collection.  Corpus  Poeticum 


338         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

The  skaldic  poems,  practically  all  of  which  are  crea- 
tions of  the  historic  period,  are,  on  the  whole,  inferior 
to  the  earlier  heroic  and  mythic  verse.  The 
Poetry  authors  of  thcsc  later  poems  are  known  in 

most  cases,  for,  to  the  skald,  poetry  was  a 
profession.  These  *' verse-smiths"  had  much  in  com- 
mon v/itli  the  early  troubadours  of  southern  France ;  both 
were  lovers  of  variety  and  adventure  who  wandered  about 
from  one  feasting  hall  to  another  singing  of  the  mighty 
deeds  of  historical  individuals,  often  their  contempo- 
raries and  sometimes  their  hosts;  or  they  established 
themselves  permanently  as  a  part  of  the  household  of 
an  important  chieftain  or  king,  whose  adventures  they 
shared  and  praised  in  verse.  The  skalds  wandered 
throughout  Greater  Scandinavia;  wherever  the  ''Danish 
tongue"  was  known  they  were  welcomed  and  honored. 
Most  of  the  poets  whose  names  have  survived  were  men 
of  good  family,  and  many  of  them  w^ere  of  partly  Celtic 
ancestry.  Among  the  greatest  were  Egil  Skalagrimsson, 
of  the  earlier  part  of  the  ^'^iking  Age,  whose  verses, 
though  somewhat  crude,  are  true  and  noble;  Kormak, 
also  famed  as  a  champion  in  battle;  Eyvind,  the  skald 
of  King  Haakon;  Sighvat,  the  most  prolific  composer 
of  his  time,  who  was  the  poet  of  Saint  Olaf ;  Thormod, 
Coalbrow's  skald,  who  died  singing  at  the  close  of  a  great 
battle;  and  Einar  Skuluson  and  Markus  the  Lawman, 
Icelanders  of  the  twelfth  century,  whose  ornate  verses 
indicate  that  a  period  of  literary  decline  and  degeneracy 
was  at  hand. 

The  ancient  poetry  displays  various  interesting  char- 
acteristics, the  most  noticeable  being  alliteration,  which, 
however,  is  found  in  all  ancient  Teutonic  poetry.     Each 

Boreale.     A  much  earlier  and  freer  translation  is  that  of  Benjamin  Thorpe, 
known  as  Edda  Saemundar  hinns  Frotha. 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE :  THE  RUNES  339 

stanza,  or  strophe,  is  generally  made  up  of  eight  verses, 
four  of  these  being  so  related  that  each  half 
of    the    strophe    contains    an    independent  ^^^^s 
thought.     These  two  parts  of  the  strophe  are  Northern^ 
in  turn  divided  into  units  of  two  lines,  each  Poetry 
pair  closely  related  in  thought  and  bound 
together  by  alliteration.     This  alliterative  arrangement 
was  governed  by  fairly  well  fixed  laws.     In  the  two  lines 
belonging  together  three  words  are  found  which  begin 
with  the  same  letters.*^     Two  of  the  words  must  be  in  the 
first  line,  while  the  third  usually  came  at  the  beginning  of 
the  second.     The  third,  or  last,  of  these  letters  was  called 
the  "chief  letter,"  because  it  was  looked  upon  as  ruling 
over  the  two  others,  wliich  were,  therefore,  called  ''sub- 
letters."     The  verses  were  also  divided  metrically  into 
accented  and  miaccented  syllables,  the  principal  meter 
being  the  fornyrddlag,  which  had  two  feet,  or  accents, 
in  each  of  the  eight  lines. ^"^     But  other  forms  did  exist, 
one  of  the  most  common  being  the  Ijodahdttr,  a  strophe 
of  six  lines,  in  the  third  and  sixth  of  which  the  allitera- 
tion was  independent,  while  the  first  two  lines  and  the 
last  two  belonged  together.  ^^ 

In  the  period  of  the  skalds  a  much  greater  variety  of 
form  developed,  and  the  lines  became  longer,  with  three, 
four,  or  even  more,  feet.     The  most  common  stanza  was 

9  In  the  oldest  poems  there  were  often  only  two  such  words. 

10  The  following  is  an  example  of  this  form : 

ffeidi   hana   hetu  *Sfeid    hon    hvars    hun    kunni, 

Hvars   til   husa,  kom  Seid  hon  hugleikin, 

Folu  velspd  ^  var  hon  ongan 

Fitti  hon  ganda;  Zllrar  brudar. 

From  Voluspa,  quoted  in  Horn,  Litei-ature  of  the  Scandinavian  North,  34. 

11  The  following  is  an  example  of  Ijddahdttr: 

Deyr  f&  Ek  veit  einn 

Deyja  /rsendr  At  oldri  dejT 

Deyr  sjalf  it  sama.  Domr    um    daudan    hvern. 

From  Havamdl,  quoted  in  Horn,  Scandinavian  Literature,  34. 


340         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

that  made  up  of  eight  three-foot  lines  and  called  the 
drottkvaedi.  Alliteration  was  employed  very  much  as 
before,  but  to  it  were  now  added  syllable  rhj-mes  and  half 
rhymes.  A  perfect  rhyme  demanded  that  two  of  the 
syllables  in  the  same  line  correspond  perfectly;  and  a 
half  rhyme,  that  they  have  different  vowels  before  the 
same  consonant  or  combination  of  consonants.^-  The 
masculine  and  feminine  rhymes  employed  at  the  present 
time  were  also  used  to  some  extent,  but  were  not  very 
common. 

The  most  unique  characteristic  of  the  skaldic  poetry, 
however,  is  the  extreme  to  which  the  use  of  figurative 
language  is  carried.  In  the  Elder  Edda  a  certain  amount 
of  figiirativeness  of  expression  is  found,  but  the  early 
skalds  increased  the  practice,  and  this  tendency  continued 
to  be  exaggerated  by  their  successors,  with  the  result 
that  the  late  skaldic  poetry  furnishes  the  most  extreme 
examples  of  poetic  artificiality  in  existence.  This  liter- 
ary degeneration  did  not  appear,  however,  until  the  Vik- 
ing Age  was  virtually  ended,  and  the  natural  spontaneity 
and  vigor  of  poetic  expression  had  temporarily  passed 
from  the  Nortlmicn.  So  far-fetched  were  the  figures  that 
the  poems  could  not  possibly  be  interpreted  without  a 
key,  but  this  was  supplied  by  the  Younger  Edda,  which 
is  really  a  poet's  hand-book,  containing  rules  by  which 
the  maker  of  verses  must  be  g-uided.  Some  of  the  figura- 
tive language  is  very  beautiful,  but  when  it  was  employed 
by  poets  of  mediocre  ability,  versification  became  a  mere 

12  The  followinsj  is  an  example  of  drottkva^edi: 

-Bramani  skein  6n/na  En  sa  geisli  syslir 

Brims  of  Ijosum  hfmni  Sithcin  guUmens  FrtiAar 

Hristar  /lorvi  glaes<rar  iTvarnia  tungls  oy  hringa, 

Haiikfriinn   a  mik   \auka.  //liwar   othurft  mina. 

From  the  Icelandic  poet  Gunnlaug  Ormstunga,  quoted  in  Horn,  Scan- 
dinavian Literature,  35. 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE :  THE  RUNES  341 

play  with  words. ^^  j^  the  most  artificial  compositions 
very  few  things  are  called  by  their  proper,  everyday 
names ;  for  the  poets  had  a  language  of  their  o^^^l.  Rain, 
for  instance,  was  called  "Freyia's  tears";  the  sword 
was  the  ''fire  of  the  shield";  the  shield  was  the  ''war- 
roof";  while  the  warrior  was  the  "wielder  of  the  fire 
of  the  war- roof . ' '  ^* 

Unlike  the  poetry  of  the  prehistoric  North,  the  prose 
which  has  survived  from  the  later  vildng  period  is,  for 
the  most  part,  local,  rather  than  national,  in 
character;  and  to  a  great  extent  it  is  Ice- 
landic in  theme  and  setting;  though  some  of  the  sagas, 
as  those  of  the  Kings  of  Norway,  are  exceptions,  as  well 
as  some  of  the  shorter  tales.  It  is  very  probable  that 
compositions  of  a  nature  similar  to  those  of  Norway  also 
existed  in  ancient  times  in  Denmark  and  Sweden;  but 
it  does  not  seem  likely  that  any  of  the  continental  coun- 
tries of  the  North  produced  sagas  of  such  intimate,  per- 
sonal nature  as  those  of  Iceland,  the  character  of  which 
is  due  largely  to  the  geography  and  history  of  the  island 
itself.  The  Icelanders  are  descended  from  the  proud, 
high-spirited  men  and  women  who  fled  from  what  would 
have  been  to  them  oppression,  and,  like  the  New  England 

13  Jonsson,   Litteraturs  Historie,   27-28. 

1*  The  following  literal  translation  of  the  quotation  from  Gunnlaug 
Ormstunga,  given  upon  page  340,  will  convey  an  idea  of  the  nature  of 
the  figurative  language  and  the  extent  to  which  it  was  at  times  employed. 
The  meaning  of  the  figures  is  given  in  parentheses. 

"The  moon  of  the  eye-brows  (the  eye)  of  the  white-clad  goddess  of  the 
onion  soup  (the  one  who  prepares  the  onion  soup,  a  woman)  shone  beam- 
ing on  me  as  that  of  a  falcon  from  the  clear  heaven  of  the  eye-brows  (the 
forehead),  but  the  beaming  splendor  from  the  moon  of  the  eye-lids  (the 
eye)  of  the  goddess  of  the  gold  ring  (the  woman)  causes  since  then 
the  unhappiness  of  me  and  of  the  goddess  of  the  ring    (the  woman)." 

In  direct  prose  the  moaning  of  the  quotation  is  the  following:  "The 
eye  of  the  white-clad  woman  shone  beaming  as  that  of  a  falcon  on  me 
from  her  forehead,  but  the  beaming  splendor  of  her  eye  causes  mine  and 
the  woman's  unhappiness,"     From  Horn,  Scandinavian  Literature,   37. 


342        SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Pilgrims,  sought  liomes  in  a  remote  wilderness  where 
they  could  secure  freedom  for  themselves  and  their  chil- 
dren. This  being  the  case,  the  first  few  generations  of 
their  descendants,  in  particular,  were  certain  to  make 
much  of  their  origin  from  these  pioneers ;  and  the  stories 
of  the  adventurous  careers  of  prominent  early  settlers 
were  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation, 
through  being  told  around  the  open  fires  during  the  long 
winter  evenings.  And  thus  the  saga  peculiar  to  West- 
ern Scandinavia  came  into  existence.  In  a  similar  man- 
ner the  inliabitants  of  the  interior  of  Iceland  even  now 
originate  sagas  and  transmit  them  to  others. 

In  length  and  in  subject  matter,  these  prose  tales  vary 
greatly;  some  are  so  long  as  to  fill  an  average-sized 
printed  volume,  while  others  would  cover  but 
^^^^  a  few  pages.  These  shorter  stories  are 
sometimes  called  thaeUir.  A  part  of  the  sagas  are  al- 
most pure  history;  others  are  virtually  wholly  fiction; 
and  the  remainder  are  made  up  of  varying  proportions  of 
fact  and  fancy.  Generally  speaking,  the  historical  sagas 
— most  of  which  are  among  the  earliest  of  the  prose  com- 
positions of  the  North — are  the  best;  but  some  fine  sam- 
ples of  literature  are  to  be  found  also  among  the  stories 
which  are  purely  imaginative.  The  saga  at  its  best — 
that  is,  the  real  saga  of  the  North — is  a  sort  of  prose 
epic  formed  carefully  according  to  certain  very  definite 
rules  of  literary  composition.  It  required  much  artistic 
skill  in  its  fonnation,  though  it  seems  so  very  direct  and 
artless.  In  it  there  appear  certain  set  phrases  and 
epithets,  and  a  regular  form  of  beginning  and  ending. 
Though  the  historical  saga  is  generally  a  sketch  of  the 
career  of  an  Icelander  or  Norseman  of  the  warrior  type, 
it  usually  contains  a  long  introduction — perhaps  form- 
ing a  third  of  the  whole — which  is  devoted  to  the  hero's 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE:  THE  RUNES  343 

ancestors,  going  back,  in  the  case  of  an  Icelander,  to 
the  forefather  who  was  among  the  first  settlers  in  Ice- 
land, or  even  further  back  and  sketching  briefly  the  lives 
of  one  or  two  generations  of  ancestors  in  Norway.  Next, 
is  probably  presented  a  short  narrative  of  the  viking 
voyages  which  occupied  his  young  manhood,  or  his  career 
at  the  court  of  Norway,  or  of  some  other  country  of 
western  Europe.  Then  will  follow  a  more  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  hero's  life  after  he  had  settled  down  in  Ice- 
land, including  his  betrothal  and  marriage,  his  business 
ventures,  his  friendships  and  his  enmities,  his  lawsuits, 
and  the  part  played  by  him  and  his  supporters  in  fol- 
lowing up  the  virtually  inevitable  feud,  and  his  death — 
most  often  a  violent  one — the  whole  concluding  with  a 
description  of  the  revenge  taken  for  him  b}"  his  kindred 
and  friends. 

The  saga  is  presented  in  an  earnest,  frank,  straight- 
forward manner  such  as  would  be  employed  by  one  telling 
a  story  to  a  group  of  listeners.  The  sentences  are  short, 
simple,  and  vigorous.  Here  and  there  an  explanatory 
phrase  or  sentence  is  thrown  in,  or  a  statement  to  make 
the  narrative  more  easy  to  follow — as,  the  explanation, 
regarding  a  minor  character,  ''He  is  now  out  of  the 
story."  There  appear  no  descriptions  of  scenery,  in 
which  the  people  of  the  period  took  little  interest;  but 
these  ancient  tales  abound  in  detailed  accounts  of  the 
dress,  weapons,  and  general  equipment  of  the  leading 
characters.  And  striking  word  pictures  often  appear  of 
the  principal  characters  themselves;  by  means  of  a  few 
terse,  well-selected  phrases,  the  sagaman  presented  a  sat- 
isfactory portrait  before  the  mental  eye  of  his  listeners. 
These  prose  epics  are  almost  wholly  objective;  there 
was  no  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  story-teller  to  un- 
ravel the  mental  processes  of  his  characters,  though  the 


344         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

sagas  show  the  narrator  to  be  possessed  of  psychologi- 
cal insight.  Each  character  presents  his  inner  self 
through  the  words  and  actions  attributed  to  him  by  the 
sagaman,  and  the  personalities  thus  portrayed  are  usu- 
ally very  clear  cut  and  vivid.  There  are  no  duplicates, 
and  each  character  is  a  real  individual.  Occasionally, 
however,  brief,  direct  characterizations  are  given — gen- 
erally in  connection  with  the  description  of  the  physical 
appearance — to  indicate  the  disposition  of  the  person 
described. 

Very  little  dialogue  is  to  be  found,  and  what  there  is 
is  crisp  and  laconic ;  the  people  of  the  sagas  do  not  waste 
words ;  they  are  for  action  rather  than  for  speech.  But 
into  the  conversation  are  often  introduced  the  wise  saws 
of  which  the  Scandinavians  are  still  very  fond,  to  add 
pith  and  significance  to  the  dialogue.  The  humor  usually 
appears  only  in  the  conversational  parts  and  is  quiet 
and  dry,  sometimes  grim,  and  always  very  real.  In  the 
exhibition  of  pathos  the  Teutonic  reserve  is  evident;  a 
few  brief  words  often  reveal  effectively  a  whole  tragedy. 
If  the  hero  is  a  poet, — as  in  the  case  of  Egil  Skalagrims- 
son,  Gunnlaug  Ormstunga,  and  others, — many  of  his  ex- 
temporaneous verses  are  woven  into  the  narrative  of  his 
career,  and  thus  the  sagaman  secures  variety,  and  in- 
creases the  beauty  of  his  composition.  Interest  is  also 
often  increased  by  adding  the  element  of  the  supernat- 
ural. And  women,  fickle  and  faithful,  clever  and  stupid, 
petty,  brave,  and  revengeful,  but  always  interesting,  are 
usually  there  also  to  vary  the  story. 

Nevertheless,  a  great  monotony  exists  in  the  plots  of 
the  sagas,  which  is  increased  by  the  use  of  the  conven- 
tional terms  and  set  phrases.  A  succession  of  the  sagas 
makes,  therefore,  rather  monotonous  reading;  and  it  is 
somewhat  difficult  to  keep  clearly  in  mind  the  careers 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE:  THE  RUNES         345 

of  the  heroes  of  each  of  the  prose  tales;  but  as  Vig- 
fusson  has  suggested,  the  monotony  was  probably  not 
noticeable  in  the  oral  narration  because  of  the  interest 
produced  by  the  facial  expression,  the  inflection  of  voice, 
and  the  gestures  employed  by  the  sagaman.^^ 

Before  passing  from  the  subject  of  the  sagas,  some  of 
the  greatest  of  these  Northern  epics  should  have  special 
mention.     Njdla,  or  Njalssaga,  is  generally 
conceded  to  be  the  masterpiece   of  ancient  5°™^  °^  *^^ 
Icelandic  literature.     It  is  one  of  the  long-  Sagas 
est  of  the  sagas  and  deals  with  events  con- 
nected with  the  last  part  of  the  tenth  centurj^     The  hero 
is  the  noble  lawman,  Njal,  who  was  burned  to  death 
in  his  own  home  by  his  enemies.     The  story  throws  much 
light  upon  early  Icelandic  histoiy,  and  particularly  upon 
the  court  system  and  the  administration  of  justice.     An- 
other of  the  long  tales  is  Grettissaga,  which  sketches  the 
career  of  Gretti  the  Strong  who  spent  much  of  his  life 
in  outlawry.     Into  this  saga  is  interwoven  considerable 
myth  and  superstition.     The  Laxdoelasaga  is  especially 
fine  in  its  delineation  of  character;  it  has  also  an  unusu- 
ally pleasing  literary  style,  and  displays  an  appreciation 
of  nature  almost  completely  lacking  in  the  other  prose 
compositions. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  shorter  sagas  is 
the  story  of  Hen-Thore,  a  mean-dispositioned  peddler 
of  poultry  who  lived  in  the  southwestern  part  of  Iceland. 
This  saga  is  very  old,  but  Kormakssaga,  one  of  the  very 
few  love  stories  of  the  ancient  North,  seems  to  show 
greater  antiquity.  Gunnlaiigssaga,  already  mentioned 
in  another  connection,  is  also  a  story^  of  love.  There  is 
great  sentimental  charm  in  this  tale  and  also  deep 
tragedy.     A  work  displaying  an  unusual  amount  of  hu- 

isVigfusson,  Gudbrand,  Prolegomena  to  Sturlunga  Saga, 


346         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

mor  is  Bandamannasaga,  the  story  of  the  Banded  Men. 
Other  sagas  of  special  interest  because  of  their  historical 
value  as  well  as  their  literary  quality  are  those  throw- 
ing light  upon  the  discoveiy  and  settlement  of  Green- 
land and  the  finding  of  Vinland,  and  those  narrating 
the  lives  of  the  kings  of  Nor^vay.  Perhaps  the  most 
famous  of  this  group  is  the  saga  of  Eric  the  Red.  One 
of  the  most  interesting  of  the  very  short  sagas  is  that 
of  Audun  the  Lucky,  who  acquired  wealth  and  stand- 
ing in  his. community  through  the  shrewd  bestowal  of 
a  Greenland  polar  bear  upon  the  king  of  Denmark.^® 
A  treatment  of  ancient  Northern  literature  raises  the 
question  of  whether  the  verse  and  prose  which  have  been 
described  were  completely  transmitted  from 
generation  to  generation  by  word  of  mouth 
and  preserved  simply  by  means  of  the  finely  trained 
memories  of  the  ancients,  or  whether  some  system  of 
recording  them  was  employed  before  the  introduction 
of  Latin  script  with  Christianity.  This  brings  up  a  con- 
sideration of  the  runes,  since  they  supplied  the  only 
possible  means  of  record  at  the  time  when  the  best  of  the 
ancient  literature  was  being  produced,  as  well  as  for  long 
afterwards.  There  are  two  runic  futhorcs,^'^  or  alplia- 
bets :  an  earlier,  composed  of  twenty-four  characters, 
common  to  all  Teutonic  peoples;  and  a  later,  made  up  of 
sixteen  letters,  peculiar  only  to  the  Scandinavians  (Fig. 
42).  The  later  runes  found  in  Norway  and  Sweden  are 
slightly  different  from  the  contemporary-  ones  of  Den- 
mark, those  in  the  last-named  showing  closer  resemblance 

18  Most  of  the  sagas  have  been  translated  into  English.  ^lany  of  the 
longer  translations  have  been  published  separately,  while  the  shorter  ones 
may  be  found   in  various  collections. 

17  The  runic  characters  are  called  "futhorcs"  for  the  same  reason  that 
the  phonetic  signs  employed  by  the  classical  peoples  are  called  "alphabet." 
The  first  six  letters  of  the  former  are  f,  u,  p  (th),  o,  r,  c. 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE:  THE  RUNES         347 

to  the  general  Teutonic  characters;  but  the  variation  is 
very  slight. ^^  Like  the  classical  alphabets,  the  original 
runes  ran  from  left  to  right,  but  at  a  veiy  early  date 
the  reverse  order  came  also  to  be  employed;  and  the 
two  methods  long  continued  side  by  side.     The  use  of  the 

f     u   th  o     r     c     g    V  h     n    i    y     yo    p     a     s  t    b     e     m    1    ng    cc    d. 

Earlier  Runes  from  the  Vadstciia  bracteate. 

f       uthor        k        hnias  tbl        mw 

Later  Euucs. 
Fig.  42.     Two  Types  of  Runic  Characters. 

two  orders  contemporaneously  appears  to  have  been  in- 
fluential in  introducing  the  snake  or  dragon  figures  pre- 
viously mentioned  in  which  the  runic  characters  were  in- 
closed.^^ 

It  now  seems  established  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  runes 
are    not    an    independent    Teutonic    creation,    as    some 
scholars  once  believed.     Instead,  they  are  of 
classical  origin,  and  are  derived  primarily  ^u^R^neg 
from  the  alphabet  used  by  the  Greeks  of  the 
eastern  part  of  the  Eastern  Empire  for  their  common 
cursive   or  running  hand-writing.     Only   a   few   of  the 
runes  seem  to  have  come  directly  from  the  Latin.-*'     The 
Germanic  tribes  nearest  to  the  borders  of  the  Empire 
probably  first  became  acquainted  with  the  classical  char- 
acters, and  gradually  the  knowledge  was  transmitted  far- 
ther to  the  north ;  but  as  the  alphabet  migrated  it  under- 
went a  gradual  change  resulting  in  the  twenty-six  runic 

18  Friesen,  von,  Upplands  Runstenar,  5. 

19  Wimmer,   Die   Runenschrift,    159. 

20  Friesen,  Otto  von,  "Om  Runskriftens  Hiirkomst,"  in  Sprdkvetenskapliga 
Sdllskapets  i   Uppsala  Forhandlingar,   vol.   II,   1894-1906. 


348         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

signs  which  were  in  use  in  Scandinavia  at  least  as  early 
as  the  year  300  A.  D.^^  The  modification  was  doubtless 
produced  and  accelerated  partly  by  the  fact  that  for  a 
consideral)le  period  after  a  Imowledge  of  classical  writing 
had  been  introduced  among  the  Northmen  the  connection 
between  them  and  the  Greek  and  Roman  world  was 
broken  by  invasions  of  the  Huns  and  other  Asiatic  peo- 
ples.22  After  a  few  more  centuries,  the  geographic  iso- 
lation which  gave  to  the  people  of  the  North  a  special 
language  also  brought  about  the  reduction  of  the  original 
number  of  runes  to  the  sixteen  which  form  the  special 
Scandinavian  futhorc. 

The  word  ''rmie"   signifies  a   secret  or  mystery,  a 
meaning  probably  arising  from  the  fact  that  a  knowledge 
of  runic  writing  was  possessed  by  only  a 
MediaEm-      minority  of  the  people,  which  led  the  unini- 
ployed  m         ^.^^^^^  majority  to  look  upon  this  ability  to 
the  Runes        transmit  one's  thoughts  by  means  of  symbols 
as   something  beyond   ordinaiy  comprehen- 
sion—an attitude  displayed  by  all  primitive  peoples  to- 
wards the  art  of  writing.     This  element  of  mystery  made 
it  natural  for  the  ignorant  to  attribute  a  secret,  magical 
power  to  runes,  and  explains  why  one  of  their  most  com- 
mon uses  was  for  charms.    When  thus  employed,  the 
runic  symbols  were  put  wherever  it  was  desired  that 
the  magic  be  exercised.     They  were  wrought  into  metal 
by  hammer  and  chisel;  car\'ed  upon  wood,  bone,  stone, 
and  ivor}';  woven  or  embroidered  into  cloth  of  one  sort 
or  another ;  and  inscribed  by  means  of  charcoal  or  brush 
and  coloring  matter  upon  the  smooth  surface  of  textiles, 
skin,  and  wood.^^ 

21  Ibid. 

22  Bugge,  Die  Wikinger,  213. 

23  See  below,  pp.  404-406. 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE :  THE  RUNES  349 

The  use  of  runes  for  epitaphs  and  memorial  inscrip- 
tions ^\ill  be  treated  in  the  chapter  upon   death  and 
burial;  but  it  should  here  be  mentioned  that 
they  were  also  employed  in  the  homes  of  the  Use  of 
living  in  the  form  of  invocations  to  the  gods  Runes  for 
cut  upon  the  walls,  and  also  occasionally  for  pr^^^tj^I"^ 
narrating  briefly  the  heroic  deeds  of  the  head  informa- 
of  the  house.     When  performing  the  latter  tion 
function,  they  were  perhaps  most  often  com- 
bined with  pictorial  carvings  in  bas-relief.-^     In  a  some- 
Avhat  similar  manner  family  history  was  still  inscribed 
upon  walls,  beds,  chairs,  and  other  pieces  of  furniture 
in  the  remoter  parts  of  Iceland  in  modern  times. ^^     It 
is  not  unlikely  that  the  characters  were  also  used  for 
some  sort  of  time  schedule,  the  prototype  of  the  runic 
calendars  cut  on  wood  found  in  the  remoter  parts  of 
Sweden  during  the  past  century. ^*^    And  beyond  a  doubt 
the  runes  were   employed  for  conveying  messages  di- 
rectly, for  which  purpose  they  were  cut  upon  a  wooden 
stick  or  staff,  called  a  heiii.     Gisla,  the  outlaw,  for  in- 
stance, upon  finding  that  Thorkel  would  not  come  out 
of  his  dwelling,  took  a  stick,  cut  runes  upon  it,  and  threw 
it  into  the  house  through  an  opening.     Thorkel,  after 
reading  the  message  cut  upon  the  stick,  came  out  and 
greeted  Gisla."^     Dumb  people  also  at  times  communi- 
cated by  means  of  rune-sticks.^^ 

Though  there  is  no  trustworthy  direct  evidence  to 
prove  such  use,  in  view  of  the  various  other  functions 
which  they  served,  there  is  no  good  reason  to  doubt  that 

24  'Sjdla,   276. 

25  Olassen  and  Povelsen,  Reise  durch  Island,  I,   18. 

2«  A  sample  of  this  Swedish  calendar  is  preserved  in  the  Bodleian  Library 
at  Oxford  University. 

27  Gisla,  63. 

28  Origines  Islandicae,   II,   583. 


350         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

to  some  extent  the  runes  were  employed  for  recording 
literature.     There  is,  however,  no  justifica- 
Use  of  tion  fQj.  the  conclusion  that  any  considerable 

Recording  P^^^  ^^  *^®  literature  of  the  North  was  ever 
Literature  committed  to  runes ;  and  it  is  quite  clear  that 
in  heathen  times  no  idea  existed  of  gathering 
such  literary  runes  as  were  to  be  found  at  any  given 
time  in  order  to  fonii  a  library  and  presei-A'-e  the  in- 
tellectual treasures  for  future  generations.  The  literary 
records  were  made  for  merely  temporary  pui^poses,  and 
probably  only  a  few  of  the  shorter  poems  and  songs  were 
ever  wrought  in  runic  characters.  The  great  proportion 
of  the  literary  compositions  which  have  come  down  to 
us,  together  with  a  probably  much  larger  amount  which 
disappeared  before  the  opening  of  the  modern  age,  was 
undoubtedly  preserved  only  in  the  memories  of  the  an- 
cients and  handed  down  by  word  of  mouth  from  each 
generation  to  the  succeeding  one. 


CHAPTER  XX 

LEARNING    IN    GENERAL;    SCIENTIFIC    KNOWLEDGE;    ART 

Middling  wise  should   every  man   be,  never  over-wise.     Those  who 
know  many  things  fairly  lead  the  happiest  life. 

The  Guest's  Wisdom. 

Though  by  the  close  of  the  eighth  century  the  Scandi- 
navians had  scarcely  reached  the  threshold  of  civiliza- 
tion, in  the  sense  in  which  the  word  is  usually 
understood,  they  were  by  no  means  an  igno-  General 
rant  people.     It  is  true  that  they  lacked  a  o" the^Scan- 
knowledge  of  reading  and  writing,  but  they  dinavians 
were  not  so  handicapped  as  would  seem  at 
first  glance;  for  this  was  not  a  bookish  age  in  Europe, 
and  the  great  bulk  of  the  population  in  the  more  cultured 
South  was  dependent  for  its  enlightenment  less  upon 
schools  and  books  than  upon  life  itself;  they  learned  by 
living  and  observing.     In  this  regard  the  Northmen  were 
not  backward.     Indeed,  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether 
any  people  of  western  Europe  possessed  a  higher  aver- 
age of  intelligence  than  they,  or  a  larger  stock  of  accurate 
information;  for  no  other  European  people  traveled  as 
extensively   as    did   they.     Furthermore,    all    Scandina- 
vians, whether  they  journeyed  abroad  or  remained  at 
home,  entertained  an  unusually  lively  curiosity  regard- 
ing what  was  going  on  in  the  world ;  the  usual  question 
put  to  a  visitor — as  is  still  the  case  in  out-of-the-way 
places — was,  "What  is  the  news!"     Thus  those  who  re- 
mained at  home  learned  from  those  who  roamed.     At 
the  thing  meetings  and  religious  gatherings,  at  markets 
and  fairs,  at  banquets  and  other  social  assemblies,  the 

351 


352        SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

recently-returned  wanderer  from  foreign  lands  was  al- 
ways certain  of  a  welcome  and  an  audience  to  which  he 
could  narrate  his  adventures  and  tell  of  the  strange 
and  new  things  which  he  had  observed.^ 

The  Northmen  of  the  early  Middle  Ages  were  undoubt- 
edly better  versed  in  geographical  knoAvledge  than  any 

other  people  of  contemporary  Europe,  and 
Geographi-  their  knowledge  was  acquired  largely  at  first 
Knowledge      l^and,  through  viking-  and  merchant-voyages, 

but  also  through  expeditions  planned  for  the 
definite  purpose  of  exploration  and  discovery.  The  feats 
of  the  most  daring  of  the  explorers  ''give  the  outlines  of 
a  picture  unmatched  in  the  story  of  medieval  geog- 
raphy." -  Plere  and  there  in  the  literary  sources  of  the 
time  are  bits  of  descriptive  geography,  generally  given 
in  an  incidental  manner  in  a  saga  of  adventure;  but  a 
more  ambitious  and  comprehensive  description  of  the 
whole  of  Europe  is  to  be  found  at  the  opening  of  the 
chapter  on  mythology  in  the  Heimskringla  Saga.^  Much 
of  the  real  geographic  knowledge  possessed  by  the  North- 
men was,  it  is  true,  distorted  by  misinformation  and 
adulterated  by  accounts  of  mythical  monsters  and  other 
superstitious  elements;  but  this  sort  of  thing  character- 
ized all  learning  of  the  time,  and  persisted  for  many 
centuries  aftenvard. 

Regarding  the  history  of  foreign  lands,  the  Northmen 
were  completely  ignorant,  as  was  to  be  expected  of  a 

people  who  knew  their  own  past  only  through 

oral  tradition.  And  their  historical  sagas, 
like  their  geography,  was  more  or  less  colored  by  the 
supernatural. 

1  Petersen,  Gammel-Nordiske  Geografi,  52,  passim. 

2  Beazley,  C.  Raymond,  The  Dawn  of  Modern  Geography,  II,  3. 

3  76id.,  23-24. 


LEARNING  IN  GENERAL  353 

In  their  practical  knowledge  of  the  sciences  they  were 
far  behind  their  neighbors  to  the  south;  and  their  in- 
sight into  scientific  theory  was  more  limited 
still.     But  their  mental  equipment  was  suffi-  Scientific 

•      X   r.       .1     .  1        .  •  ^-  n  Knowledge 

cient  tor  their  needs  at  a  given  time ;  and  as 

these  needs  grew  they  drew  upon  the  culture  of  the  Ro- 
man world  to  supply  the  lack. 

They  were  ignorant  of  the  definite  movements  of  even 
the  most  conspicuous  stars  and  constellations,  but  they 
had  names  for  them  and  made  use  of  the  lode 
star  and  the  sun  in  their  travels  upon  land  - 
and  sea;  the  compass  was  also  unknown  to  them,  as  to 
the  remainder  of  Europe,  but  they  divided  the  circle 
of  the  horizon  into  eight  different  parts,  for  the  purpose 
of  indicating  direction. 

Time,  they  determined  at  night  in  fair  weather  by  the 
position  of  the  Pleiades — called  ''the  Star" — above  the 
horizon,  and  during  the  day  by  the  position 
of  the  sun  and  by  the  tides.     They  divided  ^etermma- 
night   into  three   parts — midnight,   and  the  rj.^^^ 
periods  preceding  and  following.     The  tra- 
ditional fractions  into  which  the  day  was  separated  took 
the  place  of  the  hours  of  modern  times  and  w^ere  eight  in 
number.     Ris-mdl   (rising  time),  or  midr-mdl   (middle- 
morning),  cam.e  at  about  six  o'clock  in  the  morning; 
dag-mdl  (day-meal,  because  breakfast  was  eaten  then), 
at  eight  or  nine;  hd-degi  (high  day),  at  about  twelve; 
mid-mundi   (the  middle,   so   called  because  it  was   the 
period  when  the  sun  was  midway  between  high-day  and 
non),  about  half  past  one ;  non  (nones,  or  evening),  about 
three  o'clock;  midr-aptan  (mid-eve),  about  six;  ndtt-mdl 
(night  meal),  about  nine  in  the  evening. 

The  Northman  of  the  pre-Christian  period  reckoned 


354  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

time  by  nights  ^   and  by  winters.     Just  what  was  the 
nature  of  the  calendar  before  his  contact  with 

The 

Calendar  ^^®  South  is  not  quite  clear,  but  it  seems 
fairly  evident  that  at  this  early  time  the  week 
consisted  of  five  nights,  and  was,  therefore,  called  a  fimt? 
All  of  the  months  were  of  equal  length,  and  consisted 
of  six  weeks,  or  thirty  days.  Twelve  months  made  up 
the  year  originally;  but  in  order  to  have  the  calendar- 
and  solar-years  more  exactly  coincide,  four  extra  nights 
called  auka-naettr  (eke  nights),  were  added  to  the  third 
summer  month.  This  system  was  in  use  during  the  first 
part  of  the  Viking  Age.  After  the  middle  of  the  tenth 
century,  however,  when  the  calendar  year  was  far  behind 
the  solar  year,  a  whole  week  was  added  to  the  end  of  the 
third  summer  month,  and  was  known  as  sumarauki,  or 
summer  eke.*^  After  the  introduction  of  Christianity  the 
Icelandic  calendar  was  made  to  harmonize  with  the  Julian 
calendar,  and  the  year  was  "eked"  out  by  the  addition 
of  a  week  every  sixth  or  seventh  summer. 

The  year  consisted  of  two  main  divisions,  winter  and 
summer.     Springtime    {vdr)    and    autumn,    or    harvest 
(haust),  Avere  noted,  but  these  were  mere 
Sea^sons  transition  periods  without  definite  limits,  for 

there  appears  to  have  been  no  real  under- 
standing of  the  phenomena  of  the  equinoxes.  Winter, 
which  began  about  October  fourteenth,  opened  the  year, 
and  the  six  months  of  summer  began  about  April  four- 
teenth. Summer  and  winter  were  divided  into  two  parts, 
each  ninety  days  long,  except  the  second  half  of  sum- 
mer, the  dividing  points  being  Mid  Winter  {Midvetr), 
which  came  in  heathen  time  about  the  middle  of  January, 

4  A  vestige  of  this  old  practice  is  seen  in  the  English  "fortnight." 
0  Munch,  P.  A.,  Om  vore  Forfaedres  aeldste  Tidsregning,  Primstaven  og 
Maerkedagene,  17,  20. 

•  Brate,  Erik,  Nordens  dldre  Tidsrdkring,   18. 


LEARNING  IN  GENERAL  355 

and  Mid  Summer  [Midsumar),  which  came  about  the  mid- 
dle of  July.^ 

The  months  in  the  old  calendar  were  named  as  follows : 
winter  months — Gormdnudr  (so  called  for  the  winter 
slaughtering  of  beasts),  beginning,  as  al- 
ready stated,  about  the  middle  of  October;  j^^j^^j^g 
Frer  (frost);  Jol  (Yule),  or  Hrut  (ram); 
Thorri  (the  month  of  ebbing  winter) ;  Goi;  Einmdnudr 
(single  month) ;  summer  months — Gaukmdnudr  (cuckoo 
month) ;  Skerpla,  or  Stekktid  (thus  known  from  stekkr, 
a  fold  in  which  the  lambs  were  weaned  at  this  time  of 
year) ;  Solmdnudr  (sun  month),  or  Selmdnudr  (sel  month, 
so  called  because  at  this  time  the  milk  cows  were  taken 
to  the  sel,  or  mountain  dairy),  which  lasted  thirty-four 
days,  for  it  included  the  "eke  nights *';  MiSsumar,  or 
Heyannir  (hay-making  time) ;  Tvimanudr  (double 
month) ;  Haustmdnudr  (harvest  month). ^  Some  of  these 
ancient  names  for  the  months  are  still  employed  in  Ice- 
land. 

In  addition  to  the  use  of  the  months,  the  ancient  Scan- 
dinavians also  frequently  indicated  time  within  the  year 
by  reference  to  the  great  holidays.  Thus,  an  event  was 
said  to  have  taken  place  a  certain  number  of  weeks  be- 
fore or  after  Yule  or  Mid  Summer. 

What  were  the  names  of  the  days  of  the  fimt  there  is 

no  way  of  determining.     The  fimt  gave  way,  however, 

to  the  seven-dav  division  at  an  early  date;   „,    

"  The  Week 

how  early  is  not  known,  but  the  week  was  in 

use  in  the  tenth  century.     And  with  it  came  the  usual 

Teutonic  names  for  the  first  six  days — Simnudagr,  Mdna- 

dagr,  Tysdagr,  Odinsdagr,  Thorsdagr,  Frjddagr;  but  the 

last  day  was  known  as  Laugrdagr — bathing  or  scrubbing 

7  lUd. 

8  Ihid. 


356         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

day — a  name  peculiar  to   the    Scandinavian   countries. 

In  addition  to  the  changes  already  mentioned,  the  adop- 
tion of  Christianity  resulted  in  the  placing  of  the  Jol 
festival  period  of  heathen  times  three  weeks  earlier,  and 
transforming  it  into  the  modem  Yule,  or  Christmas. 

Of  mathematics  the  Scandinavians  possessed  but  an 

elementary  knowledge,   such  as  their  needs  demanded. 

Like  most  early  peoples,  they  had  a  practical 

**.^^"  comprehension  of  certain  simple  principles 

matics  ^  1111  1 

of  geometry,  such  as  enabled  them  accurately 
to  measure  angles  and  divide  circles  in  connection  with 
their  work  in  wood  and  metals.  In  arithmetic,  because  of 
commercial  interests,  they  were  further  along;  but  their 
system  was  crude  and  clumsy  to  an  interesting  degree. 
As  the  Northmen  were  possessed  of  a  fair  numeral 
vocabulary,  they  could  count  up  into  the  hundreds.  It 
is  very  questionable,  however,  whether  even  long  after 
their  first  contact  with  the  South  the  word  thousand 
{yusand),  though  in  popular  use,  meant  to  them  more 
than  merely  a  large  number.  The  decimal  Imndred  was 
introduced  into  the  North  with  Christianity,  but  for  a 
long  time  its  use  was  limited  to  ecclesiastics  and  scholars, 
for  the  hundred  regularly  employed  in  the  ancient  time 
was  the  duodecimal,  or  long  hundred.  Counting  was  done 
by  using  tens  or  this  long  hundred  as  factors,  as,  "ten 
hundreds,"  ''two  ten  hundreds,"  "seven  ten  hundreds," 
"twelve  ten  hundreds."  For  counting  smxaller  and  more 
definite  numbers  a  curious  method  was  employed  because 
of  the  absence  from  the  Scandina\dan  vocabulary  of 
indeclinable  numeral  adjectives  from  twenty  to  one  hun- 
dred ;  and  this  method  is  still  in  use  in  some  of  the  country 
districts  of  the  North.  Thirty-six  was  called  "three  tens 
and  six";  forty-five,  "half  the  fifth  ten";  "one  short  of 
four  tens,"  was  one  way  of  saying  thirty-nine;  "one 


LEARNING  IN  GENERAL  357 

winter  of  the  sixth  ten"  meant  fifty-one  years;  and  so 
on.  That  they  made  use  of  all  of  the  fundamental  arith- 
metical processes  and  could  handle  fractions  and  reckon 
interest  is  quite  evident  from  their  business  transactions. 
The  systems  of  currency  and  weights  and  measures  em- 
ployed in  connection  with  such  enterprises  have  been 
described.^ 

The  chemical  knowledge  of  the  Northmen  was  devel- 
oped in  connection  with  their  practice  of  healing;  but 
medical  science  was,  as  yet,  in  but  a  very  ele-  .  . 
mentary  stage,  and  much  of  superstition  was 
mixed  with  little  scientific  practice.  People  wore  healing 
or  '4ucky"  stones  about  their  necks  to  prevent  sickness, 
and  had  them  placed  in  the  hilts  of  their  swords,  for  it 
was  believed  that  rubbing  wounds  with  them  would  re- 
sult in  rapid  healing.^"  Much  trust  was  placed  also  in 
the  effectiveness  of  special  magical  runes, ^'  formulae, 
and  philtres.  There  were  runes  for  various  kinds  of  ill- 
nesses, including  bjarg  runar  for  aiding  women  at  child- 
birth. Charms  or  spells  wrought  by  witches  or  wizards 
were  believed  effective  in  both  the  cause  and  cure  of  sick- 
ness and  suffering.  And  in  parts  of  Scandinavia  those 
afflicted  with  boils,  ringworm,  and  other  similar  surface 
maladies  still  resort  to  persons  claiming  to  possess  occult 
power. 

Though  all  of  the  physicians  of  the  time  perhaps  relied 
to  a  greater  or  less  degree  upon  the  superstitious  prac- 
tices mentioned,  they  also  employed  many  healing  herbs 
for  internal  treatment  as  well  as  for  the  preparation  of 
salves  to  be  used  upon  the  numberless  wounds  calling 
for  attention  in  those  battling  days.^^     And  by  various 

9  See  above,  pp.  225-227,  233. 

10  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  334. 

11  Egils  Saga  Skalagrimssonar,  241-242. 

12  WeinhpJd,    Altnordisches   Lehen,    385-388. 


358         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

methods  they  determined  the  depth  of  wounds.  A  clever 
device  used  for  this  purpose  is  mentioned  in  one  of  the 
sagas.  The  physician,  uncertain  whether  a  deep  cut  had 
penetrated  the  bowels  or  not,  sniffed  at  the  mouth  of  the 
wound  after  requiring  her  patient  to  drink  a  strong  broth 
made  from  leeks. ^^ 

Men  as  well  as  women  were   skilled  in  the  care  of 
wounds ;  and  it  is  probable  that  most  of  the  surgical  op- 
erations were  performed  by  men;  but  there 
^^^"^  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  there  was  a  class 

of  professional  surgeons,  as  seems  to  have  been  true  in 
the  case  of  physicians.^*  The  equipment  of  the  person 
who  practiced  surgery  was  most  commonly  a  saw  and  a 
knife,  a  pair  of  tweezers,  and  a  needle,  threaded  generally 
with  the  sinews  of  animals.  Wounds  were  trimmed  and 
sewed  up,  even  reopened  and  the  work  repeated  if  the 
results  were  unsatisfactory;  broken  bones  were  set  and 
splinted;  dislocated  joints  were  put  back  into  place;  and, 
when  necessary,  parts  were  amputated,  and  missing  limbs 
were  replaced  by  ones  made  of  wood.^^ 

Even  as  far  back  as  the  New  Stone  Age,  the  Scandi- 
navians showed  real  artistic  ability,  as  is  proved  by  the 
graceful  foi-ms  and  fine  symmetry  of  the  im- 
Artistic  plemcnts  and  weapons  surviving  from  that 

Ability  of        time;  and  the  viking  period  of  thousands  of 

the  North-  '  -,  i  ,  ,  ^ 

men  years  later  showed  a  no  less  keen  love  for 

the  beautiful.  The  fact  that  the  taste  of  this 
later  age  demanded  that  virtually  ever^'thing  be  deco- 
rated resulted  in  a  greatly  varied  exhibition  of  artistic 
talent,  many  samples  of  which  have  fortunately  been  pre- 

13  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  742. 
^*Ibi4.,  I,  185;  II,  552,  721. 

^5  rbid.,  II,  100,  130;   Grettis  Saga  Asmundarsonar,  5;   Oisla  Saga  Surs- 
sonar,  7. 


LEARNING  IN  GENERAL  359 

served,  particularly  through  objects  buried  with  the  dead. 
The  most  usual  samples  of  the  artistic  talent  of  the  old 
Northmen  are  in  the  form  of  metal  work,  carving  in 
wood,  stone,  bone,  and  ivory,  painting,  and  decorative 
weaving  and  embroidery. 

The  Northern  smiths  ornamented  not  only  the  gold  and 
silver  parts  of  weapons  and  utensils  with  rich  chasings, 
sometimes  set  with  precious  stones,  but  also 
took  similar  pains  with  objects  made  from  Character 
bronze.  In  their  jewelry — most  of  which  ^j^^^ 
was  made  from  bronze  and  silver  during  this 
age — surfaces  exposed  to  the  eye  were  almost  never  left 
plain.  As  a  rule,  geometrical  or  animal  and  bird  forms 
appeared  in  the  designs;  but  the  hammer  of  Thor  and 
the  cross  of  Frey  were  also  favorite  motifs.  The  spirit 
of  Gothic  art  is  reflected  in  the  figures ;  all  of  them  show 
strength  and  solidity,  and  all  have  a  peculiar  barbaric 
extravagance  and  charm.  The  decorations  on  wood, 
metal,  and  stone  are  in  moderately  high  relief;  and  the 
motifs  chosen  are  often  adapted  to  the  space  to  be  filled 
by  means  of  twisting  and  looping  or  some  other  variety 
of  distortion.  This  is  true  not  only  of  animal  and  bird 
forms,  but  also  of  human  beings ;  and  the  result  is  usually 
an  assemblage  of  grotesque  and  fantastic  fignires  pos- 
sessing, however,  a  strong  fascination.  The  idea  of  em- 
ploying animal  figures  for  decoration  was,  in  all  prob- 
ability, borrowed  by  the  Scandinavians,  perhaps  from 
the  Irish  Celts ;  but  it  is  likely  that  some  Oriental  in- 
fluence also  played  upon  these  designs. ^^  Yet  it  was  not 
a  slavish  borrow^ing,  for  the  artists  of  the  North  worked 
over  and  enriched  the  designs  by  placing  upon  them  the 
stamp  of  their  Scandinavian  individuality. 

16  Bugge,  Norges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  I,  250;  Arne,  T.  J.,  "Sveriges  For- 
bindelser  med  Osten  under  Vikingatiden,"  in  Kunglig  Vitterhets  Historie, 
VI,   66;   Muller,   Vor  Oldtid,  614-628. 


360         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Ideas  for  decoration  also  came  directly  from  the  Orient, 
particularly  by  means  of  coins  from  the  Byzantine  Em- 
pire and  beyond.  These  were  used  primarily  for  the 
designs  in  jewelry. 

Though  a  fair  sort  of  native  potter}^  was  made  from 

clay,  so  far  as  is  known,  no  art  work  in  this  material 

worthy    of    consideration    existed.     Wood- 

°°. "  carving  took  its  place.     Even  members  of 

the  royalty  engaged  in  this  art,  and  women 
were  skilled  in  it  as  well  as  men.  Much  carving  in  the 
round  was  done  in  w^ood,  but  very  little  of  it  has  sur- 
vived. Judging,  however,  from  the  carvings  in  relief 
which  have  come  down  to  us,  this  *' wooden  sculpture" 
was  of  high  quality.  Perhaps  the  most  common  use  for 
the  round  carving  was  for  figure  heads  for  ships,  and 
similar  figures  for  the  decoration  of  houses.  This  was 
also  probably  the  coarsest  work  of  the  kind.  Many  ob- 
jects served  as  models,  including  human  beings.  The 
best  work  was  doubtless  found  in  the  temples,  in  the 
shape  of  idols ;  for  the  carvers  wrought  under  the  inspira- 
tion of  religion;  and  the  images  were  not  only  carved 
with  the  best  skill  of  the  worker,  but  often  the  surfaces 
were  covered  with  platings  of  precious  metals  and  set 
with  decorative  stones. 

A  few  examples  of  fancy  weaving  and  embroidery  have 
survived  from  ancient  times,  which  show  real  beauty  of 
color  and  design.  The  sagas  indicate  also 
Weaving  ^jj^|.  ^^iq  women  of  the  North  paid  much  at- 

Embroidery  Mention  to  the  decoration  of  textile  materials 
by  means  of  embroidery,  using  it  not  only  on 
clothing,  but  also  on  banners,  sails,  and  hangings  for 
beds  and  walls.  Perhaps  the  Bayeux  Tapestry,  though 
wrought  in  Normandy,  may  be  taken  as  an  example  of 
Scandinavian  skill  in  this  line. 


•3^^-- 


Fig.  43.  Elaljurate  Carving  on  a  Sledge  Shaft.  ( From  prospectus  of 
book  on  the  Oseberg  discoveries  to  be  published  by  the  Norwegian 
government) 


"^mm. 


Fig.    44.     Pictorial    Stone    from    the    Island    of    (iotland.      (From    Bugge's 

Xorges    Historie) 


LEARNING  IN  GENERAL  361 

The  ancient  North  developed  a  real  pictorial  art,  in 
quality  not  far  behind  that  displayed  by  the  remainder 
of    contemporary    "Western     Europe.     This 
was  shown  in  the  embroidered  hangings  al-  ^^.^ 
ready  mentioned,  which  brightened  the  homes 
of  the  rich,  and  the  wall  paintings  which  took  their  place 
in  those  of  the  humbler  classes — forms  of  decorations 
which  are  still  used  in  peasant  homes  to-day.     Such  hang- 
ings were  less  frequently  covered  with  geometrical  figures 
or  grotesque  animal  forms  than  mth  serious  pictures 
illustrating  scenes  from  the  stories  of  the  gods  or  ancient 
heroes,  or  the  adventures  and  exploits  of  the  master  of 
the  house  himself.     Sometimes  these  pictures  were  of 
wood  carved  in  relief. 

A  more  unique  class  of  pictorial  work  was  stone  carv- 
ing, which  was  especially  well  developed  in  the  island 
of  Gotland.     Such  stones  were  ver\^  similar 
to  some  of  the  more  elaborate  rune  stones  g"^  °"^ 
used  as  grave  marks  and  monuments,  which 
frequently — especially  in  Gotland — also  show  decorative 
designs.''^     The  former  bear  elaborate  pictures  carved 
in  outline  or  flat  relief  representing  scenes  from  the  hero 
tales  and  myths,  sometimes  accompanied  by  explanatory 
runes  and  many  of  them  display  much  beauty  of  con- 
ception (Fig.  44). 

The  wooden  carvings  in  bas-relief  were  at  times 
painted  in  bright  colors;  and  the  stone  artist's  work  was 
also  touched  up  with,  paint.  In  the  case  of  the  latter, 
the  color,  often  red,  was  generally  spread  upon  the  back- 
ground only,  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  raised  figures 
stand  out.^^ 

How  much  attempt  at  human  portraiture  was  made  by 

17  See  below,  pp.  424-425. 

18  Pipping,    Om  Runimkriftem-a  pa    de   XyfuriTKi   Ardre-Stenema. 


362         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

the  art  of  the  time  is  very  difficult  to  say,  but  that  there 
was  some  is  e\'idenced  by  the  sagas.  Per- 
P^rTrahure  ^^P^  some  of  the  instances  mentioned  in 
these  records  were  mere  caricatures,  labeled 
by  means  of  runes,  or  made  recognizable  through  the  ex- 
aggeration, pictorially,  of  some  well  known  physical  char- 
acteristic; for  in  some  cases  they  were  done  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  rousing  resentment  in  the  original. ^^ 
But  other  human  representations  were  made  with  the  aim 
of  having  the  likenesses  of  loved  ones  always  at  hand; 
and  careful  effort  was  made  to  have  these  delineations 
as  true  to  life  as  the  skill  of  the  artist  would  permit.  An 
Icelander,  for  instance,  delineated  the  likeness  of  his  be- 
loved Astrid  upon  his  bedroom  w^all.^'^  Such  portraits 
were  probably  in  the  form  of  carv^ed  bas-reliefs,  charcoal 
drawings,  and  oil  paintings.  Whether  portrait  statues 
and  busts  carved  from  wood  were  often  attempted  is  not 
evident ;  but  they  were  perhaps  occasionally  made,  in  view 
of  the  abundant  practice  which  the  artists  had  in  repre- 
senting human  features  through  carving  the  figures  of 
their  gods,  whom  they  made  in  their  ow^n  images. 

^9  Egils  Saga  Skalagrimssonar,   188;   Origines  Islandicae,  I,   180. 
20  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  427. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

RELIGION:    OBJECTS    OF    WORSHIP 

Thorwolf  .  .  .  was  a  great  sacrificer,  and  he  put  his  trust  in  Thor. 
He  came  to  Iceland  by  reason  of  the  oppression  of  King  Harold,  and 
sailed  to  the  south  of  the  country'.  But  when  he  came  west  of  Broad- 
frith,  he  cast  his  porch  pillars  overboard,  whereon  Thor  was  cai-\-en, 
saying  as  he  did  so  that  Thor  would  go  ashore  where  he  wished  Thorwolf 
to  settle,  and  promising  to  hallow  to  Thor  all  his  settlement  and  call  it 
after  him. 

Book   of  Settlements. 

Like  all  peoples  at  an  early  stage  of  development,  the 
Northmen  of  prehistoric  times  were  primarily  nature- 
w^orshippers ;  they  feared,  tried  to  propitiate, 
and  to  win  over  to  their  side,  the  natural  .rT^^t- 

'  Worship 

torces  about  them  which  their  untutored 
minds  could  not  comprehend.  And  so  firmly  established 
and  dominating  did  this  religion  become  in  the  North 
before  the  dawn  of  history  there  that  long  after  certain 
phases  of  it  had  developed  into  the  belief  in  general  and 
more  anthropomorphic  deities,  there  persisted, — contem- 
poraneous with  the  worship  of  the  latter,  but  now  playing 
a  minor  part, — a  nature  cult  in  its  most  primitive  aspects. 
This  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  Viking  Age,  par- 
ticularly during  the  early  part  of  it.  Bodies  of  water, 
hills,  stones,  and  groves  were  then  objects  of  devotion. 
Thorstan,  an  Icelander  mentioned'  in  the  ancient  records, 
held  a  waterfall  in  special  reverence,  and  appears  to  have 
sacrificed  to  it  all  food  left  from  the  table. ^  Another  Ice- 
lander made  offerings  to  a  grove.  In  Sweden  close  be- 
side the  great  temple  at  Uppsala  there  stood  an  exceed- 

1  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  212. 

363 


364         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

ingly  famous  sacred  grove  to  which  extensive  sacrifices 
were  also  made.  Thorwolf  of  Iceland  held  a  certain 
hill  in  ' '  such  reverence  that  no  man  might  pray  towards 
it  unwashed,  and  there  might  be  no  destruction  of  man 
or  beast  on  this  hill.  He  believed  that  when  he  and  his 
kinsmen  died  they  should  go  into  the  hill. ' '  ^  There  is 
no  doubt,  furthermore,  that  in  early  times  the  Scandi- 
navians worshipped  the  sun,  for  numerous  traces  of  a 
once-powerful  sun-cult  have  survived  in  the  North  in 
peasant  customs  down  to  the  present,  just  as  has  evidence 
of  former  worship  of  trees  and  stones.  Montelius  even 
believes  that  the  greatest  deities  of  the  viking  period 
were  all  originally  sun-gods."^  But  they  had  lost  prac- 
tically all  evidence  of  such  origin  by  the  beginning  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  and  only  here  and  there  in  the  more  remote 
parts  of  the  land  were  there  lingering  vestiges  of  direct 
sun-worship.* 

Animal-worship  was  an  important  element  in  the  re- 
ligion of  Scandinavia  during  early  times,  and,  though 
rare  in  the  Viking  Age,  it  was  not  entirely 
nima  -  extinct  even  then,  for  individual  animals — 

Worship  ' 

such  as  horses,  cows,  and  pigs — were  objects 
of  worship  by  certain  Northmen.^  Such  a  cult  was  bound 
quite  closely  with  the  worship  of  Frey;  and  the  promi- 
nence given  to  the  boar's  head  at  the  Yule  feasts  even  in 
modern  times  in  various  lands  which  have  felt  Scandi- 
na\'ian  influence  is  merely  a  harking  back  through  the 
worship  of  the  boar  as  an  attribute  of  the  god  of  fruit- 
fulness  to  the  independent  worship  of  the  animal  itself.' 

2  Ibid.,  24. 

3  Montelius.  Oscar,  "Midvinterns  Solfest,"  in  Svenska  Fornminnesforen- 
ingens  Tidskrift,  vol.  9,  no.  25,  pp,  68-77. 

4  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  24. 

5  Keyser,  R.,  Nordmaendenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Iledendommen,   100- 
110. 

•  Ros&n,  "Freykult  och  Dyrkult,"  in  Fomvdnnen,  1913,  pp.  213-245. 


RELIGION:  OBJECTS  OF  WORSHIP  365 

There  is  ample  evidence  that  during  the  period  under 
study  human  beings  were  occasionally  worshipped  after 
death.     In  Iceland,  we   are   told,   sacrifices 
were  offered  to  Grim  after  he  died  ''because  Worship  of 
of   the   love   men   bore   liim."^     Grim   was  """^^'J  B«- 

ings  after 

merely  a  leader  of  his  community.  Kings  Death 
and  great  military  chieftains  were  perhaps 
more  frequently  and  more  generally  deified.  There  are 
two  examples  of  this  king-cult  to  be  found  in  the  ancient 
records.  A  special  temple  was  consecrated  to  a  certain 
King  Eric  of  Sweden  after  death,  with  priests  to  offer 
sacrifice  to  him ;  ^  and  King  Olaf  Gudrodsson  of  Vest- 
fold,  Norway,  was  worshipped  upon  his  burial  mound 
by  his  subjects,  who  called  him  ' '  Geirstadaalfi ' '  ^  for  the 
place  in  which  he  lived. ^^  Sacrifice  to  mounds  was,  in 
fact,  so  common  and  so  persistent  that  after  the  intro- 
duction of  Christianity  laws  were  passed  in  some  parts 
prohibiting  it.^^  Probably  in  all  cases  the  worship  con- 
nected with  artificial  mounds,  as  opposed  to  natural  hills, 
was  originally  in  honor  of  deified  human  beings  buried 
within ;  but  with  the  passage  of  time  the  original  motive 
was  in  many  cases  lost  and  the  pagan  Scandinavians  re- 
garded the  mound  itself  as  sacred  and  offered  sacrifice 
to  it,  or  to  its  spirit. 

Ancestor-worship  was  doubtless  more  common  than 
deification  of  men  of  prominence  by  a  community  or  a 
province ;  for  the  cult  of  ancestors  was  deeply 
imbedded  in   the   religion   of   the   Northern  "^he  Cult  of 
people.     Some    of    the    gods    who    received 
homage  from  all  Scandinavians  during  the  Viking  Age 

7  Origines  Islandicae,  I,   30. 

8  Adam  of  Bremen,  195. 

9  "Alf"  appears  to  have  been  here  used  in  the  sense  of  "spirit." 

10  Keyser,  N ordmaetidenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Hedendommen,   108-109. 
11 /bid.,   110. 


366         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

perhaps  began  their  divine  careers  as  ''dead  ancestors" 
reverenced  by  but  a  small  group  of  kindred;  ^-  more  fre- 
quently, however,  when  the  passage  of  time  caused  the 
blood  ties  with  a  given  family  to  be  forgotten,  the  ances- 
tors remained  the  guardian  spirits  or  angels  of  the  fam- 
ily, watching  over  its  members  and  sharing  their  hopes 
and  fears.  But  in  those  ancient  days  of  keen  memories 
the  dead  were  doubtless  much  longer  kept  in  mind  as 
distinct  personalities  than  now,  and,  later,  when  deified, 
they  continued  for  many  generations  to  shape  the  careers 
of  the  living.  The  wishes  of  the  dead  and  their  ideals, 
in  general,  helped  maintain  the  family  standards.^^ 
While  their  personalities  were  still  remembered  by  kin- 
dred, they  were  worshipped  individually,  but  when  for- 
gotten, collective  worship  was  substituted,  and  their 
spirits  were  known  by  the  general  names  of  disir,^*  or 
dlfary^  The  two  words  seem  to  have  been  almost  inter- 
changeable, except  that  the  disir  were  regarded  as  female 
guardian  angels,  which  forces  the  conclusion  that  in  their 
worship  the  tie  of  family  was  largely  forgotten.  This 
was  perhaps  also  often  true  in  the  worship  of  alfar,  or 
elves.  There  seems  some  basis  for  the  belief  that  the 
worship  of  the  spirits  of  more  or  less  forgotten  ancestors 
under  the  name  of  ''elves"  had  a  stronger  hold  in  Sweden 
than  elsewhere.     Frey,  a  favorite  god  of  the  Swedes,  was 

12  Sephton,  J.,   Thor  and  his  Sway,   10. 

i3/6td.,  7. 

1*  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  one  meaning  of  the  word  "dis''  is  "sister." 

15  One  phase  of  ancestor-worship,  bordering  upon  reincarnation,  of 
which  Gronbech  makes  considerable  (Vor  Folkaet  i  Oldtiden,  II,  124-125) 
is  the  ancient  Scandinavian  system  of  naming  children  for  dead  relatives 
which  still  persists  in  the  more  remote  parts  of  Scandinavia.  The  dead — 
to  use  a  present-day  phrase — were  "called  up"  by  having  their  names 
given  to  new-born  children ;  and  it  was — and,  in  some  parts,  still  is — - 
believed  that  the  child  would  partake  of  the  qualities  of  the  one  for  whom 
he  was  named;  that  the  spirit  of  the  dead  would  in  some  way  live  in 
the  child. 


RELIGION:  OBJECTS  OF  WORSHIP  367 

believed  to  be  the  god  of  the  elves,  who,  however,  were 
thought  to  dwell  in  Alfheimar,  the  fairyland  of  the  North- 
men.^^  Thus,  Frey  must  have  been  the  patron  of  an- 
cestral spirits  transformed  by  the  passage  of  time  into 
good  fairies. 

The  most  usual  time  for  sacrificial  feasts  and  other 
religious  ceremonies  in  honor  of  the  dead  was  midwinter, 
when  the  nights  were  longest,  for  it  was  believed  that 
such  spirits  preferred  darkness,  and  during  the  period 
of  long  nights  they  were  thought  to  incline  more  to  come 
forth  and  associate  with  mankind. ^'^ 

Probably  related  to  the  good  elves,  who  watched  over 
individuals  and  aided  them,  were  the  land  spirits,  but 
whether  or  not  these  beings  were  actuallv 
worshipped  is  not  clear,  though  it  is  certain  t*  .  . 
that  the  Icelanders  took  great  care  not  to 
offend  them.  What  is  perhaps  the  most  remarkable 
Scandinavian  law  surviving  from  the  heathen  period  has 
this  end  in  view.  It  stands  at  the  very  beginning  of  the 
ancient  Icelandic  collection  called  Grdgds,  and  is  a  pro- 
hibition against  the  use  of  figure-heads  on  ships;  or,  if 
these  figures  are  used,  the  law  adds,  they  must  be  re- 
moved before  the  vessel  comes  within  sight  of  land,  lest 
the  land  spirits  be  frightened  by  them.  The  land  spirits 
were  believed — at  least  in  Iceland — to  have  in  their 
charge  the  welfare  of  whole  regions,  but  they  were  quite 
capable  of  showing  a  preference  for  certain  inhabitants. 
Those  whom  they  selected  for  their  special  favor  they 
appear  to  have  followed  about  and  aided,  to  the  tem- 
porary exclusion  of  other  inhabitants  of  the  territory 
over  which  they  watched.     These  spirits  were  not  usually 

i«  There  even  now  exists  among  the  Scandinavian  peasants,  as  Selma 
Lagerlof  has  pointed  out  in  her  writings,  a  belief  in  elves,  especially  in 
evil   ones. 

17  Feilberg,  H.  F.,  Jul,  96. 


368         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

visible  to  ordinary  mortals,  but  persons  gifted  with  sec- 
ond sight  were  able  to  follow  their  movements.  For  in- 
stance, an  Icelandic  woman  possessed  of  clairvoyant 
power  reported  that  she  saw  all  of  the  land  spirits  follow 
Buck-Beorn  when  he  went  to  the  meeting  of  the  thing; 
and  when  his  brothers,  Thorstan  and  Thord,  went  hunt- 
ing and  fishing  they  were  accompanied  by  the  same  in- 
visible companions.^® 

It  is,  however,  in  the  qualities  of  the  great  anthro- 
pomorphic gods  and  the  attitude  of  the  Northmen  to- 
wards these  deities  that  the  most  character- 
istic features  of  the  ancient  religion  of  Scan- 
dinavia are  revealed.  During  the  long  centuries  of 
struggle  with  a  bleak  climate  and  an  unfriendly  environ- 
ment, the  inhabitants  of  the  North  became  differentiated 
from  the  remainder  of  the  far-extended  Teutonic  family 
— to  some  degree  in  appearance,  but  more  in  mental  out- 
look ;  and  thus  the  gods  whom  they  had  once  worshipped 
in  common  with  the  other  members  of  their  racial  group 
underwent  a  transformation ;  for  the  Northmen  modified 
their  deities  to  meet  the  needs  and  reflect  the  ideals 
which  developed  from  life  in  the  Far  North.  Like  the 
men  who  created  them,  the  divinities  were  crude  in  a 
primitive  way,  and  even  grotesque;  but  they  were  also 
wholesome,  virile,  and  moral.  Since  divine,  they  were 
mightier  than  their  creators,  but  these  gods  of  a  cou- 
rageous and  independent-spirited  people  were  no  ty- 
rants; they  were  friends  whose  aid  might  be  secured 
when  human  resources  failed,  if  they  were  shown  proper 
honor,  and  suitable  sacrifices  were  offered  them.  And 
if  one  god  unjustly  failed  him,  the  worshipper  was  quite 
capable  of  turning  to  another,  and,  perhaps,  rival,  deity 
for  help. 

J8  Originefi  Islandicae,  I,  195. 


RELIGION:  OBJECTS  OF  WORSHIP  369 

The  ancient  Scandinavian  writings  mention  twelve 
chief  gods,  but  it  is  questionable  whether  the  number  of 
gods  recognized  as  particularly  powerful  was  ever  so 
definitely  fixed,  and  whether  it  was  absolutely  uniform 
all  over  the  North.^^  Thor,  Odin,  Frey,  Njord,  Tyr,  and 
Bragi,  however,  seem  to  have  been  deities  of  power  in 
all  parts  of  Scandinavia  at  one  time  or  another;  while 
Loki,  Balder,  Heimdall,  Hoene,  and  UUer  were  probably 
of  late  origin  or  underwent  transformation  early  in  the 
historic  period  and  were  perhaps  never  regarded  as  of 
general  moment,  for  it  is  primarily  through  Scandinavian 
mythology — and  not  through  the  records  of  the  actual 
religious  life  of  the  Scandinavians — that  we  learn  of 
them.  Likewise,  the  two  most  oft-named  goddesses, 
Frigg  and  Freyia,  seem  to  have  played  but  little  part  in 
the  actual  lives  of  the  people,  and  are  heard  of  usually 
only  in  connection  with  their  myths.  As  already  stated, 
some  of  these  deities,  particularly  the  greatest  and  most 
revered,  were  originally  nature  gods,  but  with  the  pas- 
sage of  time  their  original  characteristics  were  obscured, 
or  utterly  lost,  and  others  were  assumed. 

Thor,  popularly  known  as  'Hhe  Thunderer,"  appears 
to  have  been  in  his  earliest  functions  the  weather  god; 
and,  as  such,  he  was  of  special  importance  to 
the  sea-faring  Northmen.  One  trace  of  this 
origin  the  deity  never  lost ;  by  means  of  his  mighty  ham- 
mer he  waged  tireless  warfare  against  the  ice  and  frost 
giants,  without  which  friendly  service,  gods  as  well  as 
mankind  would  have  perished  from  the  earth.  More 
than  any  other  of  the  gods  whose  personalities  stand  out 
clearly,  Thor  was  representative  of  the  early  Scandina- 
vian type.  He  won  his  way  by  physical  strength.  He 
was  sparing  with  words  but  ready  with  blows,  hot  tem- 

18  Craigie,  W.  A.,  The  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  32. 


370         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

pered  and  fearless.  Well-meaning,  blunt,  and  honest,  he 
was  likely  to  be  deceived  because  of  his  lack  of  sophisti- 
cation. 

Throughout  the  early  part  of  the  Viking  Age,  Thor 
seems  to  have  been  the  most  popular  god  of  the  whole 
North.  Later,  Odin  displaced  him  to  some  extent  in  Den- 
mark and  Sweden,  but  even  here  the  Thmiderer  remained 
the  favorite  deity  of  the  common  man;  and  in  Norway 
and  Iceland  he  continued  to  be  the  one  to  whom  all  most 
generally  looked  for  aid.  Thoroughly  democratic,  Thor 
was  the  staunch  friend  and  ready  helper  of  low  and  high 
alike.  Towards  him  people  felt  more  of  comradeship 
than  towards  any  other  of  the  deities,  and  depended  more 
upon  him.  This  is  made  very  clear  in  the  sagas.  One 
instance  is  Thoralf  of  Norway,  who,  we  are  told,  was  a 
"great  friend"  of  Thor.  After  this  chieftain  quarreled 
with  King  Harold  he  consulted  his  favorite  deity  to  leani 
whether  it  were  best  to  make  terms  with  the  ambitious 
sovereign  or  to  leave  the  country.  The  oracle  advised 
him  to  depart  to  Iceland,  and  this  Thoralf  decided  to  do, 
taking  with  him  most  of  the  timber  from  the  temple  of 
Thor  as  well  as  some  of  the  earth  from  beneath  the  ped- 
estal on  which  the  image  of  the  deity  had  stood.  Upon 
approaching  Iceland,  he  threw  overboard  the  wooden  pil- 
lars on  which  was  carved  the  image  of  his  ''loving 
friend,"  in  order  that  his  patron  might  direct  him  to  a 
favorable  landing  place.^*^ 

Men  also  showed  their  attachment  to  this  god  by  nam- 
ing their  children  for  him  and  dedicating  them  to  his 
sendee.  Among  the  eight  hundred  men  and  three  hun- 
dred women  constituting  the  early  settlers  of  Iceland 
mentioned  in  the  Landnamahok  are  to  be  found  thirty 
different  men's  names  and  twenty-one  different  women's 

20  Ibid.,  7. 


RELIGION:  OBJECTS  OF  WORSHIP  371 

names  containing  the  name  Thor.^^     This  far  exceeds 
any  similar  record  for  any  other  god. 

Still  another  manner  of  showing  allegiance  to  Thor, 
which  perhaps  rose  towards  the  end  of  the  viking  era 
as  a  result  of  Christian  influence,  was  the  use  of  inscrip- 
tions in  runes  upon  the  tomb  stones  commending  the 
departed  to  the  care  of  the  Thunder  god.  But  more  in- 
teresting and  more  general  was  the  role  of  the  hammer, 
Thor's  symbol.  This  was  used  upon  tomb  stones,  and, 
as  has  been  elsewhere  stated,  as  a  decorative  motif  in 
jewelry,  worn  most  frequently  perhaps  in  the  form  of 
pendants  or  charms.  The  sign  of  the  hammer,  or  the 
hammer  itself,  was  employed  for  consecrating  the  Scan- 
dinavian bride,  and  also  probably  in  connection  with  the 
final  rites  for  the  dead.^^  This  striking  parallel  between 
the  use  of  the  Christian  cross  and  the  heathen  hammer 
is  probably  a  result  of  the  fact  that  the  Northmen,  after 
coming  in  contact  with  Christianity  in  the  South,  came 
to  think  of  Thor  as  corresponding  to  Christ;  both  were 
helpers  and  friends  to  whom  man  turned  in  time  of  need, 
regardless  of  the  character  of  the  need.^^ 

Odin  was  a  much  younger  deity  than  Thor,  or  was  an 
ancient  god  modified  and  brought  up  to  date ;  for  he  re- 
flected well  the  most  obvious  characteristics 
of  the  viking  heroes.  Primarily  a  war  god, 
he  came  into  prominence  in  consequence  of  the  great 
emphasis  placed  upon  military  activities.  And  yet  he 
did  not  have  the  monopoly  of  matters  connected  with 
warfare,  for  to  Thor  many  men  continued  to  turn  for 
aid  in  fighting,  as  for  other  things.  A  true  representa- 
tive of  the  aristocratic  Viking  Age,  Odin  was  the  friend 

=1  Petersen,  Henry,  Om  Xordboernes  Gudedyrkelse  og  Gudetro  i  Hedenold, 
41. 
22  Ibid.,   58.  23  Craigie,  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  11-12. 


372         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

of  warriors  and  kings,  and,  like  them,  he  used  the  modem 
spear  in  battle,  in  contrast  to  Thor's  primitive  hammer. 
While  the  frank  and  democratic  Thor  gained  his  ends 
by  dint  of  pure  physical  strength,  Odin  succeeded  by 
exercising  the  craft  and  cunning  which  characterized  the 
viking  warrior.  Thor  drank  home-brewed  ale,  but  Odin, 
like  the  rich  sea-kings,  partook  of  imported  wine.^"* 
Whereas  Thor  was  believed  by  some  to  care  for  only  the 
souls  of  the  humble  thralls,  Odin  had  special  supervision 
over  the  proud  warriors.  **  To  some  he  gave  victory,  and 
some  he  invited  to  himself,  and  either  lot  was  thought 
good;  "  25  for  those  who  fell  in  battle  went  to  live  with 
the  warrior  god  in  Valhalla,  where  they  enjoyed  unlimited 
opportunity  for  glorious  military  achievement. 

In  addition  to  his  functions  as  war  god,  Odin  was, 
appropriately,  the  one  who  presided  over  wisdom  and 
cunning,  and  over  runes  and  poetry;  for  the  two  latter 
were  popularly  believed  to  be  closely  associated  with 
supernatural  power.  His  love  for  the  deep,  mysterious, 
and  unfathomable  things  of  creation  had  induced  this 
deity  to  sacrifice  one  eye  to  Mimir's  fountain  of  wisdom 
and  knowledge,  in  exchange  for  the  secrets  of  the  uni- 
verse. 

In  the  mythology  of  the  late  heathen  age  Odin  is  repre- 
sented as  the  hero-ancestor  of  the  Scandinavian  people, 
who  led  them  into  their  present  home-land.  The  stories 
of  the  gods  also  make  him  the  supreme  deity,  or  All 
Father ;  and  represent  Thor  as  his  son.  Such  an  exalta- 
tion of  the  one-eyed  god  was  doubtless  due  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Christian  South.  However,  in  spite  of  the 
predominant  position  given  to  the  Father  God  in  North- 
ern mytJiology,  and  in  spite  of  the  rapid  growth  of  the 

2*  Ibid.,  22. 
2^  Ibid.,  14,  15. 


RELIGION:  OBJECTS  OF  WORSHIP  373 

Odin  cult  in  Denmark  and  Sweden  during  the  Viking  Age, 
he  never  really  held  more  than  second  place  in  the 
worship  of  the  North.  Even  in  Denmark  and  Sweden, 
the  runestones  much  more  frequently  bear  the  name  of 
Thor,  the  friend,  than  of  Odin,  the  All  Father;  and  in 
Denmark,  in  particular,  the  Thunderer  is  given  distinctly 
more  prominence  in  place-names  than  Odin,  which  indi- 
cates the  long-,  well-established  position  of  the  former. 
And  there  is  no  clear  evidence  in  the  historical  sources 
of  a  general  worship  of  this  god  in  either  Norway  or 
Iceland.  Most  of  the  references  to  him  from  this  west- 
ern part  of  Scandinavia  are  by  the  skalds,  and  these 
furnish  no  indication  of  his  popular  support,  since  he 
was  the  favorite  god  of  the  poets. ^°  Furthermore,  in  no 
saga  is  there  mention  of  any  temple,  image,  or  special 
priest  of  Odin  in  any  part  of  Iceland. ^^  And  not  one 
person  mentioned  in  Landndmahok  is  named  in  honor  of 
the  Father  God  of  Northern  mythology.^^ 

Frey  was  also  much  revered  in  the  North.  Though 
he  occupies  a  far  humbler  place  in  Scandinavian  m}i;h- 
ology  than  Odin,  it  is  not  improbable  that  he 
was  more  generally  worshipped  than  the  lat- 
ter. While  reputed  a  special  favorite  in  Sweden,^''  he 
was  really  quite  popular  throughout  Scandinavia.  In 
Iceland  there  were  priests  of  Frey,^^  and  among  the  first 
settlers  of  the  island  were  men  and  women  named  for 
him.^^  As  lord  of  wealth  and  fruitfulness,  he  ruled  over 
the  rain  and  sunshine  and  brought  good  crops;  and  at 
the  great  religious  festivals  it  was  customary  to  drink 

26 /bid.,    18-19. 

27  Ihid.,  19. 

28  Petersen,  Gudedyrkelse  og  Gudetro,  41. 

29  Feilberg,  Jul,  89. 

30  Ciaigie,  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  25, 

31  Petersen,  Gudedyrkelse  og  Gudetro,  41. 


374         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

to  him  for  peace  and  plenty.  By  some,  he  was  even  more 
beloved  than  Thor,  and  towards  him  men  felt  the  affec- 
tion and  intimacy  commonly  displayed  towards  the  Thun- 
derer. At  times,  his  worshippers  divided  up  their  pos- 
sessions with  him.  Horses  made  a  particularly  accept- 
able gift,  but,  as  god  of  fertility,  Frey  was  fond  of  all 
kinds  of  animals.^^ 

The  other  great  gods  of  the  North  are  more  shadowy 

figures,  perhaps  partly  because  they  were  less  commonly 

worshipped,  but  also  probably,  in  some  cases, 

^°^  merely  as  a  result  of  the  fact  that  the  sources 

of  our  information  do  not  happen  to  bestow  much  atten- 
tion on  them.  This  latter  reason  seems  to  apply  par- 
ticularly to  Njord,  closely  identified  in  worship  with  Frey, 
his  son.  To  Njord,  as  to  Frey,  the  Northmen  drank 
the  banqueting  horn  for  peace  and  plenty.  And  in  the 
old  heathen  form  of  oath  taken  by  suitors  and  others  at 
the  popular  assemblies  the  deities  invoked  were  com- 
monly "Frey  and  Njord  and  the  Almighty  God" — prob- 
ably Thor.  Though  the  first  two  were  both  gods  of 
prosperity,  Frey  was  more  especially  the  one  who 
brought  plenty  through  abundant  harvests,  w^hile  Njord 
ruled  over  traffic  and  brought  wealth  thereby.  Hence, 
the  latter  was  apparently  the  special  patron  of  the  mer- 
chant, and  upon  him  the  voyager  called  to  still  the  waves 
or  swell  the  sails,  to  suit  the  needs  of  the  trader.  As 
ruler  of  the  sea,  Njord  came  also  to  be  the  deity  to  whom 
the  fisherman  prayed.  He  was,  moreover,  the  god  of 
wealth  in  general,  the  Croesus  of  Scandinavian  myth- 
ology. "Rich  as  Njord"  was  a  common  simile  in  Ice- 
land, for  this  deity  was  believed  to  possess  vast  amounts 
of  land  and  treasure,  which  he  might  be  induced  to  be- 

32  Craigie,  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  26 ;  Rosdn,  Helge,  "Freykult 
pch  Dyrkult,"  in  Fomvdnnen,   1913,  pp.   213-245. 


RELIGION:  OBJECTS  OF  WORSHIP  375 

stow  upon  others  if  they  were  so  fortunate  as  to  win  his 

special  favor.^^ 

The  worship  of  Tyr,  the  god  of  battle,  was  evidently, 

even  in  the  early  part  of  the  viking  period,  distinctly 

in  a  state  of  decline  in  Scandinavia,  though, 

Tyr 
centuries  before,  Tacitus  had  likened  him  to 

the  mighty  Mars  of  the  Romans.  In  eastern  Scandina- 
via he  had  been  largely  supplanted  by  Odin,  while  it 
seems  likely  that  in  the  western  part  the  place  assumed 
by  Thor  as  a  general  god  caused  Tyr  to  be  thrust  into 
obscurity.  He,  however,  received  some  attention,  and  it 
was  good  for  men  of  valor  to  call  upon  him ;  for,  though 
possessed  of  but  one  arm,  he  was  the  ''bravest  and  stout- 
est-hearted of  the  gods ' '  and  had  a  great  share  in  decid- 
ing the  victory  in  battle.^^ 

Bragi,  the  son  of  Odin  and  god  of  wisdom,  poetry,  and 
eloquence,  appears  to  have  been  a  distinctly  Scandinavian 
deity,  for  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  was  „ 
known  to  the  other  Teutonic  peoples.  To 
what  extent  he  was  actually  worshipped  is  not  clear,  but 
it  is  probable  that  as  god  of  poetry  he  was  more  regarded 
in  Norway  and  Iceland  while  his  father  received  more 
recognition  in  Denmark  and  Sweden.  In  any  case,  the 
Northmen  commonly  drank  to  Bragi  at  sacrificial  feasts 
and  made  vows  to  perform  some  great  deed  worthy  to 
be  immortalized  in  verse. 

Loki  was  a  being  of  mixed  origin,  half  giant  and  half 
god,  and  was  the  mischief-maker  among  the  Northern 
deities,  with  whom  he  was  regularly  asso- 
ciated.     Like  Bragi,  Loki  appears  to  have 
been  peculiar  to  the  Scandinavian  religion,  but  there  is 
no  doubt  that  his  characteristics  were  largely  developed 

33  Craigie,  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  28-29. 
3*  Ibid.,  30. 


376         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

through  the  transforming  influence  of  the  Satan  of  Chris- 
tian belief.^^  It  is  even  possible  that  this  giant-god  was 
wholly  the  creation  of  the  late  Viking  Age  and  originated 
as  the  incarnation  of  evil — an  Oriental  idea  adapted  by 
the  Scandinavian  mind. 

Equally  peculiar  to  the  Northern  religion  was  Balder, 
the  son  of  Odin  and  the  noblest  of  all  of  the  gods; 
„  , ,  but  he  perhaps  shows  most  markedlv  the  in- 

Balder  " 

fluence  of  Christianity  upon  the  pagan  re- 
ligion of  the  Northland;  for,  as  the  incarnation  of  good, 
he  clearly  reflects  the  virtues  of  the  ''White  Christ." 
He  was  the  peace-maker  and  was  the  most  beautiful  and 
most  lovable  of  all  of  the  gods. 

Heimdal,  too,  was  kno\\ni  only  in  the  North  and  was 
probably  the  product  of  Christianity  working  upon  a 

heathen  background.     He  was  the  watchful 

keeper  of  the  gates  of  heaven  and  of  the  rain- 
bow bridge  called  Bifrost.  The  most  effective  vigilance 
characterized  him,  for  nothing  escaped  his  notice.  He 
slept  less  than  a  bird,  but  could  see  in  his  sleep  as  well 
as  in  the  dark,  and  could  hear  the  grass  grow  and  even 
the  wool  grow  on  the  sheep's  back.  Part  of  his  equip- 
ment was  Gjallar,  the  magic  horn  with  which  he  would 
summon  the  gods  upon  the  day  of  judgment. 

Two  of  the  shadowy  deities  about  whom  little  is  known 
are  Hoene,  the  long-legged  god  who  was  associated  with 

the  crane,  and  presided  over  oozy,  swampy 
UUer^  ^"        districts,  and  Uller,  the  god  of  w^inter  who 

strode  over  snow-clad  hill  and  dale  upon 
skees.  The  very  brief  mention  made  in  Northern  litera- 
ture of  these  two  was  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  their 
worship  had  virtually  died  out  before  the  dawn  of  Scan- 
dina\dan  history,  though  it  is  not  impossible  that  they 

35  Bugge,  Sorges  Historic,  vol.  I,  pt.  I,  188. 


RELIGION:  OBJECTS  OF  WORSHIP  377 

were  of  recent  origin  and  that  their  development  was 
arrested  by  the  introduction  of  Christian  ideas.  It  is 
evident,  however,  that  special  gods  like  these,  of  a  re- 
gional or  seasonal  nature,  could  never  attain  to  the 
prominence  of  the  god  of  war,  or  of  Thor,  the  special 
friend  of  man. 

Of  the  various  goddesses  of  Avhom  the  ancient  writ- 
ings make  mention,  Frigg,  Freyia,  and  Idun  were  per- 
haps  the  most  prominent.     Frigg,  wife   of  prigg, 
Odin,  is  represented  in  Northern  mythology  Freyia, 
as  the  first  among  the  goddesses.     She  was  a  ^^^  ^^"" 
fitting  mate  for  the  one-eyed  god,  since  she  was  pos- 
sessed of  great  wisdom  and  was  familiar  with  the  fates 
of  all  human  beings;  but  she  was  too  discreet  and  too 
kind  to  reveal  the  future  to  them.     Primarily,  she  was 
representative  of  steady,  enduring  maternal  love,  such  as 
she  displayed  in  her  devotion  to  her  son,  Balder,  killed 
by  the  mischievous  Loki. 

Freyia,  daughter  of  Njord,  was,  on  the  other  hand,  pa- 
tron of  stormy,  emotional,  romantic  affection,  and  to  her 
all  lovers  prayed.  Her  great  beauty  caused  poets  to 
coin  figurative  expressions  making  allusion  to  her.  The 
butterfly,  for  instance,  was  known  as  '^ Freyia 's  hen," 
and  gold  was  called  " Freyia 's  tears,"  in  memory  of  the 
tears  of  pure  gold  Avhich  she  shed  as  she  wandered  over 
the  world  in  search  of  her  husband,  Oder,  whose  fond- 
ness for  travel  caused  him  to  leave  her.  Two  of  Freyia 's 
most  prized  possessions  were  her  famous  necklace, 
Brisingamen,  and  a  disguise  of  falcon  feathers  which  she 
donned  when  she  went  forth  on  perilous  journeys.  She 
shared  with  her  brother,  Frey,  some  of  his  power  as  god 
of  abundance ;  and  Odin  divided  evenly  with  her  the  slain 
on  the  field  of  battle.  But  in  spite  of  the  prestige  gained 
from  these  connections,  Freyia  ranged  below  Frigg. 


378  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Idun,  wife  of  Bragi,  was  possessed  of  great  power  and 
was  absolutely  essential  to  the  happiness  and  welfare  of 
the  whole  group  of  divinities ;  for  she  was  guardian  of  the 
casket  containing  the  magical  apples  which  all  of  the  gods 
must  taste  at  intervals  to  prevent  youth  from  passing 
from  them.  Failure  to  do  so  caused  them  to  shrivel  and 
weaken.  Idun  is,  therefore,  looked  upon  as  symbolical 
of  gladness  and  ever-returning  spring."'^ 

3»  ^rortensen,  Karl,  Xordisk  Mytologi;  Anderson,  'Sorse  Mythology. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

RELIGION  :    PLACES    AND    METHODS    OF    WORSHIP 

Men  also  would  drink  a  toast  to  their  kinsmen  that  had  been  laid  in 
their  barrows,  and  that  was  called  the  "memory  toast." 

Haakon  Saga. 

As  no  priest  class  existed  in  the  North,  worship  had  a 
personal,  informal  phase,  as  well  as  a  more  conventional 
community  aspect :  in  matters  in  which  only 
himself  was  concerned,  the  Northman  met 
his  gods  alone;  in  affairs  of  general  interest  he  wor- 
shipped at  stated  times  in  fellowship  with  others,  under 
the  leadership  of  the  chieftain-priest.  Because  of  this 
more  formal,  public  manifestation  of  the  religion  of  the 
North,  special  places  of  worship  early  came  into  use. 
The  most  primitive  of  these  was  doubtless  the  horg 
(horgr),  which  consisted  merely  of  a  stone  altar  or  cairn 
standing  under  the  open  sky.  On  it  the  sacrificial  offer- 
ing was  placed.  Though  largely  supplanted  by  the  more 
pretentious  temple  by  the  beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
this  crude  place  of  worship  was  still  in  use  in  some  parts 
of  Scandinavia  at  the  close  of  the  heathen  period.^  An- 
other simple  device,  used  at  least  in  Sweden,  was  a  port- 
able booth  or  tabernacle  of  small  dimensions,  containing 
an  image  of  a  god,  which  was  carried  about  from  place 
to  place  for  purposes  of  worship.^ 

Virtually   every   community,   however,   had   its   local 
temple  during  the  late  heathen  period;  and  in  certain 

1  Keyser,  Nordmaendenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Hedendommen,  89. 

2  "Horgr,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 

379 


380         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

parts  were  found  great  temples  for  provincial  or  national 
religious  assemblies.     The  most  famous  of 

empes  {Ijq^q  centers  for  worship  was  at  Uppsala, 
in  Sweden;  Denmark's  most  famous  temple  was  perhaps 
the  one  at  Leire,  though  the  temples  at  Lund  (which  was 
then  a  Danish  possession),  Ringsted,  Viborg,  and  Odense 
were  also  noted.^  Some  of  the  buildings,  particularly 
those  of  private  origin,  were  quite  small  and  frail,  and 
could,  therefore,  be  taken  down  easily  and  moved;  but 
others  were  large,  pretentious  structures  as  substantial 
as  any  of  the  dwelling  houses.  As  in  the  case  of  the 
latter,  the  materials  used  varied  according  to  the  coun- 
try; in  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden  timber  was  most 
commonly  employed;  in  Iceland,  turf,  or  turf  and  un- 
hewn stone  was  the  rule.  When  the  two  materials  were 
combined  in  the  Icelandic  temples,  a  thin  layer  of  turf 
was  alternated  with  a  thick  one  of  stone ;  often,  however, 
both  materials  were  employed  only  for  the  lower  part  of 
the  walls,  turf  alone  being  used  for  the  upper  portion.'' 
In  these  temples,  turf  was  most  frequently  used  for  the 
roof  also,  though  wooden  roofs  were  not  unknown.^ 

It  is  not  improbable  that  in  the  viking  period  there 
were  round  or  oval  religious  buildings  in  Scandinavia, 
since  there  were  houses  of  the  same  shape;  and  it  has 
been  suggested  that  the  peculiar  rotunda  churches,  still 
to  be  found  in  different  parts  of  the  North,  were  modeled 
after  round  or  oval  temples  of  heathen  days.^  But  these 
rounded  structures,  if  they  existed,  were  a  survival  from 

a  still  earlier  age,  and  were  not  the  common  form.     Most 
temples  were  rectangular — though  in  Iceland,  where  the 

3  Petersen,  (ludedyrkelse  og  Cudetro,  7. 

4  Thiimmel,  Albert,  Der  Germanische  Tempel,  30-33. 

5  Ibid.,  70. 

6  Petersen,  Gudedyrkelse  og  Gudetro,  22-23. 


RELIGION:  PLACES  AND  METHODS  OF  WORSHIP       381 

materials  were  turf  or  stone,  the  corners  of  the  buildings 
naturally  were  not  sharp — and  were  built  to  some  extent 
after  the  style  of  the  stofa,  the  living  room  in  the  North- 
man's dwelling  house.  Frequently  they  were  of  large 
size.  Mention  is  to  be  found  of  temples  considerably 
over  one  hundred  feet  in  length  and  more  than  sixty  in 
width.  The  investigations  of  Thiimmel  show  that  the 
public  temples  of  Iceland  had  an  average  length  of  nearly 
one  hundred  feet,  while  the  private  ones  were  about  half 

2,2 /r? 

1.1 

<  10.«m  X  8,4  m  > 

Fig.  45.  Ground  Plan  of  an  Icelandic 
Temple.  (From  Thiiramel's  Germanische 
Tempel. ) 

as  long.  The  breadth  was  from  one  fourth  to  one  half 
of  the  length."^  It  seems  likely  that  in  continental  Scan- 
dinavia where  building  materials  were  more  easily  ob- 
tained the  temples  were  frequently  larger;  but  since  they 
were  of  perishable  wood,  there  is  no  evidence  left  to 
prove  this. 

The  rectangular  temples  in  Iceland — and  doubtless  in 
the  remaining  parts  of  the  North— were  divided  by  a 
doorless  partition  into  two  rooms  of  unequal  size  (Fig. 
45).  The  apartments  thus  formed  corresponded  roughly 
to  the  choir  and  the  nave  of  the  Christian  church.  The 
larger  room  formed  the  place  of  assembly  in  which  the 
worshippers  met  for  their  ceremonial  feasts,  and  appears 
to  have  been  furnished  with  benches  and  high  seat  very 

'!  Der  Germanische  Tempel,  44-49,  71. 


382         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

much  like  the  stofa  of  the  dwelling.  The  afhiis,  or 
smaller  room  was  the  one  in  which  sacrifices  were  offered. 
Here  stood  the  images  of  the  gods  upon  pedestals,  in  a 
half  circle ;  and  before  them,  in  the  center  of  the  arc,  was 
the  stone  altar  where  stood,  when  not  in  use,  the  bowl  in 
which  the  sacrificial  blood  was  caught,  and  where  lay 
the  holy  ring  used  in  the  administration  of  oaths.®  Upon 
the  altar  there  burned  a  fire  which  was  never  permitted  to 
go  out.® 

The  number  and  character  of  the  images  found  in  the 
temples  differed  according  to  the  country  and  the  nature 

of  the  place  of  worship  itself.  In  the  chief 
th*^C^^ds         temples  were  probably  representations  of  all 

of  the  deities  of  the  region  or  country. 
These  were  in  the  shape  of  human  beings  appropriately 
dressed  and  equipped,  presumably  in  the  fashion  of  the 
period,  and  richly  decorated  with  silver  and  gold.  In  the 
great  temple  at  Uppsala  not  only  were  the  images  thus 
ornamented,  but  in  the  embellishment  of  the  building  it- 
self much  gold  was  used.^"  Here,  at  Uppsala,  we  are 
told  by  Adam  of  Bremen,  were  the  w^arrior  Odin  dressed 
in  a  full  suit  of  armor,  and  the  Thunderer  bearing  his 
hammer  in  his  hand.^^  Thor  was  also  at  times  repre- 
sented as  in  his  chariot.  There  was  such  an  image  in 
Trondhjem.  Here  the  favorite  god,  adorned  with  silver 
and  gold,  was  seated  in  a  chariot  to  which  were  hitched 
two  carved  wooden  goats  mounted  on  wheels.  Silver 
cords  used  as  reins  were  attached  to  the  goat's  horns.' ^ 
Yet  another  image  of  Thor,  of  unusual  size,  was  described 
as  standing  upon  a  special  pedestal  or  platform  built  to 

8  Thiimmel,  Der  Germanische  Tempel,  82-88,  paaaim. 

9  Origines  Islandicae,  I,   310. 

10  Adam  of  Bremen,  194. 

11  Ibid. 

12  Craigie,  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  48-49. 


RELIGION:  PLACES  AND  METHODS  OF  WORSHIP        383 

be  carried  out  of  the  image  room  into  the  open  air  where 
the  favorite  god  would  be  more  accessible  to  the  crowds. ^^ 

That  goddesses  as  well  as  gods  were  represented  by 
images  is  shown  by  the  statement  in  a  saga  that  a  figure 
of  Thorgerda,  an  obscure  goddess  of  Iceland,  had  a  great 
gold  ring  upon  its  arm  and  a  wimple,  or  veil,  about  its 
head.i^ 

There  seems  to  be  no  ground  for  doubting  that  the 
representations  of  the  gods  car^^ed  upon  the  furniture  of 
dwelling  houses  and  upon  the  high  seat  and  porch  pillars 
were  objects  of  worship  as  well  as  the  images  found  in 
the  temples.  They  were  a  sort  of  household  god.  The 
pillar  carvings  were  perhaps  not  unlike  totem  poles  in 
general  appearance,  though  of  smaller  size.  Indeed, 
Professor  Alexander  Bugge  inclines  to  the  view  that  the 
images  in  the  temples  were  also  of  the  nature  of  these 
primitive  ''god  posts";  and  he  questions  whether  the 
people — as,  Adam  of  Bremen's  informants — who  de- 
scribed the  heathen  images  as  dressed  in  clothes  had 
really  ever  seen  these  images;  and  suggests  that  they 
may  have  been  describing  the  statues  seen  in  Christian 
churches. ^^  The  evidence  of  the  sagas  seems  however, 
quite  against  the  view  of  Bugge  on  this  point. 

In  addition  to  the  large  images  for  use  in  the  temple 
and  the  home,  small  figures  of  the  gods  made  from  wood, 
silver,  or  ivory,  such  as  could  be  carried  in  the  wallet  or 
pocket,  were  used.  Their  o\vners  probably  consulted 
them  for  advice  as  well  as  carried  them  for  luck.^*^ 

Though  there  was  no  priest  class  in  Scandinavia,  each 
community  had  its  religious  leader — called  "godi"  in 

13  Jhid..  49. 

liNjala,    193. 

15  Norges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  I,  209. 

1?  Origines  Islandicae,  I,   126. 


384         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Iceland— who  was  also  its  political  head,  as  has  already 
been  explained.     During  early  days  in  Ice- 

r^Pde°st*  ^^^^'  *^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^"^  owned  the  temple 
became  its  priest ;  but  after  the  republic  was 
formed  a  number  of  chief,  or  public,  temples  were 
created,  and  men  noted  for  intelligence  and  just  dealing 
were  selected  by  the  Althing  to  have  charge  of  them. 
Some  such  system  probably  had  prevailed  in  the  re- 
mainder of  Scandinavia  for  the  public  temples  from  a 
very  early  time.^'  Throughout  the  North  there  were  also 
private  temples  the  builders  and  owners  of  which  were 
as  a  rule  their  godis;  and  in  many  cases  these  priests 
probably  paid  the  whole  expense  of  maintenance ;  but  it 
was  perhaps  more  usual  for  the  attendants  at  a  temple 
to  pay  a  toll  or  tax  for  its  support.  This  was  always 
true  in  the  case  of  public  places  of  worship.^^^  Gifts  of 
land  and  personal  property  from  pious  persons  also  con- 
tributed to  the  support  of  the  religious  establishments.^' 
The  temple  at  Uppsala,  for  example,  was  particularly 
w^ell  endowed. 

Though  a  person  of  influence  because  of  his  dual  office, 
the  godi  was  never  possessed  of  dangerous  power;  for 
there  was  nothing  to  prevent  any  one  with  sufficient 
means  from  erecting  a  place  of  worship  of  his  o^v^l  and 
exercising  the  influence  of  religious  leader  over  all  who 
chose  to  worship  at  his  temple.  There  was  no  compul- 
sion about  the  matter,  and  no  individual  was  required 
even  to  confine  himself  to  the  god-houses  of  his  own  coun- 
try. This  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  some  early 
settlers  in  Iceland  made  a  point  of  returning  to  Norway 

17  Chadwick.  H.  Munro,  "The  Ancient  Teutonic  Priesthood,"  in  Folklore, 
XI    280-283;   Craigie,  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  44. 

18  Keyser,  Sordmacndenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Hedendommen,  06. 
18  OHgines  Islandicae,  I,  207. 


RELIGION:  PLACES  AND  METHODS  OF  WORSHIP        385 

at  intervals  to  sacrifice  at  the  temples  of  their  kindred 
there,  or  at  the  shrines  of  their  youth.^''  After  all,  the 
power  of  the  godi  was  largely  dependent  upon  his  influ- 
ence as  a  man — his  wealth,  bodily  strength,  fighting  quali- 
ties, and  personal  character. 

Temple  owners  and  others  holding  rights  of  godiship 
sometimes  voluntarily  delegated  their  religious  functions 
to  others.  Slaves  and  servants,  as  representatives  of 
their  masters,  were  occasionally  put  in  charge  of  these 
duties;  and  women,  w^ho  were  probably  in  most  cases 
relatives  of  the  godi,  also  sometimes  collected  the  temple 
taxes,  performed  sacrifices,  and  acted  the  parts  of  priests 
in  other  capacities.  Obviously,  menials  did  not  exercise 
the  political  functions  belonging  to  the  godi ;  and  it  does 
not  seem  likely  that  the  priestesses  were  given  such 
power.^^ 

It  was  one  of  the  functions  of  the  priest  to  keep  the 
images  of  the  gods  supplied  with  food  and  with  other 
offerings.  Gifts  might  also  be  made  to  the  gods  in  the 
temple  by  private  individuals.  Great  religious  gather- 
ings were,  in  addition,  held  at  special  seasons  or  on  occa- 
sions of  local  or  national  crisis  when  more  extensive  re- 
ligious ceremonies  took  place  in  behalf  of  the  group  or 
the  nation. 

Three  annual  festivals  seem  to  have  been  held  through- 
out   Scandinavia:     Vetrnott,   Winter   Night,   about   the 
middle  of  October,  ''to  greet  the  winter"; 
J61,  or  Hohunott,  held  originally  about  the   ^"j""^^^^^ 
middle  of  January,  but  afterwards  altered  Festivals 
to  correspond  with  Christmas;  and  a  spring 
celebration  coming  about  the  middle  of  April,  held  "to 

20  Ibid.,   218. 

21  Ibid.,  43,  131;  Philpotts,  "Temple  Administration  and  Chieftainship 
in   Pre-Christian   Norway   and   Iceland,"   in   Saga  Book,   VIII,   274, 


.386         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

greet  the  summer. ' '  2-  Since  the  year  began  with  Winter 
Night,  the  festival  held  at  this  time  seems  to  have  been 
largely  devoted  to  Frey  to  whom  sacrifices  were  offered 
for  a  good  year.^^  The  celebration  of  J61  was,  however, 
the  most  important  festival  period,  and  at  times  lasted 
as  long  as  two  weeks.  At  this  gathering  sacrifices  were 
offered  not  only  to  the  great  gods,  and  beakers  drunk  to 
them,  but  particular  attention  was  also  paid  to  the 
humbler  powers  who  influenced  the  destinies  of  mankind. 
The  Northmen  took  pains  to  win  over  the  disir,  or  guard- 
ian spirits  already  mentioned,  as  well  as  various  other 
beings  who  were  supposed  to  interest  themselves  in  the 
affairs  of  mortals  at  this  time  of  year.^^  But  special 
attention  was  paid  to  the  spirits  of  the  more  recently 
dead,  since  it  was  believed  that  during  the  long  winter 
nights  ghosts  were  more  likely  to  wander  forth  from  their 
burial  mounds  and  visit  the  living.  Hence,  it  was  neces- 
sar}'  to  gain  their  good  will.^'' 

Very  little  may  be  learned  of  the  spring  celebration, 
but  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  this  differed  greatly 
from  the  others,  except  for  the  seasonal  interest. 

These  three  annual  festivals  were  generally  held  in 
every  temple.  Besides  these,  there  were  national  fes- 
tivals which  took  place  at  the  centers  of  re- 
Great  ligion.  Eveiy  nine  years  such  a  gathering 
Festivals  occurred  at  the  great  temple  at  Uppsala,  and 
all  Swedes  were  required  to  attend.  Its  ob- 
ject was  to  sacrifice  to  the  gods  for  peace,  and,  in  case 
of  war,  for  victory  for  the  king.  In  Denmark  a  similar 
festival  was  held  at  Leire,  near  Roskilde,  in  January  of 

22  Craigie,  The  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  62. 

23  Tille,  Alexander,  Yule  and  Christmas,  195,  199;  Gisla  Saga  Surssonar, 
36-37. 

24  Feilberg,  Jul,  96. 

25  Ibid.,  96-98. 


RELIGION:  PLACES  AND  METHODS  OF  WORSHIP        387 

every  ninth  year.^^     It  is  probable  that  religious  gath- 
erings of  the  same  nature  took  place  in  Norway. 

At  all  times  of  special  gatherings  in  honor  of  the  gods, 
a  definite  peace  was  proclaimed  throughout  the  region. ^^ 
Furthermore,  no  weapon  might  be  taken  in- 
side the  temple,  and  murder  within  its  pre-   p^  isio"^ 
cincts  w^as  punishable  by  outlawry.^^ 

When  the  temple  was  in  private  hands,  it  was  custom- 
aiy  for  the  godi  to  supply  the  food  and  drink  for  the 
sacrificial  feasts;  in  other  cases,  each  wor- 
shipper was  expected  to  bring  offerings,  pg^g^g 
Under  the  supervision  of  the  godi,  the  ani- 
mals were  slaughtered  before  the  images  of  the  gods  and 
their  blood  caught  in  the  bowls  made  for  the  purpose. 
By  means  of  bundles  of  twigs,  the  altar,  the  walls  of 
the  temple,  and  the  people  were  sprinkled  with  this  sac- 
rificial blood,  and  thus  the  worshippers  were  united  with 
their  gods.^''  This  was  followed  by  the  ceremonial  ban- 
quet held  in  the  nave  of  the  temple,  which  was  usually 
draped  with  tapestries,  and  otherwise  decorated  for  the 
occasion.  The  flesh  from  the  sacrificial  animals  was 
cooked  in  kettles  over  fires  built  down  through  the  middle 
of  the  room ;  and  over  the  fires  the  ceremonial  horns  filled 
wdth  wdne  or  ale  were  passed — probably  as  an  act  of 
purification.  The  banquet,  like  the  sacrifices,  was  under 
the  direction  of  the  godi;  and  he,  as  lord  of  the  feast, 
"signed  the  cups  and  all  the  meat" — probably  with  the 
hammer  of  Thor.^'^ 

Minni-drinking,  or  memorial  toasts,  formed  the  most 

26  Craigie,  The  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  56-57. 

27  Gronbech,  Vor  Folkeaet  i  Oldtiden,  IV,  14. 

28  Craigie,  The  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  46. 

29  Feilberg,  Jul,  86. 

30  Keyser,   N ordmaendenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Hedendommen,   99. 


388         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

important  part  of  the  ceremonial  banquet,  and  corre- 
sponded to  the  libations  poured  out  to  the 
Jf*""'r  srods  in  the  classical  world.     The  first  horn 

Drinking  ®  .       _  .  . 

was  usually  quaffed  to  0dm  for  victory  m 
battle  and  the  dominion  of  the  land  by  the  king;  then  came 
the  toasts  to  Njord  and  Frey  for  abundant  har\^ests  and 
peace.  Thor  and  Bragi  were  also  remembered  at  this 
time.  And  the  cup  of  memory  was  drunk  in  loving 
thought  of  dead  kindred. 

After  the  adoption  of  Christianity  the  custom  of  minni- 
drinking  was  continued;  but  now  the  worshippers  drank 
to  Christ  and  Mary,  the  saints  of  the  North,  the  archangel 
Michael,  and  even  to  the  Holy  Ghost.  These  toasts  were 
most  frequently  offered  at  Christmas  time  and  Easter.^^ 
And  in  some  parts,  toasts,  at  least  to  Christ  and  Mary, 
were  required  by  law;  in  Norway,  for  instance,  all  per- 
sons who  OA\med  a  certain  minimum  of  property  must 
hold  a  feast  in  their  honor  for  prosperity  and  peace. 
Failure  to  comply  was  punishable  by  fine ;  and  continued 
disobedience  for  throe  years  might  result  in  confiscation 
of  property  and  banishment. ^^  The  custom  of  religious 
drinking  lasted  in  Iceland  until  after  the  opening  of  the 
seventeenth  century ,^^  and  a  vestige  of  this  old  Teutonic 
ceremony  still  sur\dves  in  many  lands  in  the  practice  of 
drinking  to  the  health  of  the  living.  Thus  the  pagan 
prayer  and  offering  to  the  gods  has  been  transformed 
into  a  friendly  toast  to  one 's  fellow  men.^* 

The  Northmen  sacrificed  various  kinds  of  animals  to 
Sacrificial  win  the  favor  of  the  gods,  the  one  used  being 
Animals  determined  by  the  part  of  the  country  as  well 

as  by  the  deity  to  be  honored.     The  humbler  people  in 

siVisted,    Vor   Gamle  Bondelultur,    189. 

32  Norges  Gamle  Love,  I,  6. 

33  Craigie,  The  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  61. 

34  Gronbech,  Vor  Folkeaet  i  Oldtiden,  IV,  46. 


RELIGION:  PLACES  AND  METHODS  OF  WORSHIP        389 

western  Scandinavia  appear  to  have  most  frequently 
offered  the  goat,  but  the  sheep  was  the  more  customary 
sacrificial  animal.  Cattle,  horses,  dogs,  swine,  and 
cocks  were  slaughtered  for  the  gods  in  great  numbers 
on  some  occasions;  and  even  men  gave  up  their  lives 
for  the  sake  of  gaining  or  retaining  the  favor  of  the 
divinities.  At  the  national  festival  held  at  Uppsala 
every  nine  years  men,  horses,  and  dogs  were  sacrificed 
and  their  bodies  hung  in  the  famous  sacred  grove  ad- 
joining the  temple;  and  at  the  corresponding  festival  at 
Leire,  Denmark,  ninety-nine  men  as  well  as  the  same 
number  of  horses,  dogs,  and  cocks  gave  up  their  lives  on 
pagan  altars.^^  Cattle  were  commonly  offered  to  Frey, 
but  the  horse  was  considered  the  noblest  of  the  usual  sac- 
rificial animals  and  was  a  favorite  of  the  god  of  plenty. 
Such  a  costly  sacrifice  could,  however,  be  afforded  only 
by  the  wealthy.^''  The  boar  also  played  an  interest- 
ing part  in  a  ceremonj^  connected  with  Frey  in  Norway. 
At  J61  time  the  largest  boar  that  could  be  found  was 
offered  at  a  public  sacrificial  feast  by  the  king,  but  before 
being  killed  the  animal  was  led  into  the  hall  in  front  of 
the  monarch  to  afford  those  present  an  opportunity  to 
pass  their  hands  over  his  bristles  and  utter  vows;  ''and 
they  considered  him  so  holy  that  over  his  bristles  they 
would  swear  in  all  their  great  cases. ' '  ^'^ 

The  sacrifice  of  human  beings  during  the  viking  era 
appears  to  have  been  largely  limited  to  special 
crises  and  the  great  national  festivals;  and  sacrifice 
the  persons  then  put  to  death  were  usually 
criminals   or    slaves.     In    Iceland   and,   presumably,   in 

35  Craigie.  The  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  56-57. 

36  Unwerth,  Wolf  von,  Untersuchungen  iiher  Totcnkult  und  Odinnvereh- 
rung  hei  Nordgermanen,  70;  Keysor,  IS! ordmaendenes  Religionsforfatning  i 
Hedendommen,  67. 

37  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  309. 


390         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Scandinavia  as  a  whole,  the  doom-ring  and  the  sacrificial 
stone  stood  near  the  temple.  Within  the  one,  men  were 
condemned  to  be  offered  to  the  gods,  and  upon  the  other, 
their  bodies  were  broken. "^^  The  remains  of  such  sacri- 
fices were  probably  buried  promptly.  Besides  the  human 
sacrifice  already  mentioned,  which  took  place  at  the  spe- 
cial religious  gatherings,  other  evidence  of  such  offerings 
by  an  assembled  people  and  by  individuals  may  be  found 
in  the  sagas.  It  is  stated,  for  instance,  that  in  early 
Sweden  during  a  period  of  severe  famine  the  people 
sacrificed  their  king,  named  Olaf,  by  burning  him  in  his 
own  house,  in  the  hope  of  gaining  the  pity  of  the  gods. 
This  offering  was  probably  made  to  Frey;  and  the  object 
in  choosing  the  king  for  it,  seems  to  have  been  the  hope 
that  he,  as  chief  priest  of  the  land,  would  be  especially 
acceptable  to  the  gods.  Moreover,  this  particular  king 
was  suspected  of  having  neglected  to  make  proper  sacri- 
fices to  Frey,  and,  thus,  to  have  invited  famine.^"  Men's 
lives  were  also  given  to  Odin.  King  Aun  of  Uppsala  is 
said  to  have  sacrificed  his  nine  sons  to  this  deity  in  the 
effort  to  prolong  his  o^^m  life ;  and  Hakon  Jarl,  to  have 
offered  his  seven-year-old  son  to  the  war  god  as  a  token 
of  gratitude  for  victory.*^ 

The  Northman  probably  rarely  otfered  prayer  to  the 
deities  except  in  connection  with  gifts  of  one  sort  or  an- 
other; usually  a  memory  toast  was  drunk  with  appropri- 
ate words,  or  food  or  other  gifts  were  placed  before  the 

sslbid.,   69,   264. 

39  Keyser,  Nordmaendenes  Religions forfatning  i  Hedendommen,  102; 
Craigie,   Religion  of  Ancient   Scandinavin,  58. 

Even  after  Christianity  was  well  established,  in  1350,  at  the  time  of  the 
Black  Death  in  Sweden,  the  West  Gothlanders  mot  and  determined  upon 
human  sacrifice  as  a  means  of  getting  rid  of  the  plague;  and,  in  conse- 
quence, two  beggar  children  were  put  to  death.  Mogk,  E.,  "Die  Men- 
schenopfer  bei  den  Germanen,"  in  Abhandlungen,  etc.,  XXVII,  625. 

40  Keyser,  Nordmaendenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Hedendommen,  102. 


RELIGION:  PLACES  AND  METHODS  OF  WORSHIP        391 

image  of  the  god  and  the  wish  directly  expressed  to  it. 
And  the  god  was  expected  to  respond.     It 
was  also  quite  common  to  make  a  compact   Prayer: the 
with  a  favorite  god,  as  intimated  in  the  pre-   ^f^^^^\ . 

"       '  '-  ^         Hilement  in 

ceding  paragraph.  Perhaps  the  mercantile  Worship 
experience  of  the  viking  period  taught  that 
this  was  the  safest  and  most  economical  plan.  A  wor- 
shipper would  vow,  for  example,  to  make  certain  offerings 
if  the  deity  would  show  him  favor ;  and  often  a  small  gift 
was  presented  at  the  time  of  the  prayer,  perhaps  to  rouse 
the  interest  and  anticipation  of  the  god.  Thus,  before 
the  opening  of  battle  warriors  promised  sacrifices  if  the 
gods  would  give  them  victory.  Members  of  the  enemy 
army  taken  prisoners  were  dedicated  to  such  use,^^  But 
it  was  also  very  usual  to  make  the  offering  ahead  of  time, 
in  this  way  taking  for  granted  fair  play  on  the  part  of 
the  deity.  The  Swedes,  for  instance,  would  place  a  sac- 
rificial animal  in  front  of  their  own  battle  line  when  the 
enemy  appeared.'-  Similarly,  before  a  voyage  the 
Northmen  would  offer  sacrifice  for  good  Aveather.^^  And 
as  soon  as  the  merchant  ship  stopped  at  a  port  for  the 
purpose  of  trading,  the  Northern  merchants  offered  food 
and  drink  to  the  gods.  Along  the  Volga  in  Swedish  Rus- 
sia, according  to  the  Arab  Ibn-Fadlan,  the  merchants 
sacrificed  to  wooden  images  erected  there  in  order  to 
secure  success  in  trading.  If  commerce  went  slowly  or 
badly,  the  merchants  would  return  two  or  three  times 
with  more  gifts.  And  if  the  gods  showed  favor,  grati- 
tude was  manifested  in  the  form  of  sacrificial  feasts.^* 

41  Mogk,  E.,  "Die  Menschenopfer  bei  den  Germanen,"  in  Abhandlungen, 
XXVII,   603-616. 

42  Gronbech,  Vor  Folkeaet  i  Oldtiden,  IV,  80. 

43  Mogk,  "Die  Menschenopfer  bei  den  Germanen,"  in  Abhatidlitngen  der 
Philologisch-Historischen   Klasse,   XXVII,   616-622. 

44  Ibn-Fadlan,  7-9. 


392         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

In  order  that  they  might  know  the  will  of  the  gods 
and  secure  their  ad\ace,  the  Scandinavians  resorted  to 
the   use   of   oracles;   but   these   were   much 
Oracles  simpler  than  those  used  by  the  Greeks  and 

andSooth-  jjQj^^j^g  foj.  obtaining  divine  communica- 
tions.  In  most  cases  they  appear  to  have 
been  directly  connected  with  the  sacrifices,  which  were 
at  times  offered  for  purely  oracular  reasons.  The  view 
of  the  deity  was  believed  to  be  expressed  through  acci- 
dental happenings.  Thorkell,  an  Icelander,  for  example, 
led  an  old  ox  to  the  temple  of  Frey  as  a  gift  to  secure 
that  god's  help  in  avenging  himself  against  an  enemy. 
When  the  ox,  immediately  after  the  prayer  had  been 
uttered,  bellowed  loudly  and  fell  to  the  ground  dead, 
Thorkell  interpreted  the  happening  as  a  favorable  reply 
from  the  god.-''^  More  frequently,  perhaps,  the  divine 
will  was  ascertained  in  connection  with  the  sprinkling 
of  blood  about  the  temple  as  a  part  of  the  sacrificial 
ceremonies;  but  in  this  case  the  priest  read  the  signs 
and  offered  the  interpretation. 

By  casting  lots  of  one  sort  or  another  the  Northmen 
also  obtained  divine  messages.  The  methods  employed 
seem  all  to  have  been  mere  modifications  of  those  in  use, 
according  to  Tacitus,  among  the  early  Germans.  Among 
them,  consecrated  chips  from  a  fruit  tree  were  carefully 
marked  and  throwTi  upon  a  white  cloth,  after  which  the 
priest,  or  the  father  of  the  household— if  the  oracle  was 
being  consulted  in  private — interpreted  the  oracle  by 
means  of  the  position  of  the  pieces  of  wood  and  the  mark- 
ings upon  them.  This  system  appears  to  have  been 
transmitted  from  the  ancient  Teutons  to  the  Lapps  by 
means  of  the  Scandinavians."*^     In  Denmark  and  Sweden, 

45  "Gluma,"  in  Islenzkar  Fomsogur,  I,  29-30. 

46  Bugge,  Norges  Historie,  vol.  I,  pt.  I,  205. 


RELIGION:  PLACES  AND  METHODS  OF  WORSHIP        393 

wooden  sticks  or  pegs  or  weights  such  as  were  employed 
in  scales  were  made  use  of  in  a  like  manner.''^ 

Though  any  one  might  consult  the  gods  in  the  ways 
mentioned,  there  seems  no  doubt  that  in  connection  with 
some  of  the  pagan  places  of  worship  there  were  persons 
believed  to  be  possessed  of  special  skill  in  securing  divine 
communications.  In  the  ancient  writings  is  mentioned 
a  temple  of  Frey  in  charge  of  a  woman  one  of  whose 
functions  was  to  consult  the  will  of  the  deity.  But  the 
greatest  oracle  of  the  North  was  connected  with  the 
temple  at  Uppsala,  which  was  well  known  beyond  the 
boundaries  of  Sweden  and  was  consulted  by  foreign 
rulers. ^^ 

That  the  Scandinavians  of  the  ancient  time  believed 
firmly  in  a  life  beyond  the  grave  is  shown  not  only  by 
the  verbal  testimony  of  the  sagas  but  also 
by  the  elaborate  equipment  buried  with  the  ,  ^mortalit 
dead;  and  this  equipment  indicates  that  they 
expected  to  live  in  the  hereafter  very  much  as  they  did 
during  their  career  in  the  flesh.  But, — as  in  the  case  of 
people  of  virtually  all  religions,  Christianity  included, 
— there  was  mental  confusion  and  inconsistency  with  ref- 
erence to  just  where  the  soul  abode  after  death.  The 
belief  that  after  a  long  journey  it  dwelt  with  the  gods  in 
celestial  regions  existed  side  by  side  with  worship  on  the 
grave  mounds  and  the  con^dction  that  the  soul  lived 
within  the  mound.  Also,  change  as  well  as  confusion  is 
discernible  in  connection  with  the  belief  in  a  special  dwell- 
ing place  for  the  spirits  of  the  dead;  in  earlier  times, 
Helheim  was  spoken  of  as  the  abode  of  all  departed  souls ; 
later,  during  the  Viking  Age,  when  the  warrior  was 
especially  exalted,  Valhalla,  the  heaven  of  battle-slain 

47  Petersen,    ^ordboernes   Gudedyrkelse   og   Gudetro,   31-32. 

48  Chadwick,  "The  Ancient  Teutonic  Priesthood,"  in  Folklore,  XI,  300. 


394  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Norsemen,  assumed  a  prominent  place  in  the  religious 
views  of  the  North.  And  yet,  there  was  micertainty  as 
to  who  should  go  to  Valhalla  after  all,  for  some  believed 
that  those  who  met  death  otherwise  than  while  fighting 
should  abide  there  as  well  as  the  warriors.^^ 

Christianity  also  made  its  influence  felt,  towards  the 
close  of  the  heathen  period,  in  the  Scandinavian  attitude 
towards  the  after  life.  Since  the  purely  heathen  religion 
did  not  take  cognizance  of  sin  in  the  Christian  sense,  dur- 
ing early  times  there  seems  to  have  been  no  separation 
of  souls  after  death  by  classification  into  good  and  bad, 
righteous  and  wicked,  though  there  was  a  conviction  that 
the  person  who  in  the  flesh  had  violated  the  ethical  code 
of  the  time  would  be  despised  in  the  after  life.  But,  later, 
a  shadowy  idea  of  a  final  doomsday  was  incorporated 
with  the  earlier  belief,  and,  wdth  it,  a  somewhat  nebulous 
view  that  the  virtuous  as  well  as  the  merely  brave  would 
go  to  Valhalla,  while  blasphemy  and  baseness  would 
close  this  place  to  even  those  displaying  the  greatest 
physical  courage.^" 

Besides  the  instances  already  mentioned,  the  Christian 
religion  influenced  the  people  of  the  North  in  other  ways 

before  the  new  faith  was  actually  adopted. 
The  Transi-  rpj^^  Scandinavian  warriors  and  merchants 
riod    ^  ^^^  wandered  in  foreign  countries  were  the 

chief  disseminators  of  Christian  usages  at 
home;  and  one  practice  to  which  the  historical  sources 
frequently  refer  as  common  among  them  should  be  first 
mentioned.  This  was  ''prime  signing."  They  had 
themselves  signed  with  the  cross  {prima  sif/rmtio),  even 
though  they  by  no  means  accepted  the  faith  of  Christians ; 
and  neither  did  the  ceremony  presuppose  that  they  had 

40  Craigie,  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia,  17. 
sos^jdla,  89. 


RELIGION:  PLACES  AND  METHODS  OF  WORSHIP        395 

forsaken  the  gods  of  their  fathers.  Great  advantage  to 
trade  came  from  this  concession  to  the  religion  of  the 
South,  for  Christians  were  much  more  willing  to  mingle 
with  prime-signed  men  than  with  heathen  who  had  not 
taken  this  step.^^ 

By  the  opening  of  the  tenth  century  a  goodly  propor- 
tion of  the  Scandinavian  people  had  become  somewhat  fa- 
miliar with  the  observances  of  the  Christian  religion, 
and  upon  the  continent  the  Church  counted  many  North- 
men among  its  converts.  In  the  western  islands  prog- 
ress was  slower,  perhaps  partly  because  some  of  the 
settlers  affiliated  with  the  defeated  and  dying  Celtic 
Church  and  appear  to  have  worshipped  Columba,  its 
leader  during  its  days  of  prosperity,  as  half  saint  and 
half  god.^2  rJ^Y^Q  introduction  of  Christianity  into  the 
North  produced  various  gradations  of  views,  as  regards 
personal  religion.  Some  men  became  frankly  skeptical, 
abandoning  the  old  deities  but  refusing  to  accept  the  new ; 
others — probably  only  a  few — adopted  a  deistic  concep- 
tion broader  than  either  of  the  faiths  with  which  they 
were  acquainted,  consisting  of  a  belief  in  a  great  Creator 
and  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  qualified  by  a  realiza- 
tion of  the  limitation  of  human  knowledge  concerning 
matters  divine.  An  Icelander  of  this  class,  Thorstein 
Ingemundsson,  expressed  the  firm  conviction  that  his 
dead  father  would  enjoy  a  blissful  reward  for  his  piety 
''with  him  who  created  the  sun  and  all  the  world,  who- 
ever he  may  be."  ^^  More  were  probably  mixed  in  their 
faith,  like  Helge  the  Lean,  who  put  his  trust  in  Christ 
in  some  regards  and  named  his  homestead  "Christness," 
*'but  yet  would  pray  to  Thor  on  sea  voyages  and  in  hard 

5^  Grettis   Saga   Asmundarsonar,    37;    Njdla,    158. 

52  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  27,  28,  20,  32,  34. 

53  Keyser,  Nordmaendenes  Religionsforfatning  i  Hedendommen,   176-177. 


396  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

stresses,  and  in  all  things  that  he  thought  were  of  most 
account  to  him."  ^*  Other  Northmen,  on  the  other  hand, 
long  refused  even  to  compromise,  and  steadily  held  to 
the  gods  of  their  fathers,  even  though  members  of  their 
family  adopted  the  new  religion ;  and  thus  relatives  were 
estranged.  Beom,  a  Norwegian,  was  one  of  this  con- 
servative class.  When  he  reached  the  Shctlands,  where 
some  of  his  family  had  preceded  him,  he  found  that  his 
brother  and  sisters  had  adopted  the  new  faith,  and  he 
''thought  it  a  craven  thing  that  they  had  thrown  over  the 
old  way  which  their  kinsmen  had  held  and  he  could  not 
rest  there  and  would  not  make  his  abode  there."  Con- 
sequently, he  departed  and  settled  in  Iceland."^^ 

54  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  149. 

55  Ibid.,  258. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

SUPERSTITION 

There  are  beech-runes,  help-runes,  love-runes,  and  great  power-runes, 
for  whomsoever  will,  to  have  for  charms,  pure  and  genuine,  till  the 
world  falls  in  ruin.     Profit  by  them  if  thou  canst. 

From  a  spell  song  in   Volsunga  Saga. 

No  single  people  have  the  monopoly  of  superstitious 
ideas,  and  among  no  group  of  human  beings  do  the  super- 
stitious beliefs  and  practices  differ  greatly 
from  those  found  elsewhere;  for  unenlight-  ^^^^^^  °f 
ened  minds  react  similarly  to  similar,  uncom-  ^^^  °g  pg_ 
prehended  phenomena.     But  the  naive  sagas  gards  Su- 
— unlike   most   of    the    European   literature  perstitious 
contemporary  with  them — present  real  cross-  ^^^^^^^ 
section  views  of  life,  colored  with  various  Practices 
erroneous  beliefs  and  numerous  quaint  mis- 
interpretations  of  natural   phenomena;   and,   in   conse- 
quence, the  superstitious  views  of  the  Northmen  are  re- 
vealed with  unusual  clearness,  leaving  the  unjustifiable 
impression  that   these  people  were   superstitious   to   a 
unique  degree.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  they  were  probably 
no  more  characterized  by  superstition  than  the  other 
Teutons,  or  the  Celtic  peoples  of  the  Middle  Ages;  and 
they  were  probably  less  dominated  by  superstitious  fear. 
Furthermore,  in  consideration  of  the  lack  of  scientific 
knowledge  in  the  Viking  Age  it  seems  probable  that  the 
ancient  Scandinavians  were  freer  from  the  taint  of  super- 
stition than  the  people  of  the  present  period.     They  were, 
however,  possessed  of  a  large  body  of  miscellaneous  mis- 
beliefs and  distorted  views  which  are  of  special  interest 

397 


398         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

for  the  very  reason  that  we  are  so  lacking  in  information 
regarding  this  subject  for  the  other  peoples  of  Western 
Europe.  And  these  superstitions  must  be  considered  if 
we  are  to  have  an  all-around  picture  of  the  early  North- 
men. 

To  the  ancient  Northman  luck  was  a  very  real  thing, 
and  it  seems  still  to  play  a  much  stronger  part  among 
their  modern  descendants  than  among  most 
B°dV"k  other  civilized  peoples.  Some  were  predes- 
tined to  good  luck,  others,  to  bad.  The  buf- 
feting which  Grettir  experienced  at  the  hands  of  un- 
kind Fortune  forms  the  theme  of  one  of  the  strongest  of 
the  Icelandic  sagas ;  Audun  the  Lucky  was,  on  the  other 
hand,  one  upon  whom  Fortune  smiled.  He  acquired 
wealth  and  standing  through  the  shrewd  bestowal  upon 
the  king  of  Denmark  of  a  tamo  polar  bear  brought  from 
Greenland.  After  this  he  settled  in  Iceland  and  re- 
mained a  "lucky"  man  as  long  as  he  lived.^  But  the 
Scandinavians  Avere  inconsistent  in  their  conception  of 
luck,  for  though  the  character  of  one's  luck  was  fore- 
ordained by  the  Norns— according  to  the  popular  view- 
it  was,  nevertheless,  possible  to  modify  this  fortune  by 
means  of  charms  and  other  magical  devices.  Further- 
more, the  wishes  of  others  could  influence  one's  career 
favorably  or  unfavorably. 

Belief  in  signs  and  omens  was  very  general  and,  in 
some  of  its  phases,  was  related  to  the  real  religion  of  the 
Signs  and        North,  considered  in  the  preceding  chapter; 
Omens  for  in  many  cases  the  phenomena  which  at- 

tracted attention  were  regarded  as  manifestations  of  the 
gods,  sent  in  answer  to  prayer.  Others  were  looked  upon 
as  merely  chance  happenings,  in  a  sense  undirected,  but 

1  Orettis  Saga  Asmundarsonar ;  "Audun,"  in  Sweet,  Henry,  An  Icelandic 
Primer. 


SUPERSTITION  399 

having,  nevertheless,  a  lesson  for  those  who  would  pause 
and  read  it.  Many  such  portents  were  connected  with 
warfare.  To  stumble  when  going  into  battle  foretold 
coming  misfortune,  and  for  a  warrior  to  find  himself 
fighting  with  his  face  to  the  sun  was  also  a  bad  omen; 
but  to  see  two  men  talking,  to  hear  a  wolf  howl,  or  to 
see  a  raven,  on  the  eve  of  battle,  were  favorable  signs. 
If,  however,  the  raven  croaked,  the  sign  was  bad.  If 
weapons  made  unusually  loud  sounds  when  used,  or  if 
blood  dripped  from  them,  the  coming  battle  would  be 
very  fierce.^ 

Dreams  received  much  attention,  for  they  were  looked 
upon  by  many  as  signs  and  warnings,  especially  if  they 
were  of  an  unusual  or  vivid  nature.  Prob- 
ably  no  other  literature  gives  so  conspicuous 
a  place  to  dreams  as  that  composed  by  the  Scandinavians ; 
the  sagas  are  filled  with  accounts  of  persons  distressed 
by  evil  dreams,  or  made  happy  by  those  of  good  import.^ 
When  a  dream  was  believed  to  be  of  special  significance, 
the  one  who  had  experienced  it  tried  promptly  to  get  at 
its  meaning.  If  he  could  not  interpret  it  for  himself,  he 
would  appeal  to  those  immediately  about  him  with  the 
request:  ''Tell  me  my  dream."  Such  members  of  the 
household  or  social  gathering  often  differed  as  to  the 
meaning;  and  at  times  some  of  them  thought  the  dreams 
of  no  special  import — ''mere  dreams."'*  But  if  the  per- 
son most  concerned  believed  that  the  real  significance  had 
not  been  revealed,  he  would  be  likely  to  go  to  a  "dream- 
wise"  person — a  man  or  woman  skilled  in  the  interpre- 
tation of  portentous  phenomena  of  one  sort  or  another — 

2Du  Chaillu,  The  Vilcing  Age,  I,  450-452. 
3  See  especially  Gisla  Saga  S^irssonar,  passim. 

*Ihid.:    "Gli'ima,"    in    Islenzkar    Fornsogur,    I,    26;     Njdla,    316-318; 
Laxdoela  Saga,  93-95, 


400  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

and  would  govern  his  actions  by  the  interpretation  ren- 
dered.^ 

Similarly,  considerable  space  in  the  sagas  is  devoted 
to  ghosts  and  hauntings.  There  were  buildings  and  even 
whole  regions  in  Iceland  so  frequented  by  the 
spirits  of  the  dead  that  they  were  without 
living  occupants ;  '^  and  there  were  households  which  were 
constantly  annoyed  or  distressed  by  the  nocturnal  activi- 
ties of  ghostly  visitors.  Some  of  these  specters  merely 
wandered  about  the  dwelling  following  their  ovm.  inter- 
ests and  directly  harming  no  one,  though  making  the 
family  very  uncomfortable  by  their  presence.  Others, 
however,  were  more  maliciously  inclined  and  disturbed 
the  slumberers  and  threatened  to  wreck  the  house  by  rid- 
ing upon  the  ridge-pole — a  favorite  pastime  of  Scandi- 
navian ghosts.  One  of  the  Icelandic  sagas  tells  of  the 
shade  of  a  gigantic  Swede  who  rode  the  roofs  so  violently 
at  night  ' '  that  he  went  nigh  to  breaking  them  in. "  ^ 
This  particular  Swedish  ghost  also  made  the  killing  of 
men  and  animals  a  part  of  his  nightly  occupations. 
Similar  activities  are  recorded  of  other  ghosts.^ 

The  return  of  departed  spirits  was  attributed  to  va- 
rious causes.  The  desire  to  have  revenge  upon  those 
who  had  been  enemies  of  the  deceased  during  his  mortal 
career  Avas  a  common  explanation.  People  who  failed 
to  comply  with  the  washes  of  the  dying  were  also  likely 
to  be  troubled  by  resentful  ghosts.  But  many  spirits 
roamed  abroad  mth  much  less  excuse;  some  appear  to 
have  been  merely  restless,  while  others  were  the  shades 
of  vicious  men  who  persisted  in  their  evil  courses  after 
death. 

5  Ljdsvctinga  Saga,  194-195,   197;   Origines  Islandicae,  U,  All. 

6  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  197. 

T  Saga  of  Grettir  the  Strong,  100.  »  Origines  Islandicae,  II,   115. 


SUPERSTITION  401 

In  an  effort  to  rid  themselves  of  the  unwelcome  spectral 
guests,  the  Northmen  resorted  to  various  devices.  Per- 
haps the  most  usual  was  to  exhume  the  body  of  the  de- 
ceased and  bury  it  in  a  new  place,  or  burn  it.^  But  in  the 
case  of  those  drowned  at  sea  such  a  remedy  was  rarely 
possible,  and,  in  consequence,  other  things  were  tried, 
even  to  bringing  indictment  by  regular  legal  procedure 
against  the  spirits  for  their  nocturnal  visits.  Eyrhyggja 
Saga  gives  a  detailed  account  of  how  some  litigious  Ice- 
landers rid  a  house  of  a  large  spirit  crew  of  drowaied 
sailors,  ''by  due  process  of  law."  James  Bryce  calls 
attention  to  the  interesting  fact  that  this  is  the  only  ex- 
ample upon  record  of  the  law  being  used  against  the 
dead.^° 

Yet,  though  doubtless  a  larger  proportion  of  the  popu- 
lation then  believed  in  the  existence  of  ghosts  than  in 
modern  Scandinavia,  and  though  the  believers  made  more 
active  warfare  against  the  enemy,  there  were,  neverthe- 
less, many  people  who  seem  to  have  been  quite  skeptical 
of  the  ability  of  the  dead  to  harm  the  living.  The  fre- 
quency with  wliicli  adventurers  broke  into  and  robbed 
burial  mounds  clearly  indicates  this. 

A  superstition  in  some  ways  resembling  the  belief  in 
ghosts,  but  also  closely  bordering  upon  religion,  Avas  the 
belief  in  guardian  spirits  somewhat  like  the 
disir  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chapter  but  Hammgjur 

or-  Qj.  Fy2gjur 

differing  in  that  they  were  more  personal 
and  were  not  subjects  of  worship,  as  were  the   disir. 
These  beings  were  commonly  known  as  hamingjur  or 
fylgjur;  but  in  the  minds  of  some  people  they  were  per- 
haps identified  with  the  disir,  and,  hence,  the  confusion 

9 /bid,  II,  647. 

10  "Primitive  Iceland,"  in  Studies  in  History  and  Jurisprudence,  I,  312- 
359. 


402  SOCIAL  SCAXDIXAVIA  IX  THE  VIKING  AGE 

in  the  sagas.^^  Generally,  these  spirits  remained  invisi- 
ble and  in  the  body  of  the  person  whom  they  guarded 
until  that  person  was  about  to  die,  when— according  to 
the  belief  of  some— they  came  out  and  became  the  pro- 
tecting geniuses  of  dear  relatives.^^  Their  coming  forth 
was  looked  upon  as  a  sign  of  bad  luck  or  a  notice  of  the 
approaching  end.  In  their  close  association  with  the 
body  of  the  person  whom  they  protected,  these  attendant 
spirits  had  the  characteristics  of  souls.  Yet,  as  such, 
they  usually  took  the  shape  of  animals,  frequently  of 
swans  if  attached  to  a  woman ;  but  when  they  appeared 
as  guardian  spirits — more  detached  from  the  body — they 
generally  had  the  forms  of  women.  Often,  they  revealed 
themselves  in  dreams,  which  was  also  considered  a  sign 
of  coming  ill  tidings  or  death.^^ 

By  some,  these  hamingjur  or  fylgjur  were  said  to  be 
the  children  of  the  great  Norns  or  Fates,  who  were  the 
g-uardians  of  all  humanity ;  hence,  they  were  the  luck  or 
''good  fate"  of  the  one  with  whom  they  dwelt.  This 
latter  conception,  combined  with  the  belief  that  they  had 
also  a  spirit  character,  seems  to  explain  the  idea  held 
by  some  that  one  could  give  one's  luck  {hamingja)  to 
another.  This  is  suggestive  of  the  Jewish  and  Christian 
practice  of  bestowing  blessings,  as  in  the  case  of  Isaac 
and  Jacob;  but  in  the  heathen  Scandinavian  view^  the 
blessing  or  good  fortune  was  a  spiritual  being  which 
might  be  visible  to  the  giver  and  the  recipient." 

Like  the  other  Teutonic  peoples,  the  Northmen  believed 
in  supernatural  beings  of  various  sorts,  in- 

^  ^^  ferior  to  the  gods  and  the  other  powers  con- 

sidered in  the  preceding  chapter,  and  not  objects  of  wor- 

11  Blum,  Ida,  Die  Schiitzgeister  in  der  Altnordischni  Litcratur,  10-45. 

12  Ibid.,  16  flf. 

13  "Glurna,"  in  Islenzkar  Fornsogur.  I.  26;   Volsimga  Saga,  9. 

14  See  "Hamingja,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 


SUPERSTITION  403 

ship.  These  beings  might  remain  neutral  and  indifferent 
to  man,  but  they  were  liable  to  league  themselves  for  or 
against  him.  In  the  view  of  the  Northmen,  the  forests 
were  inhabited  by  such  "little  people"  of  various  sorts; 
and  in  the  streams,  lakes,  and  waterfalls  dwelt  sprites  or 
goblins,  called  nykar,  which  took  many  shapes,  sometimes 
appearing  in  the  form  of  horses  with  inverted  hoofs. ^^ 

This  supernatural  population  of  the  woods  and  water- 
courses seems  for  the  most  part  to  have  been  friendly  to 
man,  or,  at  least,  harmless.  The  trolls,  on 
the  other  hand,  were  man's  enemies,  and  Qiant^s^" 
studied  to  annoy  and  injure  him.  These  be- 
ings were  older  inhabitants  of  the  earth  than  even  the 
gods;  they  and  the  giants, — to  whom  they  seem  to  have 
been  related,  or  with  whom  they  cooperated, — were  found 
by  the  deities  upon  their  arrival  here.  The  Northern 
divinities  promptly  levied  war  against  the  primordial 
inhabitants,  and  wiped  out  most  of  them,  after  which 
they  placed  man  upon  earth.  But  a  few  giants  and  trolls 
remained,  in  lonely,  out-of-the-way  places  in  the  wilder- 
ness, and  worked  against  the  creature,  man,  who  had 
supplanted  them.  Generally  the  trolls  were  invisible,  but 
occasionally  they  were  seen  by  man;  and  then  they  ap- 
peared large,  like  giants.  They  were  proof  against 
wounds  by  weapons,  and  it  was  not  possible  to  purchase 
their  favor  by  worship,  as  in  the  case  of  the  gods ;  conse- 
quently, it  was  desirable  to  avoid  them  if  possible,  and 
when  they  must  be  faced,  to  take  one's  chances  against 
them,  as  against  bad  weather  or  \^dld  animals. ^°  Even 
trolls,  however,  were  not  completely  unfriendly  in  their 
attitude  towards  man;  and  they  were  even  capable  of 

15  In  the  minds  of  the  superstitious,  the  nykr  still  frequents  the  water- 
falls of  Xorway  and  is  known  as  "nykk"  or  "nokk";  and  in  the  Highlands 
of  Scotland  stories  of  these  sprites  are  still  told. 

16  "Trolls  take  thee"  was  an  ancient  curse. 


404:  SOCIAL  SCAXDES'AYIA  IX  THE  VIKING  AGE 

appreciating  a  kindness  from  liim  and  of  showing  their 
gratitude  in  practical  ways.  But  such  friendliness  was 
bv  no  means  common,  and  appears  to  have  been  almost 
completely  limited  to  the  females,  who  were  less  fierce 
and  \T^cious  than  the  male  troUs.^^ 

Besides  giants,  the  Scandinavians  believed  that  dwarfs 

and  other  variations  of  the  human  type  shared  the  earth 

with  them.     These  latter  included  mer-peo- 

Dwarfs  pie,  who  were  occasionally  caught  by  fisher- 

,-.         *^.        men,^'*  and  unipeds — beinars  possessed  of  but 

Monstrosi-  ^  ^     ^ 

ties  one  leg.     The  unipeds  were  found  only  m 

remote  parts  and  were  usually  so  timid  that 
at  the  sight  of  man  they  hopped  away  very  rapidly.^* 

In  crediting  their  fellow  men  with  the  ability  to  exer- 
cise supernatural  powers,  the  Northmen  appear  to  have 
gone  further  than  most  Europeans.  Sooth- 
Ma'^^c^  ^  saying,  which  was  not  very  highly  developed, 
has  been  treated  under  religion.  Magic  and 
sorcery  played  a  much  larger  part  in  their  daily  lives; 
witches  and  wizards  of  varying  degrees  of  ability  were 
common  amongst  them.  The  Finns  had  special  skill 
along  such  lines,  and  the  majority  of  people  practicing 
witchcraft  and  related  arts  appear  to  have  been  of  Fin- 
nish blood ;  but  many  pe<:>ple  of  Teutonic  origin  were  also 
in  high  repute  because  of  their  supernatural  powers.** 

1^  "Troll,"  in  Cleasby  and  Vigfusson's  Dictionary. 

18  Origines  Islandicae.  I.  54. 

!'•♦  Olson,  Julius  E..  "The  Vovag«s  of  the  Xortkmen.  in  i^r^ifinal  .V«rr«- 
tices  of  Early  American  History,  I.  40:  Cf.  SsLRsea.  Ik  yortken  Muti, 
11,  11.  13,  17,  263.  The  belief  in  unipeds.  like  the  belief  is  Ber-folk, 
was  rather  general  in  Europe  during  the  iliddle  Aares. 

20  Professor  Bugge  {yorges  Hiatorie,  vol.  I,  pt.  I.  214)  belieres  tlwt  tke 
Finns  learned  much  of  witchcraft  from  the  Scandinavians.  w1m>  ht  ffci»W 
were  the  original  experts,  and  had  become  so  advanced  in  this  line  by  tke 
Viking  Age  that  they  were  teaching  their  teachers:  but  this  bardlj  seoBS 
to  have  been  the  case,  for  not  only  are  the  Finns  and  Lapps  skilled  m 
magical  and  shamanistic  practices  but  very  much  is  made  ttf  tkese  ftinpi 


SUPERSTITION  405 

Such  great  ability  did  these  dwellers  in  the  Xorthem 
lands  display,  said  Adam  of  Bremen,  that  ''thev  have 
knowledge  of  the  whole  world.  "21 

Both  men  and  women  practiced  witchcraft,  but  more 
often  the  latter.  These  workers  in  magic  were  much  re- 
spected by  their  fellows  because  of  the  power  which  they 
could  exercise  for  good  or  evil,  and  were  sought  after 
by  those  who  wished  to  profit  by  their  power  and  would 
pay  for  the  exercise  of  it.  For  they  were  believed  able 
to  heal  the  sick,  awaken  love  in  the  opposite  sex,  raise 
or  allay  storms,  or  produce  other  meteorological  phe- 
nomena, bring  misfortune  to  the  enemy  in  battle;  in 
fact,  there  appears  to  have  been  no  limit  to  the  powers  of 
these  people. 

They  produced  results  in  different  ways,  but  generally 
their  operations  were  preceded  by  incantations  of  which 
there  appear  to  have  been  two  common  kinds,  the  one 
making  much  of  magical  songs  and  runes,  and  the  other 
including  the  cooking  of  strange  dishes,  the  ingredients 
of  which  were  known  only  to  the  dealer  in  magic.-^  The 
latter,  more  complex,  form  of  incantation  was  probably 
the  less  common.  Most  frequently  perhaps  the  sorcerer 
merely  accompanied  the  utterance  of  charmed  words  with 
magical  passes  and  movements.     The  witch  might  mutter 

hy  aa  oi  ihe  peoples  of  Jioagoii&n  blood  or  culture  aUmg  ihe  whole  north- 
ern bwdcr  <rf  Enrope  and  Asia.  It  is  nuwe  probable  that  the  Scaodi- 
naTianB*  intereslt  in  the  ocenlt  was  ineieased  by  the  influence  of  their 
nM'them  nei^bors. 

«p.  199. 

2=  The  last-mentioned  acctHnpanim^it  of  the  incantation  ceremonv  was 
probably  of  later  origin  than  the  preceding,  but  when  once  established,  it 
appears  to  have  snniTed  long  and  to  hare  ertended  far.  Olaus  ilagnus 
states  (History  of  the  Goths,  Evc^des,  rf  Tan4<xls.  46  ff)  that  an  earthen 
pot  was  a  eonnnon  instrnmrait  of  all  witches,  wherein  ther  boiled  the 
juices,  herbs,  worms,  entrails,  ete,  used  in  their  incantations.  The 
beliefs  and  practiees  in  northern  Scotland  which  gave  rise  to  the  eanldnm 
scene  in  Shakespeare's  Macbeth  woe  probably  Scandinavian  in  oriinn. 


406  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

charms,  for  instance,  while  she  walked  in  a  circle  in  a 
direction  opposite  to  that  of  the  snn^s  course.  Besides 
directing  their  skill  against  persons  and  situations  at 
long  distance,  the  sorcerers  stood  ready  to  supply  their 
patrons  with  a  variety  of  magical  media  to  be  used  by  the 
latter  upon  the  spot,  such  as  drinks  of  oblivion,  love 
philtres,  charms  which  could  secure  one  against  the 
claws  and  teeth  of  wild  beasts,  and  useful  information 
which  would  help  protect  one  against  misfortune  or  evil. 
Certain  runes  might  be  used  against  malicious  charms 
with  good  effect;  the  moon  should  be  invoked  against 
curses ;  and  an  ear  of  grain  was  a  good  protection  against 
witchcraft  in  general.'^  The  victorious  swords,  invul- 
nerable cloaks,  and  other  objects  of  unusual  nature  men- 
tioned in  the  sagas  were  also  produced  through  the  aid 
of  enchantment.  Some  witches  were  even  able  to  make 
the  body  of  the  warrior  proof  against  wounds  from 
weapons.  This  they  did  by  rubbing  the  body  to  find 
the  vulnerable  place,  which  was  always  marked  by  a 
knot,  and  supplying  a  special  protection  for  it.^* 

Witches  and  wizards  sometimes  operated  in  the  in- 
terest of  their  patrons  by  transporting  themselves  di- 
rectly to  the  scene  of  operations,  as  to  a  ship  or  a  battle- 
field, and  there  personally  worked  magic.  We  read,  for 
example,  of  a  witch  who  appeared  on  ship  board  for  the 
purpose  of  supervising  the  production  of  a  storm;  and 
of  a  wizard  sent  on  a  special  errand  to  Iceland  by  King 
Harold  Gorm's  son  of  Denmark  who  contemplated  invad- 
ing the  island.  While  traveling  on  missions  for  others 
or  in  their  own  interests,  sorcerers  often  changed  their 
'shapes — for  they  could  assume  any  shape  at  will,  and 
it  was  convenient  to  do  so  to  avoid  suspicion  as  well 

23  Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale,  I,   15. 

24  Du  Chaillu,  The  Viking  Age,  I,  441. 


SUPERSTITION  407 

as  to  save  time.  The  wizard  sent  by  Harold  took  the 
form  of  a  whale  for  his  journey  to  Iceland,  in  which  form 
he  explored  much  of  the  coast. ^^  Most  frequently  the 
shape  assumed  was  that  of  a  lower  animal,  but  some- 
times sorcerers  transformed  themselves  into  the  like- 
nesses of  inanimate  objects.  The  witch  Garhild,  who 
changed  herself  into  an  ox-skin  filled  with  water,-*^  is 
an  instance. 

This  ability  of  sorcerers  to  change  into  some  other 
form    is    closely    related    to    the    world-wide    belief    in 
lycanthropy.     In    Scandinavia    this    power 
was  known  as  hamrammr,  and  it  was  believed  ^y'^^^- 
to  be   possessed  by  many  who   apparently  werwolves 
otherwise  had  no  more  magical  skill  than  or- 
dinary individuals.     Some  people  adopted  the  shape  of 
the  bear,  but  the  wolf  was  the  more  popular  form;  and 
werwolf  stories  play  an  important  part  in  the  medieval 
literature  of  the  North,  as  in  the  remainder  of  Europe, 
for  the  belief  in  werwolves  persisted  quite  late.     One 
chapter  of  the  great  history  of  Sweden  by  Olaus  Magnus 
treats  ''Of  the  fierceness  of  men  who  by  charms  are 
turned  into  wolves;"-^   and  even  to-day  the   werwolf 
myth  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  become  entirely  extinct 
in  Scandinavia.^^ 

The  Scandinavians  who  were  versed  in  necromancy 
not  only  wrought  evil  at  the  behest  of  other  men  and 
women,  but  some  of  them  carried  on  vicious  practices  on 
their  own  initiative.  One  of  the  most  common  pastimes 
of  this  sort  was  night-riding;  transforming  themselves 
into  nightmares,  they  went  forth  and  hurt  or  killed  in- 

25  Sajra  Library,   III,   268-269. 

26  Origines  Islandicae,   I,   153. 

27  pp.   193-194. 

28  Baring-Gould,   The  Book   of   Were-wolves;   O'Donnell,   Werwolves. 


408  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

nocent  persons  in  their  sleep, -'^  But  some  sorcerers  just 
as  readily  used  their  magic  of  their  own  volition  for  the 
benefit  of  humanity.  A  sorceress  in  Norway  who  bene- 
fitted a  whole  community  by  filling  the  sounds  with  fishes 
during  a  period  of  famine  is  an  example  of  this.^*^ 
Malevolent  witches  and  wizards  were,  however,  more 
common  than  kindly  ones,  and  they  were  hated  and  feared 
by  the  Scandinavians;  but  life  in  the  ancient  North  was 
by  no  means  dominated  by  such  fear.^^ 

During  the  heathen  days,  the  use  of  magic  was,  in 

itself,  not  in  disrepute;  for  the  great  Odin  was  believed 

to  be  the  master  of  all  sorts  of  sorcery;  it 

Punishment     ^^,^g  ^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^j.^^  Wrought  mischief  and 

Witches  disaster  by  the  use  of  charms  and  spells  that 

was  hated  and  avoided.  Yet,  even  such  per- 
sons were  seldom  punished — ^perhaps  because  of  fear  of 
their  superior  i:)ower.  But  some  instances  do  exist  of 
the  trial  and  punishment  of  witches  in  the  old  days,  par- 
ticularly for  night-riding;  ^-  among  these  is  that  of  Katla, 
a  particularly  notorious  Icelandic  witch,  who  was  stoned 
to  death.''^  With  the  coming  of  Christianity,  however, 
divination  of  all  sorts  came  to  bo  looked  down  upon  and 
was  outlawed  throughout  the  North ;  ^^  and  witch-burn- 
ing was  industriously  pursued  by  the  most  pious  of  the 
early  Christian  kings.^^  The  Northern  people  never- 
theless clung  to  magical  beliefs  and  practices,  for  these 

20  Saga  Library,   II,   29. 

30  Origines   Islandicae,   I,    109. 

31  There  appears  to  be  no  real  foundation  for  the  statement  made  by 
Powell  in  his  introduction  to  Saxo  Grammaticus  (LXXX),  that  "Heathen 
Teutonic  life  was  a  long  terror  by  reason  of  witchcraft,  as  in  heathen 
Africa  to-day." 

32  Saga  Library,  II,  48;   Origines  Islandicae,  I,   58,   62,   109. 

33  Saga  Library,  II,   48. 

34  Vorjffs    Oamle   Love,   I,    17. 

35  Saga  Library,  III,  312-313. 


SUPERSTITION  409 

things  were  firmly  established  in  their  mores;  and  the 
whole  system  of  divination  lived  on  down  into  modern 
times. 

Another  class  of  people  possessed  of  supernatural 
power  were  the  clairvoyants — indi^dduals  having  ''fore- 
knowledge" or  "second  sight. "''^'^  These  at 
times  also  made  use  of  common  magic,  but  "Second 
they  seem  rarely  to  have  used  their  power  J^.  *'  °^ 
for  evil  purposes.  When  they  operated  as  ance 
professionals,  they  usually  limited  them- 
selves to  foretelling  and  to  giving  advice ;  but  many,  like 
the  great  Njal  of  Iceland,  made  no  public  use  of  their 
gifts.  The  professionals  appear  to  have  been  most  fre- 
quently women,  called  volvar;  and  these  were  not  only 
sought  out  at  their  homes  by  persons  wishing  to  learn 
about  future  events,  or  to  discover  the  whereabouts  of 
lost  articles  or  domestic  animals,^^  but  they  were  also 
in  demand  at  feasts  and  entertainments,  where  they  fore- 
told the  future  for  the  pleasure  and  gratification  of  the 
guests,  and  answered  questions  with  reference  to  im- 
portant matters.  One  of  the  saga  accounts  of  such  a 
performance  remarks  that  some  of  the  hearers  believed 
what  the  volva  said,  but  that  others  did  not ;  and  an- 
other states  that  the  "fortune-teller"  told  favorable 
things  or  not,  according  to  the  quality  of  her  entertain- 
ment at  the  feasts.^^  A  most  interesting  and  remarkable 
description  of  a  spae-woman,  or  volva,  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Saga  of  Eric  the  Eed.  The  entertainment  at  which 
she  played  a  prominent  part  was  held  in  Greenland  more 
than  nine  hundred  years  ago.^^ 

3«  "GlCima,"  in  Islenzkar  Fornsogur,  I,  36;  Volsunga  Saga,  9,  52. 
3T  Origincs    Islandicae,    II,    98.     In    the    remoter    parts    of    Scandinavia 
the  peasants  to-day  consult  "wise"  men  and  women  for  the  same  purpose. 

38  Du   Chaillu,    Viking   Age,    1,   394,    396,    401. 

39  This  description  may  be  found  in  English  translation  between  pages 


410          SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

It  is  not  improbable  that  such  clairvoyants  at  times 
filled  the  office  of  soothsayers  in  the  temples,  but  there 
is  no  proof  that  this  was  the  case. 

20  and  23  of  Olson,  Julius  E.,    (ed.),  "The  Voyages  of  the  Northmen,"  in 
Original  Narratives  of  Early  American  History,  vol.   I. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

DEATH    AND    BUEIAL 

.  .  .  though  thou  hast  lost  thy  brother,  it  is  manly  to  bear  it  well,  for 
man  must  live  after  man. 

Egils  Saga. 

The  humanitarian  spirit  of  tlie  present  time  which 
reflects  itself  in  the  tender  care  of  the  sick  is  a  thing  of 
recent  growth;  even  in  the  late  Middle  Ages 
such  sympathy  was  rare  in  Christian  lands,  [j,"sj°^ 
and   it   was   less    common    still   during   the 
heathen  period  in  Scandinavia.     Except  at  the  hands  of 
friends  and  relatives,  the  sick  received  scant  attention, 
unless  it  was  paid  for.     Though  most  people  felt  a  cer- 
tain sense  of  social  obligation  towards  the  helpless,  the 
aid  Avhich  they  gave  was  usually  a  very  meager  minimum ; 
if  no  friend  was  about,  poor  folk  and  slaves  could  expect 
little  else  than  that  food  and  water  be  placed  beside  them, 
after  which  they  were  left  to  die  or  recover,  just  as  the 
Fates  decreed.^ 

But  whether  alone  or  surrounded  by  loved  ones,  when 
the  end  approached,  the  Northman  met  it  manfully.  He 
did  not  welcome  death,  but  neither  did  he  . 
fear  it ;  he  merely  faced  it  wdth  the  dauntless 
spirit  displayed  towards  the  earlier  and  lesser  adventures 
of  his  career.  To  do  so  was  only  in  harmony  with  the 
fatalistic  philosophy  which  more  or  less  shaped  his  life. 
However,  when  his  mortal  experiences  had  terminated 
and  he  had  drawn  his  last  breath,  it  was  well  for  the 

1  Ibn-Fadlan,    11. 

411 


412         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

living  if  some  friend  was  near  at  hand  to  perform 
ndhjargir  for  him— to  press  down  the  eyelids  and  to  close 
the  nostrils  as  well  as  the  mouth.  Otherwise,  misfor- 
tune might  be  expected  to  visit  other  members  of  the 
household ;  for  it  was  believed  that  evil  would  befall  any 
one  who  passed  in  front  of  the  corpse  before  this  final 
friendly  act  was  done.^ 

In    preparation    for    its   burial,    servants    or    friends 

washed  the  body  and  clad  it  as  for  a  feast  in  the  finest 

clothing  and  ornaments  that  circumstances 

Prepara-  would  permit.     The  most  important  part  of 

tion  of  the       ^j^^  apparel  was  the  hel  shoes,  which  would 

Corpse  for  '■  ^  p  i       j.       ai 

Burial  enable  the  deceased  to  walk  sarely  to   the 

realm  of  departed  spirits ;  but  the  records  do 
not  make  clear  just  what  was  the  nature,  of  these  shoes.^ 
All  preparation  for  the  final  putting  away  of  the  corpse 
was  made  as  soon  as  possible,  and  in  the  interval  the 
body  lay  upon  boards  in  a  spare  apartment  of  the  dwell- 
ing house  or  in  an  outbuilding  and  was  watched  over  by 
members  of  the  household.^  When  everything  was  ready 
for  the  removal  of  the  dead  one,  friends  and  relatives 
gathered  around  and  whispered  into  the  cold  ears  loving 
words  of  farewell,  and  repeated  wishes  for  a  safe  and 
pleasant  journey  to  the  land  of  the  shades.-''*  It  is  prob- 
able that  the  farewells  and  friendly  wishes  were  again 
uttered  in  songs  and  spoken  words  while  the  remains 
were  being  carried  out,  as  was  customarj^  in  early  Chris- 
tian times  throughout  the  North  and  is  still  done  in  parts 
of  Iceland.  If  death  had  come  from  natural  causes,  the 
body  was  taken  through  the  main  door  of  the  dwelling; 

^Origines  Islandicae,  II,   114. 

3  Ibid.,  I,  5G3;   Gisla  Saga  Surssonar,  32. 

*  Origines  Islandicae,  II,  604. 

5  Corpus   Poeticitm   Boreale,   I,   43;    Saga  Library,   III,    188. 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL  413 

but  if  the  end  had  been  due  to  violence,  a  hole  was  broken 
in  the  wall  back  of  the  head  of  the  corpse  as  it  lay  in 
readiness  and  the  body  was  borne  through  this  opening; 
or  a  passage  was  occasionally  dug  under  the  house-wall 
for  the  same  purpose.  The  motive  behind  this  extra 
trouble  was  to  confuse  the  spirit  of  the  departed  so  it 
could  not  find  its  way  back  and  haunt  the  house ;  for  those 
coming  to  their  deaths  through  violence  were  likely  to 
be  more  restless  than  others.  In  early  Christian  days 
it  was  customary  to  carry  the  body  around  the  house 
outside  three  times.  The  practice  was  doubtless  heathen 
in  source  and  had  originally  the  object  just  mentioned.*^ 
Though  the  bodies  of  slaves  were  occasionally  left  to 
the  birds  and  beasts  of  prey,  and  thieves  and  robbers 
were  permitted  to  remain  where  they  were 
hanged, — by  way  of  warning  to  evil-doers,"^  Disposal 
— ^public  opinion,  often  backed  by  law,  usu-  °  *  ^. 
ally  demanded  that  corpses  be  put  out  of  of  the 
sight  in  some  manner.  In  Iceland,  any  one  Dead 
finding  a  dead  body  and  failing  to  cover  it 
was  liable  to  punishment.^  The  remains  of  the  friend- 
less who  died  by  the  wayside,  and  those  of  persons  put 
to  death  in  punishment  for  crime,  were  usually  buried 
without  ceremony  under  a  cairn  of  stones  or  a  heap  of 
earth.  But  persons  having  any  sort  of  standing  in  a 
community  were  shown  much  more  consideration.  In 
very  early  times  their  remains  were  regularly  burnt ;  for 
the  practice  of  cremation  was  so  old  in  the  North  that 
its  origin  was  attributed  to  Odin,  w^ho  w^as  said  to  have 
established  it  by  law.  And  throughout  the  Bronze  and 
early  Iron  Ages  this  was  virtually  the  only  method  of  dis- 

6  Visted,   Vor  Gamle  Bondekulttir',  247. 

7  Ibn-Fadlan,  11. 

8  Weinhold,   Altnordisches  Leben,  474. 


414         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

posing  of  the  dead ;  ^  but  with  the  Koman  period,  probably 
as  a  result  of  the  influence  of  Christianity,  corpses  began 
to  be  inhumed  unburnt ;  ^"^  and  by  the  Viking  Age,  though 
both  systems  were  practiced  in  the  North,  simple  burial 
was  perhaps,  on  the  whole,  the  more  common  of  the  two. 
However,  cremation  still  predominated  in  certain  sec- 
tions. In  Swedish  Russia— perhaps  because  of  Oriental 
influence— it  was  unusually  prolonged,  and  appears  to 
have  been  the  almost  invariable  rule  even  as  late  as  the 
tenth  century;  ^^  and  in  northern  Scandinavia,  due  to  the 
remoteness  of  the  region,  it  was  the  more  common  cus- 
tom.^2  In  Iceland,  on  the  other  hand,  there  appears  to 
be  no  trace  of  cremation;  ^=*  all  graves  so  far  examined 
in  that  place  have  been  filled  with  inhumed  remains. 
This  fact  is  explainable  partly  by  the  late  settlement  of 
the  island— after  burial  had  become  well  known  in  Nor- 
way,—but  the  scarcity  of  fuel,  and  the  proximity  to  the 
British  Isles,  where  burial  was  the  rule,  were  doubtless 
influential  also. 

The  remains  were  generally  cremated  upon  a  funeral 
pyre,  or  in  a  boat  or  ship,  on  the  land  belonging  to  the 
family  of  the  deceased;  for  no  public  ceme- 
Crcmation  ^^^.^^^  ^^r^^Q  found  in  the  North  until  after  the 
introduction  of  Christianity,  when  they  grew  up  around 
the  churches.  The  torch  was  applied  to  the  pyre,  pre- 
sumably by  the  nearest  relative  to  the  dead,  and  the  ashes 
remaining  after  the  fires  had  died  out  were  gathered  and 
buried  in  an  urn  of  clay,  wood,  soapstone,  or  iron,  or— 

9  Saga  Library,  III,  20. 

10  Schetelig.  Haakon,  "Traces  of  the  Custom  of  'Suttee'  in  Norway  during 
the  Viking  Age,"   in   Saga  Book,  VI,   182-183. 

11  Ibn-Fadlan,   11,  21. 

12  Steenstrup,    Danmarks    Historie,    I,    358;    Montelius,    Civilization    of 
Sueden  in  Heathen  Times,  205. 

13  Kt\lund,   Kr.,   "Islands    Fortidslaevninger,"    in    Aarboger  for   Nordisk 
Oldkyndighed  og  Historic,    1882,   p.   77. 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL  415 

as  was  perhaps  most  often  the  case — a  mound  of  earth 
was  erected  over  them  where  they  lay.^^  Chieftains  and 
other  people  of  high  rank  were  occasionally  cremated  in 
a  more  spectacular  manner.  The  dead  one,  supplied  with 
an  elaborate  equipment,  was  placed  in  his  ship  on  the 
strand  and  the  vessel  was  fired  and  set  adrift.  When  it 
had  burned  to  the  water's  edge,  the  ship  generally  sank; 
but  usually  not  until  long  after  it  had  passed  far  from 
the  ken  of  kindred  and  friends  of  the  lone  passenger. ^^ 

There  were  various  methods  of  inhuming  the  body 
unburnt.  In  some  cases  it  was  placed  in  a  coflin  of  wood 
or  stone  and  buried  beneath  the  surface  of 
the  ground,  very  much  as  at  present.  This 
was  done  far  back  in  the  Stone  Age  of  Scandinavia,  but 
later  was  virtually  supplanted  by  cremation,  and  seems 
to  have  been  reintroduced  into  the  North  in  the  Viking 
Age  largely  in  imitation  of  the  Christian  nations  to  the 
south.  In  this  later  period,  however,  it  was  probably  an 
exceptional  method  of  burial.^^  More  often  the  maritime 
Northmen  appear  to  have  used  a  small  row-boat  in  place 
of  the  box-like  coffin.  The  boat-coffins  were  buried  under- 
ground, or  mounds  of  earth  were  thrown  up  over  them. 
Great  numbers  of  such  boat-graves  have  been  found  in 
modern  times.  A  rarer  practice,  sometimes  followed  in 
the  case  of  warriors  slain  in  battle,  was  to  drive  the  war- 
chariot  containing  the  corpse  into  the  mound  prepared 
for  its  reception,  after  which  the  horses  drawing  the 
chariot  were  killed  and  entombed  with  their  master.  In 
this  instance,  the  chariot  served  for  a  coffin.^'' 

More  often,  among  the  well-to-do,  the  body  was  placed 

14  Ibn-Fadlan,  11,  19,  21;  Keyser,  Private  Life  of  the  Old  Northmen,  174. 

15  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  484. 

16  Steenstrup,  Danmarks  Biges  Historie,  I,   358 ;   K:\lund,   "Familielivet 
pa  Island,"  in  Aarboger,   1870,  pp.   372-373. 

17  Montelius,    Civilization   of   Sweden    in   Heathen    Times,    205. 


416         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

in  some  sort  of  sepulchral  chamber,  resembling  the  dwell- 
ings of  the  living.  Over  this  was  thro^\^l  a 
Ctfambl"^  mound  of  earth,  sometimes  before,  some- 
^"^  ^"  times  after,  the  dead  had  been  laid  within. 
Occasionally  this  mausoleum  v;as  constracted  directly 
upon  the  bare  earth,  but  probably  more  often  it  was 
erected  upon  a  large  boat  or  ship.     In  the  former  case 


Fig.  46.     Grave  Chamber  of  Queen  Thyra  of  Denmark.      (From  Steenstrup's 
Dwnmarks  Historie.) 

it  was  modeled  after  the  room  of  a  dwelling  house,  but 
on  a  smaller  scale  (Fig.  46) ;  ^^  in  the  latter,  it  was  shaped 
like  the  tents  pitched  on  ship  board  by  mariners,  or 
erected  on  the  shore  when  they  landed  to  pass  the  night, 
but  the  material  commonly  used  for  the  ship-burial  cham- 

18  The  most  elaborate  tomb  of  this  sort  so  far  discovered  is  that  of 
Queen  Thyra  of  Denmark,  a  Christian,  whose  husband  was  King;  dorm 
the  Okl,  a  pagan.  Tlie  room  was  about  twenty-one  feet  long,  nine  broad, 
and  five  high,  and  was  constructed — floor,  walls,  and  ceiling — of  closely 
fitted  oaken  planks  three  or  four  inches  thick.  Montelius,  Oscar,  "Boning, 
Gray,  och  Tempel,"  in  Antikvarisk  Tidskrift  for  Sverige,  etc.,  vol.  XXI, 
pt.  I,  p.  65. 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL  417 

bers  was  probably  wood  instead  of  tent  cloth.^^  The 
apartment  in  which  the  dead  was  to  repose  was  fitted  out 
as  if  to  be  occupied  by  the  living,  with  hangings  on  the 
walls,  and  beds,  chairs,  tables,  and  other  things  making 
for  comfort.  The  most  elaborate  piece  of  furniture  was 
usually  that  intended  to  hold  the  corpse.  Sometimes 
this  was  a  chair,  in  which  the  body  was  placed  in  an  up- 
right posture ;  but  more  often  the  remains  were  laid  upon 
a  couch  or  bed  decked  with  bright  coverlets  and  supplied 
with  cushions  filled  with  down.^°  A  goodly  supply  of 
food  was  also  placed  in  the  chamber  by  thoughtful  rela- 
tives and  friends,  with  the  utensils  and  other  things  neces- 
sary to  cook  and  serve  it.^^ 

The  dead  were  also  given  a  special,  personal  equip- 
ment.    Dogs  were  very  commonly  buried  with  both  men 
and  women,  and  were  intended  to  guide  and 
guard  the  spirit  of  the  deceased  on  its  journey   ^    . 
to  Asgard,  and  to  be  its  pet  and  companion 
after  arrival  there.     Other  pets,  as  falcons,  and  even  im- 
ported peacocks,  were  also  entombed  with  the  dead.^^ 
A  goodly  supply  of  wearing  apparel  for  all  occasions  was 
included,  and  each  man  was  also  equipped  with  his  weap- 
ons— ^or,  at  least,  his  favorite  sword — and  the  ordinary 
tools  which  he  might  need;  and  each  woman,  with  the 
household  utensils  and  implements  to  which  she  was  ac- 
customed.    The   Oseberg  ship,^^   which  was  the  burial 

19  The  largest  burial  ships  as  yet  found  are  the  two  from  Gokstad  and 
Oseberg,  near  Christiania.  These  specimens  may  be  seen  in  the  National 
Museum  in  Christiania.  A  detailed  description  of  the  Gokstad  vessel  is 
given  in  N.  Nicolaysen's  The  Viking-Ship  Discovered  at  Gokstad  in  Norway, 
Christiania,  1882.  The  Norwegian  Government  is  preparing  to  publish  a 
great  work  on  The  Oseberg  Discoveries.  The  editors  of  this  are  A.  W. 
Brogger,  H.  J.  Falk,  and  Haakon  Schetelig. 

so^Miiller,    Vor  Oldtid,   655. 

21  Ibn-Fadlan,   15. 

22  The  remains  of  a  peacock  were  found  in  the  Gokstad  ship. 

23  See  note  19  of  this  chapter. 


418         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

place  of  a  Norse  woman  of  high  degree,  contained  the 
most  elaborate  equipment  so  far  discovered.  This  in- 
cluded needles,  balls  of  thread  and  wax,  spinning  and 
weaving  appliances,  tubs,  pails,  kettles,  and  other  kitchen 
utensils,  and  even  a  hand-mill  for  grinding  grains.  Con- 
siderable gold  and  silver — to  be  used  for  commercial 
transactions  in  the  spirit  land — was  also  buried  with 
people  of  wealth,  but  more  often  with  men  than  with 
women,  for  the  foniier,  in  consequence  of  their  activity 
as  pirates  and  traders,  were  more  likely  to  possess  riches 
of  that  sort.^^  So  common  was  it  to  bury  precious  metals 
with  the  dead  that  the  conventional  method  used  for  se- 
curing treasure  by  adventurers  whose  careers  are  de- 
scribed in  the  sagas  was  digging  in  a  grave  mound. 

If  the  deceased  was  a  person  of  wealth,  care  was  taken 
to  supply  him  with  adequate  facilities  for  transporta- 
tion to  the  land  of  shades.  Often  when  a 
Transporta-  warrior  was  buried  in  his  chariot,  a  saddle, 
tion  Facih-  ^^^^  sometimes  an  additional  horse,  was 
vided  for  added,  in  order  that  the  traveler  might  have 
the  Dead  his    choice    between    riding    and    driving.^^ 

Even  the  humbler  people  buried  in  small 
boats,  used  for  coffins,  as  already  described,  appear  to 
have  been  quite  generally  provided  with  at  least  one 
horse,^*^  which  was  presumably  meant  to  be  ridden. 
Lavishly  equipped  tombs,  such  as  those  uncovered  at 
Gokstad  and  Oseberg,  contained  a  dozen  or  more  horses, 
and  sometimes  oxen  and  other  cattle.  Aiid  graves  like 
these  were  often  supplied  with  a  variety  of  vehicles  as 
well.     In  the  Oseberg  burial  mound,  for  instance,  were 

21  Origines   Islandicae,   II,   283. 

25  Montelius,  Civilization  of  Sweden  in  Heathen  Times,  205. 
28  Bninn,   Daniel,   and    Finnur   J6nsson.   "Dalvik-Fundet :    en    Gravplads 
fra   Hedenskabets   Tid   p4   Island,"   in   Aarboger,    XXV,    70-94. 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL  419 

found  a  four-wheeled  wagon  and  four  sleds,  or  sledges, 
of  various  sizes.  It  is,  furthermore,  obvious  that  the 
boats  or  ships,  of  whatever  size,  in  which  the  Northmen 
were  buried  wore  intended  to  be  used  for  the  journey  to 
the  land  of  spirits.  For  this  reason,  they  were  always 
so  placed  within  the  tumulus  or  mound  that  their  prows 
were  pointed  towards  the  edge  of  any  stream  or  body 
of  water  near  at  hand.  Nothing  was  overlooked  by 
friends  and  relatives  that  would  aid  the  spirit-voyager 
on  his  way. 

But  the  Scandinavians  of  the  Viking  Age  did  not  stop 
with  sacrificing  the  lower  animals  in  providing  for  the 
comfort  and  well-being  of  the  departed.  The 
followers  of  a  chieftain  or  king  were  executed 
and  buried  with  him,  particularly  in  the  more  conserva- 
tive eastern  part  of  Scandinavia,^^  in  order  that  he 
might  not  lack  a  proper  retinue  in  the  other  world.  Ser- 
vants and  slaves  were  by  the  same  method  condemned 
to  labor  after  death  for  those  whom  they  had  sers^ed  in 
life.  The  Oseberg  ship  contained  the  remains  of  such  a 
serving  woman.  Mistresses  were  also  entombed  with 
their  lovers ;  and  wives,  with  their  husbands.  This  cus- 
tom of  suttee  has  characterized  practically  all  Indo-Euro- 
pean peoples  at  some  stage  of  their  development,  and 
rose  from  the  conception  of  the  ^vife  as  the  property  of 
her  husband;  hence,  she,  like  his  other  possessions,  must 
accompany  him  to  the  other  world.  Archseological  in- 
vestigation seems  to  prove,  however,  that  the  suttee  was 
not  very  old  in  the  North  at  the  opening  of  the  Viking 
Age;  in  no  men's  graves  antedating  the  fourth  century 
after  Christ  have  the  remains  of  women  been  found. ^^ 
Its  late  origin  seems  to  point  to  introduction  of   the 

27  Ibn-Fadlan,  21 

28  Seger,    "Frauengraber,"    in   Hoops,   Reallexikon. 


420         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

suttee  from  the  Orient  as  a  result  of  Eastern  trading 
voyages.  The  custom  probably  never  became  very  gen- 
eral in  Scandinavia,  and,  because  of  the  influence  of  the 
Christian  lands  to  the  south,  was  on  the  decline  by  the 
beginning  of  the  ninth  century.  It  lingered  longest  in 
Swedish  Russia  and  Sweden,  where  paganism  longest 
survived,  but  it  was  not  unkno^vn  in  Denmark  and  Nor- 
way during  the  Viking  Age.  On  the  other  hand,  no  evi- 
dence exists  that  the  women  of  Iceland  were  ever  re- 
quired to  surrender  their  lives  at  the  death  of  their 
husbands.  It  seems  likely,  therefore,  that  by  the  close 
of  the  ninth  century  when  the  island  was  settled 
the  custom  of  suttee  had  become  virtually  extinct  in  Nor- 
way, and  the  unusual  degree  of  independence  enjoyed 
by  the  pioneer  women  of  Iceland  prevented  any  intro- 
duction of  the  dying  practice  from  the  motherland.-'' 

28  Weinhold,  Altnordisches  Leben,  477.  The  Aral)  Ibn-Fadlan  pives  the 
most  detailed  account  that  we  possess  of  human  immolation  among  the 
Scandinavians.  His  observations  were  made  along  the  Volga  River  in 
Swedish  Russia  in  the  first  part  of  the  tenth  century,  while  he  was  on 
an  errand  in  the  region.  At  this  time,  he  witnessed  the  whole  proceed- 
ings connected  with  the  disposal  of  the  remains  of  a  Scandinavian  chief- 
tain. When  such  a  person  of  note  died  among  the  Scandinavians,  he 
states,  it  was  customary  to  ask  the  youths  and  maidens  of  the  household 
for  a  volunteer  to  accompany  the  master  in  death.  Whoever  oflFered 
himself  was  bound  to  keep  his  word.  In  the  instance  described,  a  young 
girl  agreed  to  give  up  her  life,  and  as  soon  as  she  did  so  two  other  girls 
were  appointed  guards  over  her  and  were  required  to  accompany  her 
wherever  she  went,  lest  she  change  her  mind  and  try  to  escape.  During 
the  days  of  preparation  for  the  funeral,  this  girl  sang  and  conducted 
herself  in  a  gay  and  care-free  manner,  which  the  etiquette  of  the  situation 
evidently  demanded.  An  old  woman,  called  by  the  others  the  "angel  of 
death,"  or  "agent  of  death"  was  a  sort  of  general  undertaker,  or  manager, 
of  the  funeral  arrangements.  Under  her  direction  the  ship  belonging  to 
the  deceased  was  drawn  up  on  the  shore  and  in  it  was  erected  a  sepulchral 
tent  containing  a  richly  decked  couch,  on  which  the  body  of  the  dead  man 
was  placed  with  his  weapons  beside  him.  Food  and  drink  were  also  set 
conveniently  near.  This  being  done,  several  animals  were  killed  and  put  in 
the  ship,  including  a  dog,  a  rooster  and  a  hen,  two  oxen,  and  two  horses. 
Attention  was  next  centered  upon  the  voluntary  victim.  After  taking 
part  in  a  brief  ceremony  which  appears  to  have  possessed  symbolic  signi- 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL  421 

Some  sort  of  religious  ceremony  was  at  times  held  at 
the  grave  before  the  remains  were  burned  or  buried. 
Ibn-Fadlan   (in  the  account  referred  to  in 
note  29  of  this  chapter)  mentions  the  wooden   _^  igio"s 

^        '     ,  Ceremonies 

images   of  the   gods  which   surrounded  the  connected 
sepulchral    ship    as    it    stood   on   the    shore  with 
ready  to  receive  the  remains;  and  to  these   disposal 
idols  the  chieftain's  friends  prayed  during  j^^^^ 
the  days  of  preparation  for  the  funeral.^'^ 
Sometimes  a  ceremony  was  held  after  the  deceased  had 
been  fully  equipped  for  his  journey  to  the  land  of  the 
shades,  and  the  door  of  his  sepulchral  chamber  had  been 
closed  for  the  last  time.     In  the  parts  of  the  North  where 
Thor  was  held  in  especially  high  esteem,  this  final  cere- 
mony seems  to  have  been  characterized  by  the  consecra- 
tion of  the  funeral  pyre  w^th  the  hammer  symbolic  of  this 
deity.'' ^ 

To  a  people  like  the  Northmen  who  made  much  of 
friendship  and  ties  of  blood,  the  death  of  a  loved  one 
brought  genuine  regret  and  often  deep  grief. 
But  their  characteristic  reserve  and  training 
in  self-control  aided  them  to  bear  such  losses  with  quiet 
courage.  Only  occasionally  did  grief  become  uncon- 
trollable, as  in  the  case  of  Egil  Skalagrimsson,  the  poet, 

ficance,  the  young  girl  gave  the  jewelry  which  she  wore  to  the  two  who 
had  been  her  guardians.  Then  she  was  given  two  beakers  of  liquor  to 
drink — evidently  to  brace  her  for  the  approaching  ordeal;  and,  after  ad- 
dressing each  of  these  in  song,  she  emptied  it.  But  she  showed  a  tendency 
to  linger  over  the  drinking,  and  sang  long  over  the  second  glass ;  and 
even  after  this  was  drained,  she  hesitated  to  enter  the  tent.  The  mistress 
of  ceremonies,  therefore,  led  her  in,  followed  by  six  men  who  aided  her 
in  dispatching  the  victim.  While  the  girl  was  being  put  to  death  some 
of  the  men  in  the  crowd  beat  upon  their  shields  to  drown  any  cries  that 
she  might  utter,  lest  the  other  girls  become  frightened  and  later  show 
an  unwillingness  to  die  in  a  similar  manner  with  their  lords.  Ibn- 
Fadlan,   15-20. 

30  Ibn-Fadlan,  13. 

31  Peterson,  Om  Nordhoernes  Oudedyrkelse  og  Qudetro  i  Hedenold,  58. 


422         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

who  tried  to  end  his  life  by  self -neglect  after  his  son  died. 
There  appears,  however,  to  have  been  very  little,  if  any, 
formal  or  perfunctory  mourning  during  the  heathen  pe- 
riod. The  custom  for  a  bereaved  family  to  drape  the 
halls  of  their  dwelling  with  black  and  gray  hangings 
probably  did  not  antedate  the  introduction  of  Christian 
practices.-''^ 

The  remains  of  the  dead,  however  disposed  of,  were 
usually  covered  by  a  tumulus  or  mound  of  earth.     Some 

such  mounds  were  very  large,  and  even  at 
?^^'^^,  the  end  of  a  thousand  years  of  settling  and 

wearing  away  of  the  soil,  many  are  still 
hillocks  in  size  (Fig.  47).  These  heaps  of  earth  were 
intended  not  only  to  cover  thoroughly  the  dead  and  all 
his  belongings  but  also  to  serve  as  a  monument  to  his 
memory ;  consequently,  people  of  wealth  and  importance 
were  especially  honored  by  great  howcs,  while  humbler 
folk  had  often  l)ut  a  low  mound  thrown  over  them,  which 
quickly  settled  to  the  level  of  the  surrounding  ground. 
The  shapes  of  the  mounds  varied,  but  they  were  usually 
circular,  oval,  triangular,  or  rectangular;  the  first-men- 
tioned form  was,  however,  the  most  common.  Some 
graves  were  characterized  by  low  tumuli  pointed  at  each 
end,  in  resemblance  of  the  deck  plan  of  a  ship,  the  out- 
line being  made  of  upright  stones  placed  close  together, 
those  at  the  ends  being  unusually  tall.  Such  graves  ex- 
isted in  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden,  and  the  remains 
of  some  of  them  may  still  be  seen  (Fig.  48)." 

At  a  very  early  time — probably  as  early  as  the  Old 

Stone  Age — the  Northmen  began  to  erect 
^^"*^'  special  memorial  stones  over  the  graves  of 

their  dead,  usually  placing  them  on  top  of 

32  Du   Chaillu,  Viking  Age,  I,  421. 

33  Steenstrup,  Danmarks  Riges  Historie,  I,  358. 


Fig.    47.      ilodein    \'ie\v    of    (.  iicular    l>urial    (Irouiid. 

Aorgcs   Oldtid  I 


I'loni    Gustafson"s 


.ti^S>M%^ 


W^  4sr  -^-;>v,:--.- 


<^ 


i 


#j:«fe;--'i*.34?,V 


_iM^£*^-- '-     ' « v--'il«^?  *; 


•r- '<* 


,   '  n>'; '''?  I'-yit  ' " ^-^^f 


Fig.    48.     Burial    Place    with    .Momiiiieulul    Stoiics    in    Outline    of    a    .Ship. 
(From   Gustafsou's   Xorges   Oldtid) 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL 


423 


the  mound.  These  stones  were  rough-hewn  and  varied 
greatly  in  size  and  shape;  some  were  twelve  to  fifteen 
feet  high ;  others  were  very  low  and  did  not  appear  more 
than  one  or  two  feet  above  ground.  At  times,  they  were 
in  the  form  of  an  obelisk,  but 
more  frequently  the  sides 
were  roughly  vertical,  with  a 
height  two  or  three  times  the 
thickness  (Fig.  49).^^  Such 
stones  w^ere  raised  over  the 
dead  whether  the  remains 
were  burned  or  buried;  and 
often  similar  ones  were 
erected  to  the  memory  of 
people  lost  at  sea,  or  who 
died  in  foreign  lands.  Occa- 
sionally, they  were  even  set 
up  in  honor  of  the  living. 
These  monuments  of  various 
sorts  were  especially  nu- 
merous along  the  wayside, 
where  the  dead  were  fre- 
quently buried.  In  Sweden, 
in  particular,  as  in  ancient 
Rome,  the  roads  were  in 
places  lined  with  them;  and      ^[^\  f-    ^«"?\  ^ewn    Monu- 

,  '  mental    Stone    with    Thor's    Ham- 

thUS     they     served     as     way-    mers.      (From  Petersen's  Om  Nord- 

marks     as    well     as    memori-    ^o^»^^«  Chidedyrkelse  og  Oudetro  i 
1     o,  Hedenold.) 

ais. 

Previous  to  the  ninth  century  the  bauta-stones  appear 
rarely  to  have  borne  inscriptions;  but  with  the  opening 

'Bautastene  i  det   Hoie  Xorden,"  in  Aarboger,    1897, 


3*  Nieolaissen,  O. 
pp.   57-66. 

35  Friesen,  Otto  von,   UppJands  Runstenar 
15-16. 


en  Allmdnfattlig  Ofversikt, 


424         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

of  the  viking  period  it  soon  became  very  customary  to 
engrave  upon  them  epitaphs  and  other  in- 
scriptions in  runic  characters.^*'  This  prac- 
tice was  doubtless  in  imitation  of  Christian  lands,  for 
it  was  much  more  common  in  southern  Scandinavia  where 
the  contact  with  Christian  Europe  was  closest.  In  the 
far  northern  part  of  the  land  no  runic  inscriptions  of 
any  sort  are  found  upon  the  bauta-stones  of  this  period. 
The  epitaph  gave  the  name  and  the  position  of  the  dead 
person  and  usually  also  told  who  erected  the  monument 
and  who  engraved  the  runes.  If  the  deceased  had  jour- 
neyed in  foreign  lands,  this  fact  was  generally  mentioned, 
for  it  added  to  his  prestige.  Often  words  of  apprecia- 
tion or  praise  of  the  dead  were  added.  At  times  there 
were  also  warnings  to  the  passer-by  not  to  harm  the 
memorial ;  or  even  a  threat  to  * '  have  the  law  on ' '  any  one 
who  should  remove  or  deface  it.^^  On  the  later  stones 
it  was  also  not  uncommon  to  cut  an  invocation  to  Thor, 
accompanied  by  the  figure  of  his  hammer ;  or  the  symbol 
of  some  other  god. 

In  the  late  Viking  Age  elaborately  carved  stones  came 
into  use,  particularly  in  the  island  of  Gotland.  These 
stones  showed  genuine  skill  in  workmanship.  The  tops 
were  commonly  semi-circular  or  horseshoe  shaped,  and 
the   surfaces,   smooth.''^     Such   stones   occasionally  had 

36/6td.,   7. 

37  Wimmer,  Ludv.  F.  A..  Die  Runenschrift,  335-382. 

The  following  are  typical  runic  inscriptions:  "Ragnhild  erected  this 
stone  for  Ale  Salvegode,  the  highly  honorable  temple  priest.  Ale's  eons 
raised  this  mound  in  memory  of  their  father,  and  his  wife  for  her  hus- 
band; but  Sote  cut  the  runes  for  his  master.  May  Tlior  consecrate  these 
runes!" 

"Whoever  removes  this  stone  to  raise  it  over  another  or  injures  it  will 
be   required   to   make   good   the  damage."     Wimmer,    369. 

"Rolf  raised  this  stone  in  memory  of  Gudmund.  his  brother's  son,  and 
his  men,  who  were  drowned  at  sea.     Aweir  cut  the  runes."     Ibid.,  346. 

38  Pipping,  Hugo,   Om  Runinskrifterna  pa  de  Nyfunna  Ardre-Stenama. 


Fig.    .30.     Pictorial    Monumental     Kuiic    Stone.      (  Fioin     IMjipin-^'s    Anlrc 

Sfeiianid  I 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL  425 

runes  on  both  sides.  A  common  motif  was  the  figure  of 
a  dragon  or  snake,  arranged  along  the  edge  for  a  border ; 
and  between  the  parallel  lines  forming  this  animal  the 
runes  were  cut.  In  the  inclosed  space  were  often  elabo- 
rate twisted  animal  designs,  figures  of  the  gods  in  relief, 
or  illustrations  of  scenes  from  Northern  mythology. 
The  later,  more  finely-engraved  samples  of  stone  work 
at  times  had  the  background  filled  in  with  color,  par- 
ticularly red,  in  order  that  the  bas-relief  design  might 
stand  out  more  distinctly;  ^^  and  occasionally  the  runic 
inscriptions  themselves  were  painted  red  with  a  similar 
aim  (Fig.  50).-'« 

Not  infrequently,  runic  stones  w^ere  placed  within  the 
grave  itself ;  but  these  were  smaller  than  the  ones  erected 
upon  the  mound,  and  bore  only  the  name  of 
the  deceased,  with  perhaps  a  magical  sen-  Rune- 
tence.     In  the  last  part  of  the  heathen  period   Atones 

Placed 

these  small  stones  appear  to  have  been  more  within  the 
commonly  used  than  the  larger  monumental  Grave 
ones.^^     Their  aim  was  perhaps  merely  per- 
sonal to  the  one  with  whom  they  were  buried ;  they  were 
intended  to  aid  him  on  his  journey  to  the  land  of  the 
shades  and  to  be  of  service  after  his  arrival. 

Wood  at  times  took  the  place  of  stone  as  grave-markers 
in  regions  where  stone  was  scarce,  or  when  those  having 
charge  of  the  disposal  of  the  dead  were  in  a  hurry.  In 
the  latter  case,  a  pillar  of  wood — usually  made  from  the 
trunk  of  a  tree — was  set  up ;  and  upon  it  was  cut  a  short 
inscription,  often  only  the  name  of  the  person  buried 
beneath.^^ 

39  Klintberg,  M.,  Ndgra  Anteckningar  om  Gotland  i  Verkligketen  och 
Gotland  i  Skrift,    108. 

40  Pipping,    Om   Runinskriftcrna. 

41  Wimmer,  Die  Runenschrift,  306-309,  312. 

42  Ibn-Fadlan,  21. 


426         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

The  property  left  by  the  dead  was  disposed  of  in  vari- 
ous ways.     If  it  was  entirely  in  the  form  of  movables, 
as  was  often  true  of  the  possessions  of  the 
Property  of  |    j^^g  ^j^o  traveled  and  trafficked  with 

the  Dead  t    .  i     i    •    i 

foreign  peoples,  it  was  divided  into  three 
parts,  one  to  go  to  sui^^iving  relatives,  another  to  be 
buried  with  the  corpse,  and  a  third  to  be  devoted  to  the 
expense  of  the  memorial  feast  which  foUow^ed  the  fu- 
neral.*^ The  three  divisions  were  of  varv^ng  propor- 
tions, for  the  fraction  of  the  property  used  for  the  two 
last-named  purposes  w^as  determined  by  the  piety  and 
devotion  of  the  surviving  relatives  and  friends,  their 
regard  for  public  opinion,  and  the  thoroughness  with 
which  they  believed  that  the  spirit  of  the  departed,  if 
wronged,  would  return  to  secure  revenge.  The  division 
of  the  part  remaining  after  honor  had  been  shown  to  the 
dead  was  made  according  to  custom  and  law,  which,  how- 
ever, varied  in  different  sections. 

Much  attention  was  paid  by  the  laws,  however,  to 
landed  property.  In  Denmark  if  a  married  man  died 
his  wife  could  inherit  the  whole  of  his  land  only  if  the 
two  had  had  children.  The  woman  became  the  heir  of 
her  husband  tlirough  her  children;  but  eventually  the 
property  descended  to  the  children.  If  the  pair  was 
childless,  half  of  the  land  went  to  the  parents  of  the 
deceased.  The  law  applied  in  the  same  way  if  the  wife 
died  leaving  land.^'*  In  general,  however,  if  there  were 
grown  sons,  landed  property  Avent  quite  directly  into 
their  control  when  the  father  died.  In  Western  Scandi- 
navia, if  there  was  only  one  piece  of  land,  this  appears 
to  have  gone  to  the  eldest  son;  but  if  there  were  several 
tracts,  one  or  more  went  to  each  male  heir.^^     However, 

*3  Ibid.,  11.  a  Kong  Eriks  Sjellandske  Lov,  2-3. 

45  Steenstrup,    Danmarks    Hwtorie,    I,    253-2&5. 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL  427 

in  Iceland  two  sons  were  at  times  made  joint  heirs  of 
a  single  farm. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  viking  period  the  daughter 
was  probably  shut  out  from  any  claim  upon  her  father's 
land  even  in  the  absence  of  sons;  but  in  Iceland  during 
the  last  part  of  the  tenth  century  a  daughter  under  these 
circumstances  became  her  father's  heir.^"  However,  it 
was  not  until  two  hundred  years  later  that  the  inheri- 
tance laws  of  the  North  began  to  place  daughters  on  an 
equality  with  sons.^^  Before  this,  they  appear  to  have 
generally  received  one  third  of  the  father's  possessions, 
while  their  brothers  received  the  remaining  two  thirds.'*^ 
Yet,  the  injustice  to  the  daughters  was  perhaps  usually 
more  apparent  than  real;  for  most  women  of  ancient 
Scandinavia  married,  and  the  dowries  settled  upon  them 
by  their  fathers  were  as  a  rule  considerably  larger  than 
the  amount  given  to  the  sons  to  enable  them  to  fulfill  their 
contracts  as  grooms.  This  fact  tended  to  produce  equal- 
ization of  values  in  property  distribution.  Furthermore, 
often  when  the  othal  land  went  to  the  son,  the  daughter 
inherited  a  larger  share  of  movable  goods.^^ 

Throughout  Scandinavia  it  was  customary  for  the  sur- 
viving friends  or  kindred  to  hold  a  grave-ale  or  funeral 
feast  in  honor  of  the  deceased  shortly  after 
the  remains  had  been  put  out  of  the  way.  TheArval, 
This  banquet  to  the  dead  is  one  of  the  most  ^r  punfrai 
characteristic    features    of   funerals    among  peast 
primitive  peoples,  and  in  the  famous  ''wake" 
it  exists  at  the  present  time  among  the  Irish.     In  some 
parts  the  feast  could  not  lawfully  be  held  until  after  the 
seventh  day  following  the  death;  and  it  was  often  past- 
il Njdia,  45. 

*''  Buggje,  Testerlandenes  Indflydelse,  53. 
48  Valdemar  den  Andens  Jydske  Lov,  14. 
*9  Wisen,  Theodor,  Om  Qvinnan  i  Xordevs  Forntid,   14. 


428         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

poned  until  the  thirtieth.  If  the  deceased  was  father  of 
the  family,  the  preparations  were  likely  to  be  particularly 
elaborate.  Occasionally,  memorial  feasts  for  several 
persons  were  held  at  the  same  time  and  place ;  ^^  and  in 
such  cases  large  gatherings  of  friends  and  relatives  were 
present.  But  great  crowds  once  in  a  while  assembled 
to  do  honor  to  a  single  individual,  as  in  the  case  of  Shelty, 
the  Icelander,  to  whose  grave-ale  his  sons  invited  more 
than  fourteen  hundred  guests.  This  number  was  unusu- 
ally large,  however,  for  the  saga  account  states  that  this 
was  'Hhe  noblest  arval  ever  held  in  Iceland.  "^^  The 
grave-ale  often  lasted  for  several  days,  and  was  usually 
characterized  by  much  drinking,  particularly  to  the  mem- 
ory of  the  dead,  whom  the  guests  were  duty-bound  thus 
to  honor.^2  Presumably,  however,  none  of  the  friends 
or  relatives  ever  regarded  such  an  obligation  as  very 
arduous.  The  character  and  accomplishments  of  the  de- 
parted were  also  extolled  by  members  of  the  gathering; 
one  gifted  in  saga-telling  recited  in  prose  his  great  deeds, 
or  a  skald  composed  and  sang  songs  in  his  praise.^^ 

The  grave-ale  was  not  only  a  memorial  to  the  dead  but 

also  a  ceremonial,  installing  the  living  into  the  rights  of 

heirship.     Such  an  installation  always  took 

opening  of  the  banquet,  the  ''high  seat"  of 
the  late  master  of  the  household  stood  vacant,  and  thus  it 
remained  while  the  guests  did  him  honor  in  the  ways 
just  mentioned.  But  as  soon  as  the  son  had  finished 
drinking  the  horn  of  memory  to  his  father,  he  stepped 
forward  and  placed  himself  in  the  seat,  by  this  act  as- 
suming formal  possession  of  the  property  left  by  the 

1^0  Saga   Library,   III,   271. 

51  Ongines  Islandicae,  I,   141. 

52  Ibn-Fadlan,  11;  Saga  Library,  III,  271. 

53  Origines  Islandicae,  I,  141,  205. 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL  429 

deceased  and  inaugurating  himself  into  the  headship  of 
the  household.^^  Thus  was  signalized  in  the  ancient 
Northland  the  passing  of  the  old  generation  from  the 
stage  and  the  entrance  of  the  new  upon  it. 

5*  Keyser,  Private  Life  of  the  Old  Northmen,   175-177. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  comments  following  the  titles  below  listed  are  intended  to  apply 
to  the  writings  only  from  the  standpoint  of  the  present  study. 

CATAIiOGUES   AND  BIBLIOGRAPHIES 

Cornell  University  Library:  Catalogue  of  the  Icelandic  Collection 
bequeathed  by  Willard  Fiske.  Compiled  by  Halldor  Hermannsson. 
Ithaca,  New  York,  1914. 

The  Catalogue  indexes  one  of  the  most  valuable  collections  in 
its  field  in  the  world,  and  is  made  especially  valuable  to  the  student 
of  social  history  through  a  subject-  as  well  as  an  author-classi- 
fication of  the  most  important  titles. 
Islandica:  an  Annual  relating  to  Iceland  and  the  Fiske  Icelandic 
Collection  in  the  Cornell  University.  Ithaca,  New  York.  Edited 
by  William  Harris,  Librarian. 

The  following  numbers  have  been  especially  valuable: 
I.     Bibliography   of   the  Icelandic   Sagas.     By   Halldor   Her- 
mannsson, 1908. 

III.  Bibliography  of  the  Sagas  of  the  Kings  of  Norway,  and 
related  Sagas  and  Tales.     By  Halldor  Hermannsson,  1910. 

IV.  The  Ancient  Laws  of  Norway  and  Iceland.     By  Halldor 
Hermannsson,  1911. 

V.     Bibliography  of  the  Mythical-Heroic  Sagas.     By  Halldor 
Hermannsson,  1912. 

Contemporary  Works 

Adam  af  Bremen  om  Meningheden  i  Norden  under  Erkesaedet  i 
Bremen  og  Hamburg  (788-1072),  Tillegemed  sammes  Beskrivelse 
af  de  nordiske  Lande.  Oversat  af  P.  W.  Christensen.  Kjoben- 
havn,  1862. 

Alfred's  (King)  Orosius.  Trans,  by  B.  Thorpe.  In  Thorpe's  trans- 
lation of  Pauli's  Life  of  Alfred  the  Great.     London,  1878. 

Valuable  for  the  account  of  Othere,  the  Norseman,  interpolated 
by  Alfred. 

Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle.     See  Bedels  Ecclesiastical  History. 

Audun.     In  Sweet,  Henry,  An  Icelandic  Primer.     Oxford,  1886. 

Bede's  Ecclesiastical  Histort/  of  England;  also  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle.     Edited    by   J.   A.    Giles.     London,    1903. 

Beowulf.  Translated  out  of  the  Old  English  by  Chauneev  Brewster 
Tinker.     New  York,  1908. 

Biorkoa  Batten:  thet  dr  then  aldasta  Stadz  Lag  i  Sweriges  Bike. 
Forst  brukat  i  Biorkoo  manga  Hundrade  Ahr  sedan.  Stockholm, 
1687  ff. 

431 


432  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

With  this  work  are  bound  Gothlands  Laghen,  Dahle  Laghen,  and 
other  provincial  laws  of  Sweden. 

Brennu-Njalsaga  (Njdla).  Herausgegeben  von  Finnur  Jonsson.  Halle, 
1908. 

Corpus  Poeticum  Boreale;  the  Poetry  of  the  Old  Northern  Tongue, 
from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Thirteenth  Century.  Edited, 
classified,  and  translated  with  Introduction,  Excursus,  and  Notes, 
bv  Gudl)rand  Vigfusson  and  F.  York  Powell.  2  vols.  O.xford, 
1883. 

Edda  Saemundar  Hinns  Frotha:  the  Edda  of  Saemund  the  Learned. 
Translated  by  Benjamin  Thorpe  from  the  Old  Norse,  or  Ice- 
landic.    2  vols.     London,  1866. 

Egih  Saga  SkaUagrimssonar  nehst  den  grosseren  Gedichten  Egils. 
Herausgegeben  von  Finnur  Jonsson.     Halle,  1894. 

Flomnanna  Saga.    I'orleifr  Jonsson  gaf  ut.     Reykjavik,  1884. 

Gisla  Saga  Surssonar.  Herausgegeben  von  Finnur  Jonsson.  Halle, 
1903. 

GUima.     In    Islenzkar   Fornsogur,   vol.    I.     Kaupmannahofn,    1880. 

Grdgds:  Islaendernes  Lovbog  i  Fristntens  Tid.  Udgivet  eftcr  det 
Kongelige  Bibliotheks  Haandskrift  og  oversat  af  Vilhjalmar 
Finsen.     4  vols.     Kjobenhavn,  1870. 

Grettis  Saga  Asmundar sonar.  Herausgegeben  von  R.  C.  Boer.  Halle, 
1900. 

Gull-'Poris  Saga,    "forleifr  Jonsson  gaf  ut.     Reykjavik,  1878. 

Gunnlaugs  Saga  Ormstungu.  Mit  Einleitung  und  Glossar  herausgege- 
ben von   E.   Mogk.     Zweite  verbesserte   Auflage.     Halle,   1908. 

Guta-Lagh ;  das  ist  der  Insel  Gotland  altes  Rechtshuch.  In  der  Ur- 
sprache  und  einor  wioderaufgcfnndenen  Uebersetznng  herausgege- 
ben; mit  einer  neudeutchsen  Uebersetzung  nebst  Anmerkungen 
versehen  von  Dr.  Karl  Schildener.     Greifswald,  1818. 

Ibn-Fadlan  (Ahmad),  Ibn  Fozlans  h»W  andercr  Araber  Berichte  iiber 
die  Russen  dltercr  Zeit.  Text  und  iibersetzung  mit  Kritisch- 
Philologischen  Anmerkungen ;  nebst  drei  Beilagen  iiber  sogenannte 
Russen-Stamme  und  Kiew,  die  Warenger,  und  das  Warenger-Meer, 
und  das  Land  Wisu,  ebenfalls  nach  Arabischen  Schriftstellem  von 
C.  M.  FrJihn.     St.  Petersburg,  1823. 

Frahn  in  his  introduction  states  that  Ibn-Fadlan  was  an  Arab 
of  Bagdad,  who,  in  921,  a.  d.,  went  to  the  Volga  region  upon  an 
errand  for  his  caliph.  Here  he  obsen-ed  the  customs  of  the 
Scandinavian  merchants  who  followed  this  trade  route,  and  left 
a  careful  account  of  them,  which  was  transmitted  to  modem  times 
through  the  work  of  an  Arab,  named  Jaeut.  who  lived  in  t^ie 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  The  account  is  exceedingly  valu- 
able, for  it  gives  the  most  complete  contemporary  picture  in  ex- 
istence of  the  Scandinavians  of  Russia  during  the  Viking  period. 

Jomsvikinga  Saga.     Utgifven  af  Gustaf  Cederschiold.     Lund,  1875. 
The  King's  Mirror   {Speculum  Regale — Konungs  Skuggsjd).     Trans. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  433 

from  Old  Norwegian  by  Laurence  Marcellus  Larson.     New  York, 
1917. 

Laxdoela  Saga.     Herausgegeben  von  Kr.  Kalund.     Halle,  1896. 

Lex  Siellandica  Erici  Regis.  Kong  Eriks  Sjellandske  Lov  med  Ind- 
ledning,  Oversaettelse  og  Anmerkninger,  udgivet  af  J.  L.  A. 
Kolderup-Rosenvinge.     Kjobenhavn,  1821. 

Norges  Gamle  Love  indtil  1387.  Ifolge  offentlig  Foranstaeltning  og 
tillege  med  Understottelse  af  det  Kongelige  Norske  Videnskabers 
Selskab  udgivne  ved  R.  Keyser  og  P.  A.  Munch,  Gustav  Storm  og 
Ebbe  Hertzberg.    5  vols.     Christiania,  1846-1895. 

Origines  Islandicae;  a  Collection  of  the  More  Important  Sagas  and 
other  Native  Writings  relating  to  the  Settlement  and  Early  His- 
tory of  Iceland.  2  vols.  Edited  and  trans,  by  Gudbrand  Vig- 
fusson  and  F.  York  Powell.     Oxford,  1905. 

The  Saga  Library.  6  vols.  Trans,  and  ed.  by  William  Morris  and 
Eirikr  Magnusson.     London,  1891-1905. 

This  contains  a  large  number  of  sagas  not  included  in  Origines 
Islandicae. 

Saxo  Grammaticus,  Danish  History.  Trans,  by  Oliver  Elton,  with 
commentary  by  Frederick  York  Powell.     London,  1894. 

Sturlunga  Saga,  including  the  Islendinga  Saga  of  Lawman  Sturla 
Thordsson  and  other  Works.  Edited  with  Prolegomena,  Appen- 
dices, Tables,  Indices,  and  Maps  by  Gudbrand  Vigfusson.  2  vols. 
Oxford,  1878. 

Swerikes  Rikes  Lagh-Boker  som  are  Lands  Lagh,  Uplandz  Lagh, 
Ostgotha  Lagh,  Wdstmanna  Lagh,  Stadz  Lagh,  Wdstgotha  Lagh, 
Soderman  Lagh,  Helsing  Lagh.     Stockholm,  1666. 

Tacitus,  Cornelius,  The  Agricola  and  Germania  of  Tacitus.  With  a 
revised  text,  English  notes,  and  maps,  by  Alfred  J.  Church  and 
W.  J.  Brodribb.     New  ed.     London,  1885. 

Valdemar  den  Andens  Jydske  Lov.  Udgivne  ved  P.  G.  Thorsen. 
Kjobenhavn,  1853. 

Voyages  of  the  Northmen,  trans,  and  ed.  by  Julius  E.  Olson.  In 
Original  Narratives  of  Early  American  History,  vol.  I,  ed.  by 
J.  F.  Jameson,  New  York,  1906. 

Contains  sagas,  annals,  and  papal  letters  referring  to  Green- 
land and  Vinland. 

The   Younger  Edda:  also   called  Snorri's  Edda.,  or  the  Prose  Edda. 
Trans,  and  ed.  by  Rasmus  B.  Anderson,  Chicago,  1880. 
Secondary  Works 

Abercromby,  John,  The  Pre-  and  Proto-Historic  Finns,  both  Eastern 
and  Western,  with  the  Magic  Songs  of  the  West  Finns.  2  vols. 
London,  1898. 

Almgren,  Oscar,  "De  pagaende  L^ndersokningarna  om  Sveriges  forsta 
Bebyggelse,"  in  Fornvdnnen  meddelanden  from  K.  Vitterhets  His- 
torie  oeh  Antikvitets  Akademien,  Stockholm,  1914,  pp.  1-17. 

,  "En  egendomlig  Batgraf  vid  Ulltuna,"  in  Kungl.  Vitterhets  His- 
toric oeh  Antikvitets  Akadamiens  Mdnadsblad,  Stockholm,  1901- 
1902,  pp.  147-162. 


434         SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Annandale,  Nelson,  "The  Survival  of  Primitive  Implements,  Materials, 
and  Methods,  in  the  Faroes  and  South  Iceland,"  in  Journal  of 
the  Anthropological  Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  Lon- 
don, (1903),  XXXIII,  pp.     246-258. 

,  The  Faroes  and  Iceland:  Studies  in  Island  Life.     Oxford,  1905, 

Ame,  T.  J.,  La  Suede  et  I'Orient:  etudes  archeologiques  sur  les  relations 
de  la  Suede  et  de  I'Orient  pendant  I'age  des  likings.  Uppsala, 
1914. 

Baath,  A.  U.,  Nordiskt  Forntidslif.     Stockholm,  [n.  d.]. 

Popular  but  accurate.     Gives  many  illustrations  from  the  sagas. 

,  Nordmanna-Mystik ;  Bilder  fran  Nordens  Forntid.     Stockholm, 

(1898). 
A  valuable  work. 

Bajer,  Fredrik,  "Oldnordens  Kvinde,"  in  Xordisk  Mdnedskrift  for 
folkelig  og  kristelig   Oplysning,  Kristiania,   1871,  pp.   176-216. 

Barmg-Gould,  Sabine,  Iceland:  its  Scenes  and  Sagas.     London,  1863. 
Valuable,  as  showing  the  past  reflected  in   the  present. 

Beazley,  Charles  Ravmond,  The  Dawn  of  Modern  Geography.  3  vols. 
London,  1897-1906. 

Best  work  on  the  contribution  of  the  Northmen  to  geographical 
knowledge. 

Beddoe,  John.     See  Moore,  A.   W. 

Beebv,  W.  H.,  '"Sol  and  Samphire,"  in  Saga  Book  of  the  Viking  Club, 
London,    (1909-1910),   VI,  pp.   209-211. 

Bjorkman,  C.  G.,  Svensk-Engelsk  Ordbog.     Stockholm,   [1889]. 
The  best  Swedish-English  dictionary. 

Blum,  Ida,  Die  Schutzgeister  in  der  altnordischen  Literatur.  Zabem, 
1912. 

The  author  does  not  appear  to  have  made  the  most  of  her  subject. 

Boden,  Friedrich,  Mutterrecht  und  Ehe  im  altnordischen  Recht.  Ber- 
lin, (1904). 

Boyesen,  Hjalmar  H.,  The  Story  of  Xoruay.     New  York,  1889. 

Brandt,  Fr.,  ''Nordmaen denes  gamle  Stratferet."  in  Historisk  Tids- 
skrift  udsrivet  af  den  Norske  Historiske  Forening.  Kristiania, 
1876,  1882. 

An   illuminating  study. 

Brate,  Erik,  Xordens  dldre  Tidsrdkrong.     Stockholm,  1908. 

.  "Runverser,"  in  Antiqvarisk  Tidskrift  for  Sverige,  [1887-1891], 

X. 

Bremer,  Otto,  "Ethnographie  der  germanischen  Stanune,"  in  Paul, 
Hermann,  Grundriss  der  germanischen  Philologie,  Strassbui^, 
[1900],  III.  735-950. 

Bruun,  Daniel,  "Gammel  Bygningsskik  paa  de  islandske  Gaarde:  ark- 
aeologiske  Undersogelser,"  in  Aarsberetning  for  1907  Foreningen 
til  Norske  Fortidsmindesmaerkers  Bevaring.     Kristiania,  1907. 
Good. 

,  and  Finnur  Jonsson,  "Dalvik-Fundet :  en  Gravplads  fra  heden- 

skabets   Tid   pa   Island,"   in   Aarboger  for  Nordisk   Oldkyndighed 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  435 

og  Historie  udgivne  af  det  Konglige  Nordiske  Oldskrift  Selskab, 
Kristiania,  (1910),  XXV,  62-101. 

Bryce,  James,  "Primitive  Iceland,"  in  Studies  in  History  and  Juris- 
prudence, Oxford,  1901,  vol.  I. 
Valuable  for  analysis. 

Bugge,  Alexander,  "Handel"  (Nordischer),  in  Hoops,  Johannes, 
Reallexikon  der  gernmnischen  Altertumskunde.     Strassburg,  1911- 

,  Nidaros's  Handel  og  Skibsfart  i  Middelalderen.     (Saeraftryck  af 

det  Kgl.  Norske  Videnskabers  Selskabs  Festskrift  ved  Trondhjems 
900  Aars  Jubilaeum,  1897).     Trondhjem,  1897. 

,  "Die  nordeuropaischen  Verkehrswege  im  friihlen  Mittelalter  und 

die  Bedeutung  der  Wikiiiger  fiir  die  Entwicklung  des  europaisehen 
Handels  und  der  europiiischen  Schiffahrt,''  in  Vierteljahrschrift 
fiir  Social-  und  Wirtschaftsgeschichte,  Berlin,    (1906),  IV. 

,   "Seafaring   and   Shipping   during   the   Viking   Ages,"   in   Saga 

Book,  (1909-1910),  VI,  13-28. 

All  of  the  above-mentioned  writings  of  Bugge  are  exceedingly 
valuable  for  the  light  thrown  upon  the  commercial  activities  of  the 
Northmen. 

,    Vesterlandenes   Indflydelse   paa  Nordhoernes   og   saerlig   Nord- 

maendenes  ydre  Kultur,  Levesaet,  og  Samfundsforhold  i  Vikinge- 
tiden.     Klristiania,    1905. 

,  Die  Wikinger:  Bilder  aus  der  nordischen  Vergangenkeit.     Autori- 

sierte  LbertragTing  aus  der  Norwedschen  von  Dr.  Phil.  Heinz 
Hungerland.     Halle,  1906. 

,    (and  others),  Norges  Historie.     6  vols.     Kristiania,  1910- 

The  best  general  histoiy  of  Norway. 

Bugge,  Sophus,  The  Home  of  the  Eddie  Poems  with  especial  Refer- 
ence to  the  Helgi-Lays.  Rev.  ed.  Trans,  from  the  Norwegian 
by   Wm.   Henr\'   Schofield.     London,   1899. 

Burton,  Richard  T.,  Ultima  TMde;  or  a  Summer  in  Iceland.  2  vols. 
London,  1875. 

Chadwick,  H.  Munro,  "The  Ancient  Teutonic  Priesthood,"  in  Folklore, 
(1900),  XI,  pp.  268-301. 

Cleasby,  Richard,  and  Gudbrand  Vigfusson.  An  Icelandic-English  Dic- 
tionary.    Based  on  the  MS.  Collections  of  the  late  Richard  Cleasby, 
enlarged  and  completed  by  Gudbrand  Vigfusson.     Oxford,  1874. 
The  best  Icelandic-English  dictionaiy. 

Collingwood,  W.  G.,  Scandinavian  Britain.  "With  Chapters  introduc- 
tory to  the  subject  by  the  late  F.  York  Powell.     London,  1908. 

Conybeare,  C.  A.  Vansittart,  The  Place  of  Iceland  in  the  History  of 
European   Institutions.     Oxford,   1877. 
A  valuable  treatise. 

Craigie,  W.  A.,  Tlie  Icelandic  Sagas.     Cambridge,  1913. 
A  helpful  work. 

,   "Oldest   Icelandic  Folklore,"  in  Folklore,   (1893)    IV.   219-233. 

,  The  Religion  of  Ancient  Scandinavia.     London,  1906. 

A  clear  general  account. 


436  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Dasent,  George  "Webbe,  Introduction  to  volume  one  of  The  Story  of 

Burnt  Njal.     From  the  Icelandic  of  the  Njals  Saga.     Edinburgh, 

1861. 
Du  Chaillu,  Paul  B.,  The  Land  of  the  Midnight  Sun.     2  vols.     London, 

1881. 
,  The   Viking  Age:  the  early  History,  Manners  and  Customs  of 

the   Ancestors    of   the   English-Speaking    Nations.     2    vols.     New 

York,  1889. 

Valuable  for  its  many  excellent  pictures  and  its  extracts  from 

the  ancient  Scandinavian  literature.     The  work  as  a  whole  shows 

superficiality. 
Enander,   Joh.   A.,    Vara  Fiiders  sinnelag  fornordiska   Karaktersdrag 

tecknede  efter  den  islcindska  Sagnlitteraturen.     Stockholm,  (1894). 
Eriksen,  A.  E.,  "Om  Traeldom  hos  Skandinaverne,"  in  Nordisk  Uni- 

versitets-Tidskrift.     Kjobenhavn,    1861. 
A  scholarly  work  of  much  value. 
Erlingsson,  Thorstein,  Ruins  of  the  Saga  Time:  being  an  Account  of 

Travels   and   Explorations   in   Iceland   in    the    Summer   of   1895. 

London,   1899. 
Fabricius,    A.,    "Nordmannertogeme    til    den     Spanske    Halvb,"    in 

Aarhoger,  1897,   pp.   74-161. 
Falk,  Hjalmar,  Altnordische  Wafenkunde.     Kristiania,  1914. 

A   scholarly   work;    decidedly   the   most  complete   and   reliable 

on   the  subject. 
,  "Altnordisches  Seewesen,"  in  Wvrter  und  Sachen  Kulturhistor- 

ische    Zeitschrift    fiir    Sprach-    und    Sachforschung,    Heidelburg, 

(1912),  IV,  1-122. 
The  best  on  the  subject. 
Feilburg,  Henning  Frederik,  Jul.     2  vols.     Kobenhavu,  1004. 
Fiske,    (Daniel)    Willard,   Chess  in  Iceland  and  Icelandic  Literature. 

Florence,  1895. 
Forbes,    Charles    S.,    Iceland;    its    Volcanoes,    Geysers,    and    Glaciers. 

London,  I860. 
Pors,  Andrew  Peter,  The  Ethical  World-Conception  of  the  Norse  People. 

Chicago,  1904. 

Rather  over  complimentary  to  the  Scandinavians. 
Friesen,  Otto  von,  "Historiska  Runinskrifter,"  in  Fornvdnnen,  (1909), 

pp.  57-86,  [1911],  pp.  105-126. 
,  "Om  Runkskriftens  Harkomst,"  in  Sprakvetenskapliga  Sallskapets 

i  Uppsala  Forhandlinger,  II,  1894-1906.     Uppsala,  1906. 
,     Upplands    Runstenar:    en    allmanfdttlig     Ofversikt.     Uppsala, 

[1913]. 

Friesen   is  one  of  the   leading   authorities   upon   the   runic   in- 
scriptions. 
Garson,   J.   G.,  "Exhibition  of  Lamps  from   the   Orkney  Islands,"   in 

Jr.  Anthrop.  Inst.  Gt.  Brit,  and  Ire.,  [1884],  XIII, 'p-  275. 
Gjerset,  Knut,  History  of  the  Norwegian  People.     2  vols.     New  York, 

1915. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  437 

The  best  history  of  Noi-way  in  English.  Especially  valuable 
for  part  played  by  Norway  in  viking  activities. 

Gjessing-,  A.,  "Traeldom  i  Norge,"  in  Annaler  for  Nordisk  Oldkyndighed 
og  Historie,    (Kristiania),   1862. 

Gosse,  Edmund,  The  Ethical  Condition  of  the  early  Scandinavian 
Peoples.     London,  1875. 

Over-complimentary  to  the  Scandinavians. 

Gronbech,  Vilhelm,  Vor  Folkeaet  i  Oldtiden.  4  vols.  Kjobenhavn, 
1909-1912. 

Conclusions  are  largely  far-fetched,  but  the  work  is  stimulat- 
ing. 

Gronland,  Chr.,  Islands  Flora.     Kjobenhavn,  1881. 

Gudmundsson,  Valtyr,  "Akerbau  (Norden),"  in  Hoops,  Reallexikon. 

,  Nordhoernes  8 kibe  i  Vikinge-  og  Sagatiden.     Kjobenhavn,  3900. 

,  Privatboligen  paa  Island  i  Sagatiden  samt  delvis  i  det  ovrige 

Norden.     Kjobenhavn,  1889. 

An  exceedingly  valuable  work ;  but  N.  Nicolaysen's  critical  review 
of  it  may  be  read  with  profit. 

,     and    Kr.     Kalund,     "Skandinavisehe     Verhaltnisse,"    in     Paul, 

Grundriss,  III. 

Giintert,  Hermann,  Vher  altisldndische  Berserker-Geschichten.  Heidel- 
berg, 1912. 

Gustafson,  Gabriel,  Norges  Oldtid;  Mindesmaerker  og  Oldsager.  Kris- 
tiania, 1906. 

The  best  on  the  subject;  very  fully  illustrated. 

,  "Notes  on  a  decorated  Bucket  from  the  Oseberg  Find,"  in  Saga 

Book,    (1906-1908),  V,  297-308. 

Hallendorff,  C,  VArt  Folks  Ilistoria.     Stockholm,  1902. 

Hansen,  Andr,  M.,  Oldtidens  Nordmaend;  Ophav  og  Bosaetning. 
Kristiania,  1907. 

One  of  the  few  detailed  ethnological  treatises  on  Scandinavia; 
but  should  be  read  with  caution,  for  some  of  the  author's  con- 
clusions seem   quite  unjustifiable. 

Hasldns,  Charles  Homer,  The  Normans  in  European  History.  Boston, 
1915. 

,  Norman  Institutions.     Cambridge    (Harvard  University  Press), 

1918. 

Henderson,  Ebenezer,  Iceland;  or  the  Jotirnal  of  a  Residence  in 
til  at  Island  during  the  Years  1814  and  1815.  2  vols.  Edinburgh, 
1818. 

Henderson,  George,  The  Norse  Influence  on  Celtic  Scotland.  Glasgow, 
1910. 

Hildebrand,  Hans,  "Fran  Jernfildern,"  in  Mdnadsblad,  1880. 

,  "Hjelmar  med  Vildsvinsbild,"  in  Mdnadshlad.  1879. 

,  Lifvet  pa  Island  under  Sagotiden.     Stockholm,   (1883). 

,  Svenska  Folket  under  Hedna  Tiden.     Stockliolm,   (1872). 

Hodgetts,  J.  Frederick,  Older  England,  illustrated  hy  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Antiquities  in  the  British  Museum.     London,  1884. 


438  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Holmberg,  Axel  Em.,  Nordbon  under  HedfWtiden:  popular  Framstall- 

ning  of  vara  Forfdders  cildsta  Kultur.     Stockholm,  1852. 
Honi,   Frederick    Winkel,   History   of   the  Literature   of   the   Scandi- 
navian North  from  the  most  ancient  Times  to  the  Present.     Trans. 

by  Rasmus   B.   Anderson.     Chicago,  1895. 
The  only  work  on  the  subject  in  English. 
Horrebow,  Niels,   The  Natural  Histonj  of  Iceland.     Trans,  from  the 

original  Danish  of  N.  HoiTebow.     London,  1758. 
Horsford,  Cornelia,  "Dwellings  of  the   Saga-Time  in  Iceland,  Green- 
land, and  Vineland,"  in  Nat.  Geog.  Mag.,  Washington,  [1898],  IX. 
Hovgaard,  William,  Voyages  of  the  Norsemen  to  America.     New  York, 

1914. 

One  of  the  best  works  on  the  subject. 
Johansen,  K.  Friis,  "Solvskatten  fra  Terslev,"  in  Aarboger,  1912. 
Johnson,  A.  H.,  The  Normans  in  Europe.     New  York,  1914. 

A  good  general  treatment. 
Johnston,  A.  W.,  ''Orkney  and   Shetland   historical  Notes,"   in   Saga 

Book,  Vni,  211-264. 

Especially  useful  for  institutions. 
Jonsson,    Finnur,    "Das    Harfenspiel    des    Nordens    in    Alterzeit,"    in 

Sammelbdnde  der  Internationalen  Musikgesellschaft,  Leipzig,  IX, 

530-537. 
,  Den   islandske  Litteraturs  Historic,  tillegemed  den  Old  Norske. 

K6benha\Ti,  1907. 

Based  on  the  author's  larger  work,  which  is  decidedly  the  best 

on  the  subject. 
,  "Om  Skjaeldepoesien  og  de  aeldste  Skjaelde,"  in  Arkiv  for  Nor- 

disk  Filologi,  [1890],  VI,  121-155. 
Kalund,  Kr.,  Del  islandske  Lovbjaerg.     Kcibenhavn,  1899. 
,  "Islands  Fortidslaevnine-er,"   in   Aarboger  for  Nordisk   Oldkyn- 

dighed  Historie,  1882.  pp.  57-124. 
,  "Familielivet  pa  Island  i  den  forste  Sagaperiode   (indtil  1030) 

saledes  som  det  frcmtraeder  i  de  historiske  Sagaer,"  in  Aarboger, 

1870,  pp.  269-382. 
A  valuable  account. 
Keane,  A.  H.,  "The  Lapps:  their  Origin,  ethnical  Affinities,  physical 

and   mental    Cliaraeteristics.    fsages,    present    Status,    and    future 

Prospects,"  in  Jr.  Anthrop.  Inst.  Gt.  Brit,  and  Ire.,   (1880),  XV, 

213-235. 

,  Man:  Past  and  Present.     Cambridsre  University  Press,  1900. 

Keary,  C.  F.,  The  Vikings  in  Western  Christendom,  a.  d.,  759,  to  A.  D,, 

888.     London,  1891. 
Kermode,  P.  M.   C,  Manx  Crosses;  or  the  inscribed  and  sculptured 

Monuments  of  the  Isle  of  Man  from  about  the  End  of  the  fifth  to 

the  beginning  of  the  thirtee^ith  Century.     London,  1907. 
Keyser,  R.,   Private   Life   of  the   Old  Northmen.     Trans,   by   M.   R. 

Barnard.     London,  1868. 

A  valuable  work,  but  of  too  early  date  to  profit  much   from 

archaeological  research. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  439 

Keyser,     R.,     Norclmaendenes     EeUgionsforfalning     i    lledenclommen. 

Kristiania,  1847. 

This  is  still  the  best  general  work  on  the  religion  of  the  ancient 

North. 
Kluehevsky,  V.   0.,  A  History  of  Russia.     3  vols.     Trans,  by   C.  H. 

Hogarth.     London,  1911. 
Klintberg,   M.,   Nugra   Antecknimjnr  om    Gotlcr.ul  i    Verkligheden   och 

Gotland  i  Skrift.     Stockholm",  1909. 
Larsen,    A.,    Dansk-Norsk-Engelsk    Ordbog.     Third    ed.     Kobcnhavn, 

1897. 
Larson,  Laurence  Marcellus,  Canute  the  Great.     New  York,  1912. 
Lea,  Henry  Charles,  Superstition  and  Force:  Essays  on  the  Wager  of 

Laiv.     Fourth  ed.  rev.     Philadelphia,  1892. 
Lehmann,    Karl,    "Kauffriede    und    Friedenssehild,"    in    Germantisehe 

Ahhandlunqen  zum  LXX   Geburstag  Konrad  von  Maurers.     Got- 

tingen,  1893. 

A  contribution  to  commercial  history. 
,   Verlohmig  und  Hochzeit  nach   den  Nord  Germanischen  Eechten 

des  friihern  Mittelalters.     Miinchen,  1882. 
Lie,  Mikael  H.,  Lensprinscipet  i  Norden,     Kristiania,  1907. 
Lindqvist,   Sune,   "Ramsundsbron  vid   Sigairdsristningen   och   en    Stor- 

bondessliikt  fran  Missionstiden,"  in  Fornvdnnen,  1914,  pp.  203-230. 
A  contribution  to  the  history  of  transportation. 
Lonberg,   Sven   Erik,  Adam  af  Bremen  och  hans  Skildring   af  Nord 

Europas  Lander  och  Folk.     Uppsala,  1897. 
A  helpful  analysis. 
Maine,  Henrv  Sumner,  Lectures  on  the  Early  History  of  Institutions. 

New  York,  1875. 
Maitland,  Frederic  William,  Domesdai/  Book  and  Beyond.     Cambridge, 

1897. 
Mathiesen,  Henr.,  Det  Gamle  Throndhjem;  Byens  Historie  fra  dens 

Anlaeg  til  Erkestolens  Oprettehe,  997  til  1152.     Kristiania,  1897. 
Matthias,  Ernst,  '"Beitrage  zur  Erkliirung  der  Germanischen  Gottesur- 

teile,"  in  Jahresbericht  des  Konielichen  Yiktoria-G\Tnnasiums  zu 

Burg  fiir  das  Schuljahr  1899-1900. 
Maurer,  Konrad  von,  Die  Entstehungszeit  der  alteren  Frostuthingslog, 

Miinchen,  1875. 

,  Die  Entstehimgszeit  der  alteren  Gtdathingsldg.     IMiinchen,  1873. 

,   Island  von  seiner  ersten  Entdeckung   his  znm  Untergange  des 

Freistaats.     Miinchen,  1874. 

A  valuable  study  by  a  great  scholar. 
,     Ueber     die     Wasseriveihe     des     Germaniischen     Heidenthumes. 

Miinchen,  1880. 
Mawer,  Allen,   The  Vikings.     Cambridge,  Fniversitv  Press.  1913. 

The   most   comprehensive   treatment   in   English   of   the   Viking 

activities. 
Merker,  Paul,  Das  Strafrecht  der  altisldndischen  Gragds.     Altenbnrg, 

1907. 
Metcalfe,  Frederick,  The  Englishman  and  the  Scandinavian;  or  a  Com- 


440  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

parison    of    Anglo-Saxon    and    Old    Norse    Literature.     Boston, 

[1880]. 
Mogk,  E.,  "Die  Mensehenopfer  bei  den  Gennanen,"  in  Abhandliingen 

der    Philologisch-Historischen    Klas?e    der    Koniglich    sachsischen 

Gesellsehaft  der  Wissenschaften,  XXVII,  Leipzig,  IDOO. 
Montelius,   Oscar,   "Boning,   Grav,   och   Tempel,"   in  Antikvarisk   Tid- 

skrift  for  Sverige,   utgifven    af   Kungl.     Vitterhets   Historie   och 

Antikvitets  Akadamien,  Vol.  XXI,  pt.  I. 
,  The   Civilization   of   Sweden   in   heathen   times.     London,    1888. 

Trans.     The  best  work  on  the  subject. 
,    "Handeln   i    forna   Dagar   nied    siirskildt   Afseende   pa    Skandi- 

navien  och  Tiden  fore  Kristi  Fodelse,"  in  Nordisk  Tidskrift  for 

Vetenskap,  Kunst,  och  Industri,  lOOS,  pp.  295-32S,  383-415. 
,     "Midvinterns     Solfest,"     in     Svenska     Fomminnesforeningens 

Tidskrift,  XXV,  pp.  68-77. 
A  valuable  study. 

,  Om  vara  Forfadcrs  Invandring  til  Norden.     Stockholm,  1884. 

,  "Svenska  Runstenar  pa  fiirder  Ostnit :  ett  Bidrag  til  Vikinga- 

tidens  Historia,"  in  Fornvdnnen,  1014. 
Moore,  A.  W.,  and  John  Beddoe,  "Phvsical  Anthropolosrv  of  the  Isle 

of  Man,"  in  Jr.  Anthrop.  Inst.  Gt.'Brit.  and  Ire.,  (1808),  XXVII, 

104-130. 
Mortensen,  Karl,  Nordisk  Mytologi  i  kortfattet  populaer  Fremstilling. 

Anden  gennemsete  udgave.     Kobenhavn,  1000. 

A   good  popular  presentation   of   Scandinavian  mythology. 
Miiller,  Sopbus,  "Dyreomamentiken  i  Norden,  dens  Oprindelse,  Udvik- 

ling,  og  Forhoid  til  samtidige  Stilarter;   en  archaeologisk  Under- 

sogelse."  in  Aarhogcr.  1880,  pp.  185-403. 

,  "En  Stobeform  til  Thorshamre,"  in  Aarhoger,  1000,  p.  180. 

,   Tor  Oldtid :  Danmarks  Forhistoriske  Archaeologi  almenfattelig 

fremstillet.     Kjobeiiliavn,  1807. 

The  best  archaeological  history  of  Denmark  covering  the  period 

of  the  early  ^liddle  Ages. 
Munch,   Peter   Andreas,   Det  Norske  Folks   Historie.     4   vols.     Chris- 
tian ia.  1852-1 8G3. 

This  was  long  the  standard  histoiy  of  Nonvay,  but  has  recently 

been  displaced  by  the  larger  work  by  Alexander  Bu<rge  and  others. 
,  "Om  vore  Forfaedres  aeldste  Tidsregning,  Primstaven,  og  Maer- 

kedagene,"  in  A^orsk  Folke-Kalender  for  1817.     Christiania. 
Nansen,    Fridtjof,    In    Northern    'Mists;   Arctic   Exploration   in    Earlij 

Times.     Trans,  by  Arthur  G.   Chater.     2  vols.     New  York,  1011. 
A   scholarly   investigation,  suggestive   and   stimulating. 
Neergaard.    Carl.   "Meddelelser  fra   Nationalrauseets  danske   Samling: 

Jemalderen,"  in  Aarhoger.  1802. 
Nicolaissen,  0.,  Bautastenene  i  det  hoie  Norden,"  in  Aarhoger  1807, 

pp.  57-75. 
Nicolavsen,   N.,    Om    Dr.    Gudmtindssons   "Privatboligen   paa   Island." 

Christiania,  1800. 

A    critical    review    of    Gudmundsson's    book. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  441 

Nicolaysen,  X.,  The  Viking  Ship  discovered  at  Gokstad  iyi  Norway. 
Christiania,  1882. 

A  detailed  description  of  one  of  the  two  most  important  burial 
ships  discovered  in  modern  times. 

Niedner,  Felix,  Islands  Kidtur  zur  Wikingerzeit.     Jena,  1913. 
Popular  and  of  but  slight,  value. 

O'Donnell,  Elliott,  Werwolves.     Boston,   (n.  d.). 

Olassen,  Eggert,  and  Biarne  Povelsen,  Beise  durch  Island.  Veran- 
staltet  von  der  koniglichen  Societat  der  Wissenschaften  in  Kopen- 
hagen  und  beschrieben  von  bemeldetem  Eggert  Olassen.  Aus  dem 
Diinischcn  ubersetzt.  2  vols.  Kopenhagen  und  Leipzig,  1774- 
1775. 

Olassen  and  Povelsen  spent  the  years  1752-1757  traveling  in 
Iceland.  Their  report  is  the  most  valuable  modem  work  on  that 
country. 

Olrik,  Axel,  Nordisk  Aandsliv  i  Vikingetid  og  tidlig  Middelalder.  Ko- 
benhavn,  1907. 

Petersen,  N.  M.,  Haandbog  i  den  gammel-nordiske  Geografi;  eller 
systematisk  Fremstilling  af  de  gamle  Nordboers  geografiske  Kund- 
skab  i  Almindelighed,  samt  de  den  bekjente  Lande  og  historisk 
maerkelige  Stader  i  Saerdeleshed,  uarbejdet  isaer  efter  islandske 
Kilder.     Kjobenhavn,  1834. 

The  most  comprehensive  treatise  on  the  subject. 

Pfeiffer,  Ida,  A  Journey  to  Iceland,  and  Travels  in  Sweden  and  Nor- 
way. Trans,  from  the  German  by  Charlotte  Fenimore  Cooper 
New  York,  1852. 

Philpotts,  Bertha,  Kindred  and  Clan  in  the  Middle  Ages  and  after: 
a  Study  in  the  Sociology  of  the  Teutonic  Races.     Cambridge,  1913. 
An  illuminating  study. 

,  "Temple-Administration  and  Chieftainship  in  pre-Christian  Nor- 
way and  Iceland,"  in  Saga  Book,  VIII,  pp.  264-285. 

Pipping,  Hugo,  O^n  Buninskrifterna  pa  de  nyfunna  Ardre-Stenarna. 
Uppsala,  [1901]. 

A  description  of  some  of  the  most  important  recently-discovered 
inscriptions. 

PIoss,  Heinrich,  und  Max  Bartels,  Das  Weib  in  der  Natur-  und  Volker- 
kunde.     9th  ed.     Leipzig,  1908. 

Retzius,  Gustaf ,  "The  so-called  North-European  Race  of  Mankind ; 
a  Review  of,  and  Views  on,  the  Development  of  some  anthro- 
pological Questions,"  in  Jr.  Anthrop.  Inst.  Gt.  Brit,  and  Ire., 
[19091,  XXXIX.  pp.  277-313. 

Riplev,  William  Z.,  The  Baces  of  Europe:  a  sociological  Study.  New 
York,  1899. 

Roos,  William,  "The  Swedish  Part  in  the  Viking  Expeditions,"  in 
English  Historical  Beview.   [1892],  VII,  209-223. 

Rosen,  Helge,  "Freykult  och  Djurkult,"  in  Fornvannen,  1913,  pp.  213- 
245. 

An  important  contribution  to  the  religious  history  of  heathen 
times. 


442  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Rygh,  0.,  Norske  Oldsager,  ordnede  og  forklarede.     Christiania,  1885. 
The  chief  value  of  this  work  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  is  very  well 
and  profusely  illustrated.     The  accompanying  text  is  merely  de- 
scriptive of  the  pictures. 

Schetelig,  Haakon,  "Traces  of  the  Custom  of  'Suttee'  in  Noi-wav  dur- 
ing the  Viking  Age,"  in  Saga  Book,  VI,  180-199. 
A  bj'ief  but  helpful  study. 

Schonfeld,  E.  Dagobert,  "Der  isliindische  Bauemhof  uiid  sein  Betreib 
zur  Sagazeit,  nach  der  Quellon  dargestellt,"  in  Quellen  und  For- 
schnngen    zur    Sprach-    tend    Ktdturgeschichte    der    germaniscJicn 
Volker,  XCI.     Strassburg,  1902. 
Scholarly  and  instructive. 

,  Das  Pferd  im  Dienste  des  Islanders  zicr  Saga-Zeit:  eine  kidtiir- 

liistori.sche   Studie.     Jena,   1900. 

Schiick,  Henrik,  Birka.     Uppsala,  1910. 
A  helpful  work. 

Seebohm,  Frederic,  Tribal  Custom  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law.  London, 
1902. 

Sephton.  J.  M.  A.,  Thor  and  his  Siiajf.     Liverpool,  1887. 

Skene,  William  F.,  Celtic  Scotland:  a  History  of  ancient  Alban.  3  vols. 
Edinburgh,  187G-1880. 

Steenstinip,  Johannes  C.  H.  R.,  (and  others),  Danmarks  Biges  Tlistorie. 
7  vols.     Kobenhavn,   [1896-],  1907. 

The   standard   general   history  of   Denmark. 

,    Normannerne.     4   vols.     Kjobenhavn,    1876-1882. 

Excellent;  perhaps  the  best  work  in  existence  upon  the  ac- 
tivities of  the  Scandinavians  in  foreign  lands  during  the  Viking 
Age. 

Stefansson,  Jon,  Denmark  and  Sweden  tvith  Iceland  and  Finland. 
With  a  Preface  by  Viscount  Bryce.     New  York,  1917. 

A  brief,  general  work,  devoting  but  little  space  to  the  early 
IMiddle  Asres. 

,  "The  Vikings  in  Spain,"  in  Saga  Book,  VT,  31-47. 

,   "Western    Influence   on   the   earliest   Viking   Settlers,"   in    Saga 

Book,  V.  pp.  288-297. 

Stjema,  Knut,  "Arkeologiska  Anteckningar  till  'Beowulf,'  "  in  Kone:l. 
Vitterhets  Historic  och  Antikvitets  Akadamien  Mdnadsblad,  1903- 
190.5,  pp.  436-452. 

.  "Lund  och  Birka,"  in  Historisk  Tidskrift  for  Skaneland,  Lund, 

1908-1909. 

An  interesting  study.     Cf.  Schiick's  work  on  Birka. 

Storm,  G.,  "Normannerne  i  Vikingetiden,"  in  Nyt  Norsk  Tidskrift, 
Kristiania,  1877. 

This  is  a  review  and  criticism  of  Steenstmp's  Normannerne. 

^tromheck,  Kasper,  Gamla-  Uppsala.     Upsala,  (1866). 

Svendsen.  Reinert.  Fortidsmindesmerker  i  Bivgf^akcr  paa  TIcdrmarken. 
Kristiania,  1902. 

Taylor.  Elizabeth,  "Eider-Diick  Farms  in  Iceland,"  in  Good  Words, 
1897,  pp.  688-693. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  443 

Thomsen,   Thomas,  '•Vaevede   Stoffer  from  Jernaldern,"   in  Aarhoger, 
1900,  pp.  257-279. 

About  half  of  the  article  deals  with  the  Viking;  period. 
Thiimmel,   Albert,   Der  germanische    Tempel.     Halle,    1909. 

A  detailed,  scholarly  study,  based  upon  archaeological  remains 
and  the  sagas. 
Tille,  Alexander,   Yule   and'  Christmas ;   their  Place   in   the   Germanic 

Year.     London,   1899. 
[Troil,  Uno  von].  Bref  rorende  en  Eesa  til  Island,  1772.     Upsala,  1777. 
Tunberg,  Sven,  Studier  rorande  Skandinaviens  dldsta  politiska  Indel- 

ning.     Uppsala,  1911. 
Tylor,    E.    B.,    "Old    Scandinavian    Civilization    among    the    modern 
Esquimaux,"   in   Jr.   Anthrop.   Inst.    Gt.    Brit,    and   Ire.,    (1884), 
XIII,  348-357. 
Unwerth,  Wolf  von,  Untersuchungen  ilber  Totenkult  und  Odinnvereh- 
rung   bei  Nordgermanen   vnd,  happen,   mit   Excursen   zur   altnor- 
dischen   Literatursgeschichte.     Breslau,    1911. 
An  interesting  study. 
Veblen,  Thorstein  B.,   "The  Blond   Race  and  the  Aryan   Culture,"  in 
the  University  of  Missouri  Bulletin,  Science  Series,  vol.  II,  no.  III. 
Vedel,   E.,   "Bornholmske  Undersogelser  med  saerligt   Hens\ni   til   den 

senere  Jemalder,"  in  Aarhoger,  1890,  pp.  11-77. 
Vigfusson,  Gudbrand,  Prolegomena  in  volume  one  of  Sturlunga  Saga. 
Oxford,  1878. 

A   most   charming    and   valuable   description. 

,  An  Tcelandic-English  Dictionan/.     See  Cleasby,  Richard. 

Visted,  Kristofer,  Vor  Gamle  Bondehdtur.     Kristiania,  1908. 

This  treats  of  a  period  subsequent  to  the  Viking  Age,  but  throws 
valuable  light  upon  the  latter. 
Vogt,  L.  J.,  Did)lin  som  norsk  By.  Fra  vor  aelste  Kjobstadsliv.     Chris- 
tiania,  1896. 

Contains  but  little  information  regarding  social  customs. 
Weinhold,  Karl,   Altnordisches  Leben.     Berlin,   lS5fi. 

The  best  work   on   the   subject,   and   rcmarkalily   complete   and 
reliable  for  the  period;  but  it  was  of  too  early  date  to  profit  by 
archaeological  diseovei-y,  and  is  based  virtually  exclusively  upon 
literary  sources. 
Wergeland,  A.stics  Mathilde,  Slavery  in  Germanic  Society  during  the 
Middle  Ages.     Chicago,  [1916]. 
The  best  on  the  subject  in  English. 
Wimmer,  Ludv.   F.   A.,  Die  Runeyischrift  von  Ludv.   F.  A.   Wimmer 
vom    Verfasser  umgearbeitete   und   vermehrte  Ausgabe.     Ubertra- 
gung  aus  der  Diinisch  von  F.  Holthausen.     Berlin,  1887. 

This  was  long  the  great  authority  on  the  runic  inscriptions,  but 
has  now  been  somewhat  supplanted  by  the  works  of  more  recent 
scholars. 
Wisen,  Theodor,   "Om   Qvinnan  i  Nordens  Forntid,"  in  Nordisk   Tid- 
skrift.     Lund,  1870. 

A  helpful  study,  though  not  very  comprehensive. 


444  SOCIAL  SCANDINAVIA  IN  THE  VIKING  AGE 

Worsaae,  J.  J.  A.,  An  Account  of  the  Danes  and  Norwegians  in  Eng- 
land, Scotland,  and  Ireland.     London,  1852. 

,  De  Danskes  Kultur  i  Vikingetiden.     Kjobenhavn,  1873. 

,  The  Industrial  Arts  of  Denmark,  from  the  earliest  Times  to  the 

Danish  Conquest  of  England.     London,  1882. 
A  valuable  work. 

,    Nordiske    Oldsager    i    det    Kongelige    Museum    i   Kjobenhavn. 

Kjobenhavn,  1859. 

,  The  Pre-Ilistorii  of  the  North,  based  on  contemporary  Memorials. 

Trans,  by  H.  F.  Morland  Simpson.     London,  1886. 


INDEX 


Adoption,  63-64. 

Agriculture:  importance,  163;  di- 
versity, 163-164;  grain  and  hay 
farming,  164-165;  textile  plants, 
165;  conditions  favorable  to,  165; 
implements  used  in  agriculture, 
165-166;  harvesting,  167;  thresh- 
ing,   168-169. 

Alcoholic  beverages,  20. 

Ale,  160. 

Alfar,  366-367. 

Althing,  Icelandic,  opening  of,  287 ; 
session  of,  287-290;  law-suits  at, 
302-303. 

Amusements:  man  matching,  322; 
flyting,  322-323 ;  saga-telling, 
323-324;  dancing,  324-325;  jug- 
gling, 325 ;  fortune-telling,  325 ; 
table-games,  325-326;  sports, 
327-328 ;  mock  thing  meetings, 
328;  athletic  contests,  328-329; 
ball  games,  329-330;  horse-fight- 
ing, 330. 

Animal  husbandry:  kinds  of  live 
stock  raised.  170-172;  proportion- 
al distribution,  172 ;  moimtain 
pastures,  172-173;  wool-plucking, 
173-174;  legislation  concerning 
domestic    animals,    174-175. 

Animals  found  in  Scandinavia,  7; 
importance  of,  179. 

Animal  worship,  364. 

Appearance  of  Scandinavians,   15. 

Aristocracy,  basis  for,  34-35. 

Armor,  259. 

Arson,  294. 

Art,  character  of  Scandinavian, 
358-359 ;  foreign  influence  on, 
359-360;    pictorial,    361-362. 

Artistic    ability    of    Scandinavians, 

445 


358-359;     shown     in     decoration, 

359-360. 
Arval,   427-428. 
Asgerda,    116. 
Askja,  Mount,  4. 
Astronomy,  353. 
Asylum,  right  of,  300-301. 
Aud,  the  Deep-Wealthy,   110. 
Aud,  wife  of  Thorthr,  114. 
Auda,    115. 
Atirora  Borealis,  5. 

Balder,  376. 

Ball  games,   329. 

Banquets,  seating  at,   154. 

Bath  house,  87,  138-139. 

Bathing,  85-87. 

Bagstofa.     See  Bath  house. 

Bauta  stones,  422-425. 

Bayeux  Tapestry,  262,  note;  360. 

Bears  as  pets,  181-182,  and  note. 

Beds,   148-149. 

Bee-culture,   170. 

BekJdr,  135. 

Berserkers,   102-103,  253-254,   308. 

Betrothal,  parties  concerned  in,  90; 
financial  side  of,  92-93 ;  ceremony, 
93-94;  importance  of,  94. 

Beverages,   160. 

Blanda,  156. 

Blood-brotherhood,  24-25. 

Boendr,  47-49. 

Bornholm,  2. 

Bower,   139. 

Bragging.  322. 

Bragi,   321-322,   375. 

Branding,  in  punishment  for  crime, 
313. 

Bridegroom's    ride,    97. 

Bride's  journey,  96. 


446 


INDEX 


Bridges,    192-193. 

British  Isles,  Scandinavians  in,  1, 
116,  218,  245-247. 

Brooches.  78-79,  83. 

Bru.     8ce  Bridges. 

Brudferd.     ^ee  Bride's  journey. 

Bri'idfjiimareid.  'S'ce  Bridegroom's 
ride. 

Bn'iffkaup.     See  Wife-purchase. 

Buildings:  general  cliaracter,  127- 
128;  grouping,  128-129;  mate- 
rials for,  129-1.32. 

Biir.     See  Pantry. 

Burial  mounds,  422. 

]5urial,  preparation  of  dead  for,  412. 

Business  practices,  233. 

Butter,  157. 

Bijfjd,  270. 

Calendar,   Scandinavian,   353-356. 

Candles,  162. 

Capital  punishment,  313-314. 

Carvings,  wood,  143-144,  360. 

Cattle,   171-172. 

Cereal  foods,  157-158. 

Chairs,  145. 

Character  of  Scandinavians,  15-22. 

Charlemagne,  influence  of,  on  Scan- 
dinavia, 54. 

Cheese,  156. 

Chests,  150. 

Children,  care  of,  66,  67-68;  educa- 
tion of,  68-70;  illegitimate,  66; 
coming  of  age  of,  71. 

Christianity,  influence  of,  on  di- 
vorce, 108;  on  position  of  women, 
121-122;  on  Scandinavian  heath- 
enism, 394-396. 

Clairvoyance,   120,   409-410. 

Classes  of  society,  enumeration  of, 
36;  description  of.  36-55. 

Climate  of  Scandinavia,  4-5. 

Clothing,  materials  for,  72-75; 
making   of,    75.     See   Dress. 

Coinage,'  229-230. 

Colnmba,  worship  of,  by  Scandina- 
vians, 395. 

Commercial  importance  of  Scandi- 
navia, 395. 


Constantinople,  Scandinavians  in,  1, 
252. 

Cooking,  fuel  for,  151-152;  fires  for, 
151-152;   utensils  for,   151-152. 

Cottiers,  47. 

Counterfeiting,  230-231. 

Courts,  of  neighbors,  298-299;  pub- 
lic, 299-300;  of  Althing,  302-304. 

Courtship,   89. 

Cremation,    414-415,   419-420. 

Crimes.    293-296. 

Cupboards,   154. 

Currency.   227-231. 

Dafirerdr,  151. 

Dancing,  324-325. 

"Danish  tongue,"  the,  331. 

Dead,  disposal  of,  413-421;  per- 
sonal equipment  of,  417-418; 
transportation  facilities  for,  418- 
419:  sepulchral  chambers,  416; 
religious  ceremonies  for,  421; 
mourning  for,  421-422;  property 
of,  426-427. 

Dishes.  152-153. 

Disir,  366-367- 

DistafT,  73. 

Divorce,  easily  secured,  105; 
grounds  for.  10.5-107:  formalities 
connected  with,  107-108;  effect  of 
Christianity  upon,  108. 

Dower,  bridal,  93. 

Dreams,  399-400. 

Dress,  love  of  display  in,  72 ;  of 
women.  76-80;  of  men,  80-83; 
wedding,  97.     See  Clothing. 

Dwarves,  404. 

Dwellings,  furnishings  for,  132-133; 
rooms    composing,    134-140. 

Dyngja.     See  Bower. 

Earrings,  78. 

Education,  of  girls,  68-69;   of  boys, 

69-70. 
"  Egg-fields,"  185-186. 
Eggs,  as  food,  156;  of  sea-fowl,  185- 

180. 
Eider  ducks,  184. 
Eldhus.     See  Kitchen. 


INDEX 


447 


Embroidery,  76-77,  360. 

Epitaphs,  423-424. 

Eskimos,  influence  of  Scandinavian 
culture  upon,  161,  189. 

Etlmology  of  Scandinavians:  prehis- 
toric inhabitants,  7-8;  brunette 
strain,  8-11,  14-15;  Celts,  10-11; 
"Finns"  of  the  sagas,  11;  "Skrid- 
iinns,"  or  Lapps,  11-12;  Finns  of 
Finland,  12;  blonde  Scandinavi- 
ans, 13-15. 

Exports,   220-222. 

Fairs,  235-236.     ^ee  Markets. 

Falcons,  royal  monopoly  of,  in  Nor- 
way, 185! 

Feasting,  320-321. 

Fehlr,  82. 

Fens,  6. 

Ferries,  192,  193. 

Festivals,  religious,  385-387,  387- 
391. 

Feud,  the,  27-28,  297. 

Feudalism,  54. 

Fines,  298,  310-312. 

Fiords,  of  Norway,  3 ;  of  Iceland, 
3-4. 

Fish,  varieties  usually  sought,  188; 
curing,  190. 

Fishing,  importance,  188;  regula- 
tions governing,  188-189;  equip- 
ment, 189;  organization  for,  189- 
190. 

Fjordungr,  270-271. 

Floors,  character,  135-136;  cover- 
ings for,  144. 

Flyting,   322-323. 

Foods,    154-160. 

Forests,  5-7. 

Fortune-telling,  325. 

Fosterage,  64—65. 

]<'o\vling,    184-185. 

Fowls,  domestic,  171. 

Fraendi,  23. 

Freedmen,  rank  in  society,  36;  rela- 
tion to  family  of  former  master, 
4.3-45. 

Freeholders.     See  Boendr. 

Frey,  373-374. 


Freyia,   377. 

Frigg,  377. 

Fruits,  158-159. 

Fuel,  176-177. 

Funeral  feast.     See  Arval. 

Fylki,  270-271. 

Fylgjur.     See  Haminyjur. 

Geographj'^,  352. 

Gesta-hi'is.     See  Guest  house. 

(ieymsluhus.     See  Store  house. 

Ghosts,  400-401. 

Giants,  403-404. 

Gifts,  naming,  62,  63;  w-edding,  98; 
presentation  to  guests,  326-327. 

Glass,  absence  of,  for  windows,  133. 

Gloves,  77. 

Goats,  171. 

Go8i,  as  civil  officer,  272-275;  as 
priest,  383-385. 

Gods,  most  important,  368-378;  im- 
ages of,  382-383. 

Gokstad  ship,  203-204,  417,  418. 

Government,  evolution  of,  269-270. 

Grant,  158. 

Guest  house,  140. 

Gyda,  112-113. 

Hair-dressing,  of  Avomen,  80;  of 
men,  83-84. 

ITallgerda,   113-114. 

Hamingjur,  401-402. 

Harness,  199-200. 

Hats.     See  Ilottr. 

Hauldar.     See   Offalshdcndr. 

Hawking,  185. 

Head  covering,  of  women,  76 ;  of 
men,  82. 

Heimdal,  376. 

Heirsliip,  assumption  of,  428-429. 

Heitstrenging.  321-322. 

Hekla,  Mount,  4. 

Helmets,  258-259. 

lleimanfylgja.     See  Dower. 

Uera&r,  270. 

Ilcrsar,  place  of  in  social  classifica- 
tion,   36;    description,    52-53. 

'■High   seat."    145-140. 

History,  Scandinavian  knowledge  of, 
352. 


448 


INDEX 


Hoene,  376-377. 

Tlottr,  82. 

Homesteads,   names   of,    142. 

Horgs,  379. 

Horse  figlitinji,  330. 

Horseback  ridintr,  197-198. 

Horses,  171. 

Horticulture,   169-170. 

House-biu-ning,  297-298. 

House  furnishings,  ornamental  char- 
acter of,   143-144. 

Hue  and  cry,  300. 

Iliindraff,  270. 

Hunting:  animals  commonly  sought, 
180;  weapons,  180-181;  laws  gov- 
erning, 181—183. 

Eusmadr.     .SVe  Cottiers. 

Tdun,  377-378. 

Illumination,   160-161. 

Images  of  gods,  382-383. 

Immortality,  393. 

Imports,  222. 

Infants,    exposure    of,    57 ;     naming 

ceremony    of,    58-59;    christening 

of,  60. 
Intelligence  of   Scandinavians.   351- 

352. 
Intemperance,  19-20,  320-321. 

Jarla,  place  in  social  classification, 

36;  description,  53. 
Jewelry,      character      of,      78;       of 

women,  78-80;  of  men,  83. 
J6l.     See  Yule. 
Judicial    system,    general    character 

of,  292-293. 
Jury,  primitive,  301-302. 
Jutland,  2. 

Kdpa,  81-82. 

Kerchief,  76. 

Keys,  in  charge  of  women,  76. 

Kindred,  importance  of  in  Scandi- 
navia, 23-29;  preservation  of  in- 
fluence in  Denmark  and  Sweden, 
25-26,  99;  effect  of  migration 
upon,  30. 

Kings,  relation  to  the  people,   54- 


55;      as     administrative     officers, 

278-280. 
Kitchen,  137-138. 
Kitchen  middens,  8. 
Kotkarl.     See  Cottiers. 
Kiermgjof,   312. 

Laborers,  free,  46—47. 

Lamps,  161-162. 

Land:  ancestral,  or  odal,  import- 
ance of,  26;  establishment  of 
title  to,  123-124:  grabbing  of, 
125-126;  ceremony  of  transfer- 
ring title  to,  125-126;  community, 
126-127,   172-173. 

Land  spirits,  367-368. 

Language,  common  Scandinavian,  of 
the  Viking  Age,  331-332. 

Lanterns,  162. 

Lapps.  11-12,  179. 

Laundry  work.  176. 

Lawmen,  275-278. 

Lawsuits,  custom  of  balancing.  301. 

Lcndirmcnn.     See  Hcrsar. 

Leiisings.     See  Freedmen. 

Literature:  Scandinavian  interest 
in,  332-333;  reason  for  survival 
of  Icelandic.  333-334;  general 
character  of,  334-335;  poetry, 
335-341;  prose,  341-346;  relation 
of  runes  to,  350. 

Living  room,  134-135. 

'•Lock  beds,"   137. 

Ldfiretta,  288-289. 

Loki,   375-376. 

Looms,    73. 

Luck,  belief  in,  398. 

IMagic,  404-409. 

:\raiming.   312-313. 

:\rammals,  sea,  186-187. 

]\Ian-matching.  322. 

■Markets:  Icelandic,  237;  Norwe- 
gian, 237-238;  Danish,  238; 
Swedish,  238-239;  of  Greater 
Scandinavia.  244-246. 

Marriage:  Scandinavian  attitude  to- 
wards, 88;  conditions  favoring, 
88-89;  relation  of  love  to,  89-90; 


INDEX 


449 


negotiations  regarding,  92 ;  cere- 
mony, 96-98 ;  feast,  98 ;  "  loose," 
100. 

Mathematics,  356-357. 

Mead,  160. 

Meal  time,  150-151. 

Measures,  225-227. 

Meats,  155-156. 

Medicine,  357-358. 

Merchant  colonies,  Scandinavian,  in 
foreign  cities,  246-247. 

Metals,  work  in,  177-178. 

Milk,  156. 

Milk  products,  156-157. 

Minni-drinking,  387. 

Mints,  229-231. 

Mistresses,  100-101. 

Mundr,  93. 

Murder,  293-294. 

Music,  323-324. 

Ndhjargir,  411-412. 

Names,  choice  of,  61 ;  religious  sig- 
nificance of,  61-62,  373. 

'NattverSr,  151. 

Nature  worship,  363-364. 

Navigation,  Scandinavian  skill  in, 
211-212. 

ISIid,  295-296. 

Njord,  374-375. 

Nobles,  place  in  social  classification, 
36;  classes  of,  52-54. 

Norns,  402. 

Nuts,  159. 

Kykar,  402-403. 

Odin,  371-373. 

Ogalsboendr,  49-52. 

Officials,    administrative,    271-280. 

Old  Stone  Age,  8. 

Oracles,  392-393. 

Ordeals,  305-306. 

Oseberg  Ship,  207,  417-418. 

Out-buildings,  140-141. 

Outlawry,   314-316. 

Pack  horses,  198. 
Pantry,  138. 


Peace,  merchant's,  22.3-224;  mar- 
ket, 236-237;  thing,  286;  relig- 
ious, 387. 

Pets,   181-182,   183,   185,  417. 

Plows,    166-167. 

Plunder,  262-263. 

Poetry:  age  of  oldest,  335;  classes, 
335-336;  eddaic,  336-337;  skal- 
dic,  338;  rules  governing,  338- 
341. 

Poets,  leading,  338. 

Polygyny,  99-100. 

Population  of  Scandinavia  in  the 
Viking  Age,  7. 

Prayer,  391. 

Price-fixing,  231-232. 

"Prime-signing,"    394—395. 

Prisoners   of  war,   267-268. 

Prose,  general  character,  341;  sagas, 
341-346. 

Punishment  for  crime,   309-316. 

Refinement,  personal,  84. 

Reindeer,  domestic,  170,  172;  as 
draught  animals,    199. 

Rivers,  of  Scandinavia,  3;  as  high- 
ways, 219. 

Roads,  191-193. 

Robbery,  294. 

Runes:  character  of,  346-347; 
origin,  347-348;  media  used  in 
forming,  348-349;  use  for  convey- 
ing practical  information,  349; 
use  for  recording  literature,  349- 
350. 

Rune  stones,  333. 

Russia,  Swedes  in,  1,  15,  20,  84, 
420-421. 

Sacrifice,  religious,  387-391. 
Saddle  horses,  character,  197:  equip- 
ment,   197-198. 
Sagas,  341-346. 
Saga-telling,  323. 
Sailors,  208-210:  211-212. 
Salt,  155. 

Salutation,   form   of,   319.    " 
Scandinavia,  Greater,  1-2. 
Scandinavian  Alps,  3. 


450 


INDEX 


Scientific   knowledge,    353-358,   pas- 
sim. 
Self-cong-ciousness,  racial,  32-33. 

JScrfdom  in  Denmark,  45-46. 

Settees,    145. 

Sheep,  171-172. 

Shields,   2G0-2G1. 

Sliip-buildinf,',  Scandinavian  skill  in, 
200. 

Ship-levy,  252-253. 

Ships,  preneral  character,  200-202, 
204-207;  method  of  construction, 
201-202;  size,  203-204;  orna- 
mentation, 205;  general  appear- 
ance, 207-208;  crew  of,  208;  ac- 
commodations for  crew  in,  208- 
200;  passengers  on,  200-210;  har- 
bors and  landings  for,  210-211; 
launching  and  landing,  211  ;  speed 
of,  214. 

Shoes,  7G-77,  81. 

Sick,  care  of,  411. 

Sideboards,  147. 

Siege  in  warfare,  200. 

Siegfried  story  in  Sweden,  103,  333. 

Signs,  belief  in,  398-399. 

Signy,  114. 

Sigrid,  113. 

Shali.     Sec    Sleeping    room. 

Skating,  327. 

Skeeing,  327. 

"Skridfinns."     See    Lapps. 

Slander,   295-29G. 

Slavery,  disappearance  of  in  Scan- 
dinavia, 45. 

Slaves:  rank  in  Scandinavian  so- 
ciety, 36;  origin,  36-38;  treat- 
ment of,  38-40;  price  of,  40;  chil- 
dren of,  41  ;  emancipation  of,  41- 
43. 

Sledges,  198-199. 

Sleeping  room,  130-137. 

Social  gatherings,  opportunities  for, 
317-318;  invitations  to,  318; 
preparation  for  the  reception  of 
guests,   318;    seating  at,  319-320. 

.•^v;.',  159-160. 

Soothsayers,  392-393. 

Stealing,  294. 


Stofa.     See  Living  room. 

Store  house,    139. 

Summer  work,  163-175;  175-177, 
passitn. 

Superstition,  part  played  in  Scandi- 
navia, 397;  character  of,  398-410. 

Surnames,  63. 

Suttee,  the,  103-104. 

Swine,  170,  172. 

Tables,   147-148. 

Tapestries,  144. 

Temples,   380-381. 

Thing:  general  character,  280-281; 
place  of  meeting,  281-282;  living 
conditions  at,  282-283;  people 
found  at,  283 ;  required  attend- 
ance at,  284-285 ;  summons  to, 
28.')-286;  regulations  governing, 
286;    mock   assemblies  of,   328. 

Thor,  figure  of  used  in  decorations, 
145;  character  of  worship  of,  369- 
371. 

Tliorberga,  115. 

Thor'a  hammer,  pendants  shaped 
like,  79;  use  of  at  weddings,  97. 

Thurithr,  114-115. 

Time,  determination  of,  353-35G. 

Tools,  building,  132. 

Topography  of  Scandinavia,  2-4. 

Torches,  161. 

Towns,  infiuence  of  commerce  upon 
growth  of,  239;  Swedish,  239- 
240;  Danish,  241-242;  Norwe- 
gian, 242-243;  character  of  early 
Scandinavian,  243-244:  of  Greater 
Scandinavia,  244-24(!. 

Trade,  domestic,  215-217;  honor 
connected  with  foreign,  217; 
routes  of,  218-220;  exports,  220- 
222  ;  imports,  222 ;  regulations  re- 
garding,  223-225. 

Trapping,  ISl. 

Travelers,  entertainment  of,  194- 
195;  public  shelters  for,  195-196. 

Travel;  amount,  191;  methods,  196- 
200;  measurements  of  distance  on 
land  and  water,  212-214. 

Trolls,  403-404. 


INDEX 


451 


Truce,  litigation,  309. 
lyr,  375. 

Ullcr,  376-377. 

VaSmal.     See  Wadmal. 

ydp'l^atalc,  290. 

Varangians,   252. 

Vegetables,  159-lGO. 

Veil,  wedding,  97. 

Vikings:  ideals  of,  247-248;  com- 
parison with  English  freebooters, 
249;  routes  of,  219-220;  coopera- 
tive organization  of,  250-251 ; 
Jomsborg,  251-252.    See  Warfare. 

Vindskeiffr,  for  houses,  132;  for 
ships,   209. 

Volcanoes  of  Iceland,  4. 

Valvar,   120,  409-410. 

Wadmal,  73. 

Wager  of  battle,  30G-309. 

Wagons,    19S-199. 

War,  summons  to,  254. 

Warfare,  naval,  261;  land,  261-262; 

methods    of    Scandinavian,    262- 

268. 
Weapons :    swords,  255-256 ;    spears, 

256-257 ;   bows  and  arrows,   257 ; 

clubs,  257;  battle  axes,  257-258. 


Weights  and  measures,  225-227. 

Wergeld,  28-30;  for  West  Gothland, 
33;  for  Scandinavia,  as  a  whole, 
311-312. 

Werwolves,  407. 

Whales,  186-187. 

Wlioy,  155-156. 

Wife-purchase.    90,    94. 

Winter  work,  168,  177-178. 

Witclies,  404-409. 

Wives,  position  of,  100,  104;  trans- 
fer of,  102;  death  of  on  husbands' 
funeral  pyre,   103-105. 

Women,  status  of,  109,  110-111; 
characteristics  of  Scandinavian, 
110;  influence  of,  111-112;  effect 
of  Viking  Age  upon,  112,  120- 
122;  effect  of  Christianity  upon, 
121-122;  representative,  112-117; 
without  guardians,  117;  work  of 
in  connection  with  the  home,  118; 
other  occupations  open  to,  118- 
119. 

Wool-plucking,  173-174. 

Work  day,  150. 

Worship,  nature,  263-264 ;  animal, 
364;  of  human  beings,  365;  an- 
cestor, 365-367. 

Yule,  355,  356. 


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